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International Migrants in China’s Global
City
Reviewed by: Michiel Baas
Reviewed item:
International Migrants in China's Global City The New Shanghailanders
James Farrer. 2019.
International Migrants in China’s Global City: The New Shanghailanders
Abingdon and New York: Routledge
ISBN 9780815382638
In When We Were Orphans (2000), well-known author Kazuo Ishiguro situates his
novel in the Shanghai of the 1930s. Caught up in the Second Sino-Japanese War
which hits the foreigner’s enclave of the city pretty hard, the main character – an
Englishman born in the city at the turn of the century – attempts to unravel of his
parents’ disappearance. Throughout reading James Farrer’s new book International
Migrants in China’s Global City, I was reminded of this book and in particular its
emphasis on nostalgia, the idea of lost world, or at least at the brink of
disappearance. There is something undeniably evocative and enchanting about the
idea of Shanghai with the way it packages a certain je ne sais quoi old-world charm
with high-rise skyscrapers and the reality of being the concentration of so much of
China’s new wealth.
James Farrer’s study is very firmly set in the ‘now’ of New China but builds upon
the wealth of two decades of research material in which the idea of a much older
Shanghai is a recurring topic of conversation. Farrer himself moved to the city in
1993 as a graduate student of Chinese society, and would eventually marry a
Shanghai-local, now well-known migration scholar Gracia Liu-Farrer. The first
chapter of his book – aptly titled ‘Migrant Shanghai’ – is therefore (as is the case
with the rest of the book) as much about himself and his own engagement with the
city, as it is about the way international migrants have occupied certain parts and
strata of the city, as well as witnessed and experienced the changes it has
undergone.
Even though Farrer posits that China has transitioned from being a source of
migrants globally to a country that can now be considered a migrant destination
itself, the main focus lies firmly with earlier generations of (mainly though not
exclusively western) migrants. Considering their fairly privileged status, it makes
sense to label these as expats, though Farrer is quick to point out its fuzzy and
problematic character (p. 4). The first chapter then sets out to provide a framework
for the rest of the book that considering its broad scope and the incredibly rich
material on hand, does not always appear to be in synch with the beautiful
descriptions and lush digressions (historically, architecturally, with reference to
questions of heritage, culinary changes and otherwise) it offers in subsequent
chapters. The book not only brims with energy and passion but in jostling a
multitude of identities and foci seems to contain the possibility for several volumes
of the length on offer here.
I could now proceed to provide an outline of the main points the book seeks to
make and the way it is structured but instead it makes more sense to examine how
it contributes to two fields of scholarship that it seeks to contribute to. As an urban
scholar who has lived in Shanghai for many years and now resides in Tokyo where
he, among others, studies the changing landscape of Japanese capital’s culinary
scene, Farrer is incredibly well-equipped to reflect on questions of urban change, the
way urbanites (both old- and newcomers) relate to each other, as well as the way
cities themselves like to ‘think’ of themselves. Shanghai is an excellent case in point
here. For one, it is not just a new and exceedingly popular destination for highlyeducated migrants from the west, but has been so for more than a century. Now a
global city with a distinct cosmopolitan vibe, China’s economic powerhouse has
also become a destination for mid-skilled migrants seeking to profit from the
country’s economic boom. The visual change the city has undergone is undeniable
with some of the world’s highest skyscrapers, but changes on the ground can also
be felt with the presence of so-called laowai (foreigners) having become much more
common. It has resulted in a next generation of new Shanghailanders (the subtitle of
the book) whose trajectories differ markedly from the ‘old’ ones and whose
narrations often tell a distinct tale of change, loss and concern with the idea of what
the city once was.
It is most definitely where the true strength of the book lies. In unearthing old
interview material, revisiting long-term informants, and weaving in the narratives
of more recent ones, Farrer is able to sketch changes in attitudes, expectations, and
experiences of ‘newcomers’ over the period of roughly two decades. What is
particularly revealing here is how ‘constructed’ various notions are of what
Shanghai could offer these foreigners; the imagined potential it has for them; and
how they relate and engage with its changing realities. Shanghai, so much becomes
clear, has been a place of the imagination – an oriental fantasy so to speak – across
generations of migrants, who longed for a Shanghai none of them had ever truly
been part of. It is the Shanghai the main character in Ishiguro’s novel was born into
but which, faced with the war, was already under siege at the time and in the
process of being destroyed. Throughout Farrer’s study we encounter characters –
long-term migrants (even though that characterization feels somewhat off) – who
are keen to protect the city’s colonial/foreign heritage, in a bid to protect (or
excavate) a lost world that mainly seems to exist in the imagination. The
Shanghainese, in contrast, seem much less interested in this, and are keen to move
to the suburbs and experience all the new China has in store for them there. In fact,
the city now has suburbs modelled on a faux-interpretation of European
architecture – such as Dutch and French – that appeals somewhat similarly to a
nostalgia for a reality its ‘new’ inhabitants do not share a lived experience with.
Navigating the different chapters and relishing in the stunning accounts of older
generations of ‘migrants’, I could not help wonder about the idea of migration itself
and the way we – as scholars – aim to capture what we think migration is. In recent
years, the Asia Research Institute (of the National University of Singapore) of which
I myself was also part for many years, organized, hosted and took part in numerous
activities to investigate new developments in migration. Besides a renewed focus on
the migration industry, more recently questions have been raised about what
precisely ‘skills’ mean within the context of changing geopolitical dimensions,
especially now that formerly relatively closed-off countries such as China and Japan
are increasingly welcoming ‘skilled’ migrants. Who are these new migrants and
how do they land locally? How do they fit in with existing communities of
(formerly foreign) migrants? And do they engage differently with the idea of
belonging, integrating and the potential to move on? Farrer’s book, with its
longitudinal perspective, makes an invaluable contribution here for a variety of
reason. For one, Farrer’s study shows how important it is to return to the field over
a longer-period of time to map change in experiences and perceptions. Migration
research is often characterized by snap-shot moments, influenced by the vary nature
of migration policies itself, which tend to change regularly. Yet by considering the
long-term trajectories of foreigners in a particular place, what we start to realize is
how the city itself is impacted by this, and how ‘settlers’ themselves are influenced
by the dynamics of (urban) change. It renders migrants less temporary, even if they
themselves might move-on at an individual level. Besides that, it ‘simply’ puts
emphasis on a changing world, and how the reality of migranthood is always
governed and impacted by change. While migration research has a tendency to
focus on rules and regulations here – which especially for low-skilled migrants
increasingly means economic as well as social precarity in host nations – economic,
social and political changes at a regional and global level should not be omitted
from the (longer term) analysis either.
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There is clearly much to be gained from a close reading of James Farrer’s sensitive
and rich new work. Perhaps a small point of critique would be that the title of his
book clearly does not do the study justice. The lack of illustrations is also something
to lament. Even though Farrer’s descriptions are hugely rewarding and offer
excellent compensation here, it is sad to see this more general trend continued in
academic publishing whereby it is increasingly made hard for authors to provide
their accounts with the necessary visuals. Finally, and here’s a rather opportunistic
wish, I so very much hope that Farrer will one-day turn his material and insights
into a more generally accessible (non-academic) account of a changing Shanghai.
There must be few people more capable to pull this off!
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