5
Clouds, Eupolis and Reperformance
Hallie Rebecca Marshall
The extant text of Aristophanes’ Clouds is generally held to be an unperformed
revision of the play that had been staged in competition at the Dionysia in 424/3
BC.1 The reasons for the opinion that this version of the play was not staged are
threefold:
(1) An ancient hypothesis to the play (Hyp. I Dover = Hyp. 6 Wilson; hereafter Hyp.
I) claims: τοῦτο ταὐτόν ἐστι τῷ προτέρῳ. διεσκεύασται δὲ ἐπὶ μέρους ὡς ἂν δὴ
ἀναδιδάξαι μὲν αὐτὸ τοῦ ποιητοῦ προθυμηθέντος, οὐκέτι δὲ τοῦτο δι’ ἥν ποτε
αἰτίαν ποιήσαντος. ‘This [the extant text] is the same as the previous one, but it has
been revised in details, as it would be if the poet wanted to produce it again but for
some reason or other did not after all do so.’2
(2) A scholion on Clouds 553: Ἐρατοσθένης δέ φησι Καλλίμαχον ἐγκαλεῖν ταῖς
διδασκαλίαις, ὅτιφέρουσιν ὕστερον τρίτῳ ἔτει τὸν Μαρικᾶν τῶν Νεφελῶν, σαφῶς
ἐνταῦθα εἰρημένου, ὅτι πρῶτος καθεῖται. λανθάνει δὲ αὐτόν, φησίν, ὅτι ἐν μὲν
ταῖς διδαχθείσαις οὐδὲν τοιοῦτον εἴρηκεν· ἐν δὲ ταῖς ὕστερον διασκευασθείσαις
εἰ λέγεται, οὐδὲν ἄτοπον· αἱ διδασκαλίαι δὲ δηλονότι τὰς διδαχθείσας φέρουσιν.
‘Eratosthenes says that Callimachus found fault with the Didaskaliai because they
show Marikas being produced two years later than Clouds, though here it clearly
stated that it (Marikas) was produced first. Eratosthenes says that Callimachus was
ignorant of the fact that no such thing was said in the version that was produced,
and there is nothing strange about it being said in the later revision. Obviously the
Didaskaliai list the plays that were produced.’3
(3) the text as it has been transmitted to us seems not to have been revised in full, nor
is it complete.4
In this paper I argue that in light of the evidence of plays with apparently similar
textual traditions, and considering the scholarship done in recent years on the
reperformance of plays in Attica and beyond, we ought to reconsider what the extant
Clouds might represent in terms of ancient performance. I contend that it is more
reasonable to assume that this text is fundamentally similar to other dramatic texts
from the fifth century, and therefore almost certainly a text rooted in performance,
than to argue that it remains uniquely unperformed .5
The first piece of evidence brought to bear on the argument for or against
performance are the words of Hypothesis I, cited in the previous paragraph.
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Hypotheses II Dover (= Hyp. 5 Wilson; hereafter Hyp. II) similarly reports that the
revision was not staged:
αἱ πρῶται Νεφέλαι ἐδιδάχθησαν ἐν ἄστει ἐπὶ ἄρχοντος Ἰσάρχου, ὅτε Κρατῖνος
μὲν ἐνίκα Πυτίνῃ, Ἀμειψίας δὲ Κόννῳ. διόπερ Ἀριστοφάνης ἀπορριφεὶς
παραλόγως ᾠήθη δεῖν ἀναδιδάξας τὰς Νεφέλας τὰς δευτέρας καταμέμφεσθαι
τὸ θέατρον. ἀτυχῶν δὲ πολὺ μᾶλλον καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἔπειτα οὐκέτι τὴν διασκευὴν
εἰσήγαγεν. αἱ δὲ δεύτεραι Νεφέλαι ἐπὶ Ἀμεινίου ἄρχοντος.
The first Clouds was produced at the City Dionysia during the archonship of
Isarchis (424/3 BC), when Cratinus won with Wineflask, Ameipsias <came
second> with Konnos. So Aristophanes, tossed out unreasonably, thought it
necessary to produce the second Clouds and chastise the audience. But his luck
was even worse with this and he did not thereafter produce the revised version.
The second Clouds dates to the archonship of Ameinias (i.e. 423/2 BC).6
In each hypothesis, the author starts from what he could presumably establish as fact,
either through his own recourse to the texts and didascalic records, or by reference to
information provided by commentaries. Hypothesis I tells us that the second Clouds
was the same as the first, but revised in details, and continues on to give specifics
about the nature of the revision, saying that the parabasis, the contest between
Right and Wrong, and the burning of Socrates’ school belong in their entirety to
the second version.7 This has the appearance of information derived from a direct
comparison of the two texts in question. Similarly, the statement in Hypotheses II
as to the year that the play was first produced, the festival at which it was entered
in competition, and how it placed represent the sort of detail which would have its
origin in the didascalic records and which could have, and at some point would have,
been checked against those records. In both hypotheses, however, the information
turns from the evidence provided by the text itself or by the historical records to an
attempt to explain why two differing scripts existed in the textual tradition but only
the first had a corresponding entry in the Didascaliae. The author of Hypothesis I is
more restrained in his speculation than the author of Hyposthesis II: his evidence
demonstrates clearly that Aristophanes revised the text, and he assumes that this
must have been with the intent of reperformance, but since there is no didascalic
record of a second production, he deduces that for some reason the revised text
must not in the end have been performed.8 The author of Hypothesis II seems less
restrained, but he does not provided any further evidence to support his claims. He
too is clearly aware that there were two divergent texts of Clouds, and he seems to
make the assumption that the second version of Clouds was Aristophanes’ response
to the first Clouds having placed third in competition. One suspects that the author
has relied on the parabasis of the revised Clouds in his reasoning here (520-5):
οὕτω νικήσαιμί τ’ ἐγὼ καὶ νομιζοίμην σοφός,
ὡς ὑμᾶς ἡγούμενος εἶναι θεατὰς δεξιοὺς
καὶ ταύτην σοφώτατ’ ἔχειν τῶν ἐμῶν κωμῳδιῶν,
†πρώτους ἠξίωσ’ ἀναγεῦσ’ ὑμᾶς†, ἣ παρέσχε μοι
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ἔργον πλεῖστον· εἶτ’ ἀνεχώρουν ὑπ’ ἀνδρῶν φορτικῶν
ἡττηθεὶς οὐκ ἄξιος ὤν·
So I may win the prize and be thought sage, I took you for intelligent theatregoers
and this for the most sophisticated of my comedies; that is why I though you
deserved to be the first to savor it, a play that cost me very hard work. Then I
lost the contest, defeated by vulgar men, though I didn’t deserve it.9
The author of the hypothesis dates the revision to the year following its first
performance, to the archonship of Ameinias (423/2 BC), but claims that it was even
more of a failure and therefore was not produced (by which he presumably means
that Aristophanes was not granted a chorus for the play at the Dionysia in 422).10
The date given by the second hypothesis for the revised text is demonstrably
wrong. This is seen on the basis of exactly the evidence that had caused confusion
for Callimachus, as attested by the scholion to Clouds 553. The revised Clouds makes
specific mention of Eupolis’ Maricas, which was produced two years after the first
Clouds. The extant play must therefore postdate the production of Maricas.11 More
relevant for my argument is the fact that Hypothesis II provides no details for the
supposed greater failure of the second Clouds, though the reasoning is likely the same
as that of the author of the first hypothesis. The evidence that survive in a variety of
sources indicates two relatively secure facts:
(1) two texts of Clouds were in circulation in antiquity, with one clearly being a
revised version of the earlier play; and
(2) there were didascalic records indicating that Clouds had been produced at the
Dionysia in 424/3, where it placed third, but there was no corresponding entry for
a revised version of the play in subsequent years.
There is no indication of evidence, however, to support anything in the hypotheses
beyond these two facts. The remainder of the information provided by them seems to
be a series of deductions to explain these details: that a revised text surely indicated
that Aristophanes wanted to remount his play; that the new parabasis suggested
that this was in part to defend his reputation as a playwright; that since there was
no didascalic record of a second production, the revision must have been even less
successful than the first; and finally that the only thing less successful than coming in
third place, is not being granted a chorus in the first place.
In both cases the logic of the progression from evidence to speculation is
comprehensible, and similar, if not identical, to the steps of logic followed by modern
scholars when faced with the same evidence. Indeed, Rosen describes the scholion to
Clouds 553 as ‘the most compelling evidence to suggest that the revised Clouds was
not, in fact, performed’.12 I will argue, however, that the assumption that our texts
were only performed at the Lenaia and City Dionysia is incorrect, and that recent
scholarship on performance outside these venues means that this assumption about
the relationship between text and competitive performance ought be re-evaluated.
We may even evaluate to what extent modern scholars have been led to conclusions
about the non-performance of the second Clouds by the hypotheses and the scholion,
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by comparing the standard view of the performance history of Clouds to other
Athenian comedies.
Other plays of Old Comedy apparently circulated in two separate versions
(Aristophanes’ Aeolosicon, Thesmophoriazusae, Peace, and Wealth, Diocles’ Thyestes,
Magnes’ Dionysus, and Eupolis’ Autolycus).13 Also relevant is Aristophanes’ Frogs,
which survives as a single text, but preserves variants which represent revision for
reperformance. The number of titles known to us suggest that it may in fact have
been if not common, at least not unusual for ancient plays to be revised in some
fashion.14 We must be cautious, however, to separate our knowledge of ‘double’ texts
of tragedies from ‘double’ texts of Old Comedy, as the available evidence suggests that
these may represent two separate phenomena. When Butrica wants to argue for the
two attested versions of Thesmophoriazusae being two distinct plays under a single
title, the ancient evidence that he brings to bear for this possibility derives exclusively
from tragic examples.15 The examples from Old Comedy are fundamentally different
from the tragic examples, however. It seems that all the double plays in Old Comedy
bear some narrative relationship to one another. We can see this difference in
the practice of the Hellenistic librarians: where they could give adjectival titles to
distinguish two similarly named tragedies, comedies are only ever distinguished by
number.16 The only two examples where the evidence extends meaningfully beyond
very limited evidence that the same title was used for two separate Old Comedies is
with the text of the revised Clouds and its first hypothesis and testimonia surrounding
Eupolis’ Autolycus.
While no text of Autolycus has survived there is sound evidence, as laid out by
Storey, that two versions of this play were in circulation in antiquity.17 In addition to
the five citations which seem to distinguish between two separate Autolycus plays,
there is Galen’s very helpful definition of epidieskeuasthai (ἐπιδιεσκευάσθαι):
λέγεται βιβλίον ἐπὶ τῷ προτέρῳ γεγραμμένῳ τὸ δεύτερον γραφέν, ὅταν τὴν
ὑπόθεσιν ἔχον τὴν αὐτὴν καὶ τὰς πλείστας τῶν ῥήσεων τὰς αὐτὰς τινὰ μὲν
ἀφῃρημένα τῶν ἐκ τοῦ προτέρου συγγράμματος ἔχῃ, τινὰ δὲ προσκείμενα,
τινὰ δ’ ὑπηλλαγμένα· παράδειγμα δ’ εἰ βούλει τούτου σαφηνείας ἕνεκα, τὸν
δεύτερον Αὐτόλυκον Εὐπόλιδος ἔχεις ἐκ τοῦ προτέρου διεσκευασμένον.
This term is used of a work that is rewritten from the original version. It has the
same plot and most of the same text, but will have some things removed from
the original, some things added, and some revised. If for the sake of clarity you
need an example, you have the second Autolykos of Eupolis ‘revised’ from its
previous version.18
As Storey notes, Galen’s definition also fits well with the Clouds revisions described
by Hypothesis I. Within three years of Clouds, then, Autolycus was apparently
revised in a similar manner, even though, like Clouds, we have only a single date for
performance attested.19 But Storey’s immediate assumption, which would I think be
generally accepted, is that Eupolis’ play was performed twice and that the divergent
texts represent the two separate performances. Indeed Storey says, ‘Autolycus is the
only play by Eupolis that we know was performed a second time’.20 But the reality is
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that not a single piece of the evidence for a second Autolycus says anything about a
second performance. Storey assumes that two texts mean two performances, and I
contend that this situation is exactly parallel to the evidence we have for Clouds.
The strong correspondence between the testimonia regarding the revised nature of
both Clouds and Autolycus as ‘double’ plays should encourage us to question whether
other Old Comedies that circulated under a single title were in fact completely new
plays. As Butrica noted, it may well have been that tragedies with the same title were
able to be distinguished from each other in the fifth century by the fact that they
did not stand alone as plays, but were part of a tetralogy – which Ajax was being
described could be defined by its companion plays.21 This is not true of Old Comedy,
which could potentially mean that what at first glance looks like a parallel habit in
both tragedy and Old Comedy of circulating new plays under previously used titles is
nothing of the sort. While it may have caused confusion for later scholars who were
often reading tragedies in the absence of their accompanying plays, fifth-century
Athenians may never have conceived of these as ‘double’ plays. Clouds and Autolycus
suggest that Old Comedies circulating under a single title were seen as revisions of
previously existing plays. Similarly, there is no strong evidence to assume that Clouds
alone of these ‘double’ plays went unperformed in its second incarnation.
The lynchpin for the non-performance for the extant Clouds is the apparent lack
of a second entry for Clouds in the didascalic records: as Rosen puts it, ‘Eratosthenes’
brief comment, then, certainly holds that a second, revised performance of Clouds
never appeared in the didascalic records at Athens, and so was probably never
performed’.22 The absence of Clouds from the didascalic records a second time can
only be taken as evidence that the revised text was not performed in either of the
two central Athenian competitions following its initial performance in 424/3.23 It
should not be taken as evidence that the revised text was never performed.24 This has
implications for Autolycus as well: a second script does not necessarily mean a second
performance in competition at the Lenaia or Dionysia. Indeed, several other possible
performance contexts present themselves:
(a) the revised script may have been performed at another dramatic festival in Athens.
(b) the revised script may have been performed under specific non-competitive
conditions in Athens (as was the case with Frogs, perhaps25).
(c) the revised script may have been intended for production in a non-Athenian
context, which may or may not have been competitive.
(d) the revised script, though unperformed (perhaps having failed to secure a chorus),
remained in circulation and was seen as a text intended only for reading purposes.
Clouds has generally been thought to fall into this final category, uniquely. The other
three bear consideration, however, though I believe we may also exclude the first
possibility. Even though we know that major tragedians did not think it beneath
them to compete at the lesser festivals,26 there is no comparable evidence for comedy.
Further, plays at the Lenaia and Dionysia apparently shared dramatic conventions:
a play written for one festival was dramaturgically coherent with a play written for
the other,27 and I presume that the same would be true of other Athenian dramatic
competitions. Since the extant text of Clouds does not cohere with established
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performance conventions, this seems considerably less probable.28 Nevertheless,
two likely performance circumstances remain: either non-competitive performance
within Athens or performance in another community.
Clouds and Autolycus are not our only evidence for the practice of revision of
Old Comedy. There were two versions of Aristophanes’ Peace, Thesmophoriazusae,
and Wealth, and Frogs seems to preserve small-scale revisions alongside the original
performance text of 405 BC. While we do not know whether plays listed under
the same title are in fact completely distinct plays rather than one being a revision,
where two versions are accepted, the assumption is always that these alternate
texts represent a double performance tradition. There is some evidence to support
this. The Hypothesis to Frogs, for example, cites Aristotle’s student Dicaearchus as
the source for the fact that ‘the play was so admired because of its parabasis that it
was actually produced a second time’.29 No one doubts the play was reperformed,
but when and where are not certain, and it is not clear if this honorary re-staging
was within the competitive context or not. As in the case of all the other double
texts of Aristophanes, we have only one secure date for production, on the basis of
which, coupled with dateable internal references in the text or fragments, scholars
guesstimate when it might have been staged. There are two points to be made here.
First, the evidence leans towards certain plays being revised by Aristophanes and
Eupolis, making it therefore likely that other poets of Old Comedy did so as well.
Not every play was revised it would seem, but enough were that it was not seen to
be unusual or peculiar. Secondly, in every instance (except for Plutus), there is only
one date that has come down to us from antiquity for performance in competition
at the Dionysia or Lenaia. This pattern seems to suggest that Clouds fits into a larger
pattern, and that it did not uniquely remain unperformed. Whatever happened is
best seen as part of a larger practice among fifth-century poets that resulted in plays
circulating in two scripts with a single production date.
If Clouds is not unique there are a number of consequences. First and foremost
we need to be much more circumspect about taking the parabasis (esp. Clouds
520-5) to heart. As Major has argued, it shares features and tone with a number of
other Aristophanic parabases.30 As a general rule, again, the parabasis of Clouds has
been treated as a unique passage, with the author directly addressing his failure in
competition, and this has been read as a reflection of Aristophanes’ genuine feelings.
Not only does the parabasis of Clouds share features with the parabases of other plays,
but there is even evidence that the parabasis could be somewhat formulaic. Indeed,
while Aristophanes claims not to bring things out two or three times,31 Peace 751-60
repeats Wasps 1029-37 almost verbatim. Indeed, it is on the evidence of this repetition
that Storey dismisses the relevance of Eupolis fr. 89 K-A to Clouds, suggesting that the
same accusation must also have been present in an earlier play.32 And as much as I
would like to take that fragment as evidence that Eupolis expected the revised Clouds
parabasis to be widely known, Storey is right to allow the possibility that Aristophanes
made the same charges in another play. Parabases by their nature are both formulaic
and topical, referring to events in the very recent past, and so are likely targets for largescale revision in reperformance. Within these formulaic conventions of chastising the
audience, Aristophanes got good mileage out of the result of the dramatic competition
of 423, and thus returned to it in at least two parabases.33
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5. Clouds, Eupolis and Reperformance
We must also reconsider the assumption that the first Clouds failed as miserably
as Aristophanes later describes. Taking the parabasis as autobiographical fact, many
believe Aristophanes revised the play in order to redeem his reputation following
what he felt was an unjust third-place finish. If this were the case, the extant
text of Clouds might represent one of two things: either, following Hypothesis
II, Aristophanes revised it with a view to reperformance but was not given the
opportunity to perform his play (and to this modern scholars add the suggestion
that Aristophanes then, still believing in his play when no one else apparently did,
put the text into circulation to redeem himself with a reading audience34), or the
revision was never intended for reperformance, and was simply a literary revision
for an exclusively reading audience.35 I find neither of these plausible. If the play
was such a failure, in either scenario, we must ask who do we imagine would be
interested in reading the play, and who do we think would be willing to invest the
time and money on producing copies of such a text? In every single competition
someone had to come in last place (just ask Euripides). Surely many poets thought
that they had deserved to place better. The sort of revision and distribution that
we are envisioning for Aristophanes, however, did not apparently lead to a flood
of revised texts seeking redemption for their authors. Furthermore other examples
from comedy provides a counter-example. Peace placed second at the Dionysia in
421, and even Frogs, which placed first, was partially revised for reperformance.
This suggests that a play may have been revised regardless of how it had placed, and
so, whatever is behind these doublets, it is unlikely to be poetic redemption before
the eyes of the public.
We may even question ‘losing’ might really mean. Because of the nature of the
voting process, a third-place finisher might still have received support from several
judges (and not even necessarily the fewest votes),36 and placement in competition
need not correspond to a play’s popularity with the audience. We even have a (late)
anecdote from Aelian, VH 2.13, that suggests Clouds was in fact a crowd favourite:
ἐκρότουν τὸν ποιητὴν ὡς οὔ ποτε ἄλλοτε, καὶ ἐβόων νικᾶν, καὶ προσέταττον
τοῖς κριταῖς ἄνωθεν Ἀριστοφάνην ἀλλὰ μὴ ἄλλον γράφειν
They (the audience) applauded the poet as never before and shouted that he
should win and commanded the judges from above to write no other name but
Aristophanes.37
So while Clouds placed third when it was first performed in 424/3, there is evidence
to support the idea that despite Aristophanes’ apparently indignant response, his play
was in fact very well received in this year. And despite ‘losing’ at the Dionysia 424/3,
Aristophanes was back at the next major dramatic festival, the Lenaea of 422 with not
one but two plays: Wasps, which he directed and which placed second, and Proagon,
directed by Philonides, which placed first. It seems a remarkable coup for any poet to
have two plays in the same competition38 and this suggests that despite appearances
Aristophanes had somehow won substantial favour with those who granted the
honour of producing plays at the festivals. Two choruses in the same festival would
require substantial expenditure of Athenian resources, financial and otherwise, and
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can only be read as a clear marker of faith, by everyone involved, in Aristophanes’
talent as a poet of Old Comedy.
Considered in this light, it becomes increasingly improbable that Clouds was the
failure that it is so often made out to be. If the revised text is not a response to a
failed production, we need to reconsider what it might represent. In light of what
Storey has called ‘the curious matter of the Lenaia festival of 422’, we should give
serious consideration to the possibility that, despite placing third at the Dionysia, this
was among Aristophanes’ most warmly received plays. This fits with the anecdote
in Aelian (which, though from the second century AD, may have some historical
basis), and it raises the possibility that Clouds was revised because it was still being
performed several years after its debut at the Dionysia. This possibility also finds
some potential support in Eupolis fr. 89 K-A, which if it does refer to the revised
parabasis of Clouds would mean that the play was still expected to be familiar to
audiences when Eupolis’ Baptai was performed c. 417-415 BC.39 This theory of comic
reperformance explains why a limited number of scripts (perhaps those featuring
notorious caricatures of figures such as Euripides and Socrates, who continued to be
prominent in Athenian life) also circulated in doublets, but large numbers of plays
apparently did not.40
References to Clouds by Plato and Xenophon, both followers of Socrates, provide
two final pieces of evidence which ought to be considered. At Apology 19a-c, Plato
has Socrates say:
Ἀναλάβωμεν οὖν ἐξ ἀρχῆς τίς ἡ κατηγορία ἐστὶν ἐξ ἧς ἡ ἐμὴ διαβολὴ γέγονεν, ᾗ
δὴ καὶ πιστεύων Μέλητός με ἐγράψατο τὴν γραφὴν ταύτην. εἶεν· τί δὴ λέγοντες
διέβαλλον οἱ διαβάλλοντες; ὥσπερ οὖν κατηγόρων τὴν ἀντωμοσίαν δεῖ
ἀναγνῶναι αὐτῶν ‘Σωκράτης ἀδικεῖ καὶ περιεργάζεται ζητῶν τά τε ὑπὸ γῆς καὶ
οὐράνια καὶ τὸν ἥττω λόγον κρείττω ποιῶν καὶ ἄλλους ταὐτὰ ταῦτα διδάσκων’.
τοιαύτη τίς ἐστιν· ταῦτα γὰρ ἑωρᾶτε καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐν τῇ Ἀριστοφάνους κωμῳδίᾳ,
Σωκράτη τινὰ ἐκεῖ περιφερόμενον, φάσκοντά τε ἀεροβατεῖν καὶ ἄλλην πολλὴν
φλυαρίαν φλυαροῦντα, ὧν ἐγὼ οὐδὲν οὔτε μέγα οὔτε μικρὸν πέρι ἐπαΐω.
Let us then take up the case from its beginning. What is the accusation from
which arose the slander in which Meletus trusted when he wrote out the charge
against me? What did they say when they slandered me? I must, as if they
were my actual prosecutors, read the affidavit they would have sworn. It goes
something like this: Socrates is guilty of wrongdoing in that he busies himslef
studying things in the sky and below the earth; and he makes the worse into the
stronger argument, and he teaches these same things to others. You have seen
this yourself in the comedy of Aristophanes, a Socrates swinging about there,
saying he was walking on air and talking a lot of nonsense about things which
I know nothing at all.41
Plato’s Apology takes place in 399 BC, and was written sometime thereafter. Socrates
was a frequent butt of comedic jests in the plays of Old Comedy between 423 and 399.
But despite numerous jokes about Socrates in multiple plays, Plato assumes not only
that the jurors have seen Clouds in performance but that they remember the play,
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and that their opinion of Socrates may have been swayed by his depiction therein.42
That these Athenians would remember a third-place play that had been staged nearly
a quarter of a century earlier, in a city where there had been more than 150 new
comedies at the Dionysia and Lenaia in the intervening period should be surprising.
Socrates’ followers, Plato and Xenophon, who both were small children in 423, both
foreground Clouds in representing the public perception of Socrates by those who
did not know him personally. One can envisage a scenario whereby Socrates’ bookish
followers, looking for reasons to explain the jury’s disposition against him, found
Aristophanes’ Clouds to be the most egregious and perhaps sustained attack on him
in Old Comedy. But that does not account for Plato’s suggestion that the jurors had
actually seen Aristophanes’ Socrates, and that this depiction would have has such a
memorable impact on them that it might still sway their judgment of the man more
than two decades after the fact. For Plato to think that this play was of such potential
influence to that it would be addressed directly in Socrates’ defence speech, there
would have to have been a reperformance of the play at some point in the not-sodistant past. While it would be possible to come up with an Earl of Essex/Richard II
scenario for reproduction on the eve of the trial, the internal references within our
extant script are absolutely clear that our revised text dates from much earlier.43
It is also possible that Xenophon tells us something about the afterlife of Clouds.44
Xenophon, writing well after the death of Socrates in the fourth century, chose to set
his Symposium in the year 421, with himself as a guest, even though the historical
reality was that he would have been but a child at the time. We must assume that
Xenophon has a reason for the date and occasion at which he has set his work, as
well as for the details that he chooses to include. What the dialogue presents cannot
represent any historical event, but rather is a deliberately crafted literary fiction.
Within this fiction, Aristophanes’ Clouds enters the discussion, despite having been
performed decades before Xenophon wrote his work. At Symposium 6.6-10 the
Syracusan who has been hired to provide entertainment for the occasion approaches
Socrates and asks if he is the one they call the ‘thinker’ (Xen. Symp. 6.7, φθονῶν τῷ
Σωκράτει εἶπεν· ἆρα σύ, ὦ Σώκρατες, ὁ φροντιστὴς ἐπικαλούμενος;). He goes on to
say that Socrates is supposed to be ‘a thinker on celestial subjects’ and asks him to
measure the distance between them in flea feet (Xen. Symp. 6.7-8). There can be no
doubt that this is a reference to Clouds 144-54: the question should be, how does the
Syracusan know the play? Given that this entire event is a construction of Xenophon’s
imagination the question is not looking for a historical certainty. Rather, how does
Xenophon think the play was being disseminated among the public. Again, there
are a number of possibilities: the reader is meant to assume that the Syracusan saw
the play at the Dionysia in 423, and the play is still being discussed more than a year
on; or the Syracusan saw the play performed somewhere other than at the Dionysia;
or the Syracusan read the play. Whatever Xenophon had in mind, there is no doubt
that he viewed the play as damaging to the image of Socrates. When the Syracusan
brings up the play with Socrates he does so spitefully (φθονῶν). Xenophon gives us
a character who does not know Socrates to see him, and who is not Athenian, who,
on account of Aristophanes’ play, thinks of the philosopher as someone who studies
natural phenomena and discusses them in the most ridiculous of terms. Somehow,
this is also supposed to remain coherent for Xenophon’s audience, for whom the
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allusion must also be meaningful. Again, the possibility that Clouds possessed an
afterlife in performance following its debut seems the most likely of the three options
when we need to account for it apparently being familiar, or least being perceived to
be familiar to Syracusan procurers, Athenian jurors and Socrates’ followers.
The evidence of both Plato and Xenophon suggests a shared belief that
Aristophanes’ Clouds was widely known across a period of more than twenty years
and that the play shaped many people’s ideas about Socrates to his detriment. The
modern understanding of the history of Clouds, that it was a dismal third-place
failure and that a revised or partially revised text circulated as a means of redeeming
the play, simply cannot be reconciled with this perspective. On the other hand, a
very popular play, that continued to be reperformed following its premiere, to such
an extent that it was worth the author’s time to revise it several years later, would
account for the hostile view of the play maintained by two of Socrates’ followers in
the early years of the fourth century. Even today, in the age of cheap and accessible
means of textual production and reproduction, playscripts tend to be very ephemeral
objects. Plays that do not enter the literary canon or have regular revivals on the stage
disappear with alarming alacrity. Aristophanes’ Clouds survived in two versions, and
it continued to be perceived as culturally relevant and influential. The reason for this,
I believe, was that it continued to live on the stage in the years following its initial
performance.45
Notes
1. See Dover 1968: lxxxi-xcviii, and also Storey 1993: 73-4 and Rosen 1997: 401, all of which
rely on the same evidence for non-performance. Revermann 2006: 326-33, with the caveat that
the authors of the hypotheses may have been reliant on Athenian records and thus unaware of
non-Athenian performance, also accepts that the play was not performed, but argues that the
text of the revised Clouds was conceptualized by Aristophanes as a performance text.
2. Tr. Dover 1968: lxxxii.
3. Tr. Csapo and Slater 1995: 6.
4. For a succinct summary of the most serious internal problems, see Storey 1993: 73-4. On
the number of actors required by the extant script, and the potential performance problems
therein, see Russo 1994: 92-109; MacDowell 1994: 329-30; MacDowell 1995: 144-9; and
Revermann 2006: 224-35 and 326-28.
5. Athenaeus 270a says that he knows of two dramatists, Metagenes and Nicophon, who
were active in the fifth century, who wrote plays that were not staged. As Rosen (1997: 425 n.
9) cautions, however, Athenaeus gives no indication as to whether these plays had been written
with a view to performance and therefore cannot be used as evidence for a strictly text-based
tradition of dramatic poetry. And to Rosen’s caution, I would add that Athenaeus also tells us
nothing about why he believes that these plays were not performed. It is possible that the issue
here, as with the second Clouds, is the lack of an entry for either play in the didascalic record.
It is worth noting that Athenaeus does not include Clouds as a play that was believed to have
been unperformed.
6. Tr. Csapo and Slater 1995: 5.
7. See Dover 1968: lxxxiv.
8. For a discussion of the phrasing of the Hypothesis on this point and possible
interpretations of the phrasing, see Rosen 1997: 402.
9. Tr. Henderson 1998: 83.
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10. The date of 423/2 for the revision is not supported by the internal to later events, and is
likely a further logical deduction on the part of the scholiast, who has assumed that revision
would have occurred immediately following the play’s poor showing in the Dionysia of 424/3.
11. On the date for the revised Clouds see Kopff 1990 and Storey 1993, in response to Kopff.
12. Rosen 1997: 401.
13. On the known ‘double’ plays of Old Comedy and how they are referred to in ancient
secondary sources, see Butrica 2001: 55-61, Konstantakos 2004: 9-19, and Sommerstein 2010:
11-29.
14. Konstantakos 2004: 15 has argued that revision ‘was common in the Greek comic
theatre’. Revermann 2006: 330-31, on the evidence of an anecdote in Athenaeus (9.374a-b) and
KA test. 5.5 regarding Telecleides’ Sterroi, suggests that there may have been a general practice
of revision among the poets of Old Comedy.
15. Butrica 2001: 56-8.
16. Though see Konstakos 2004: 14, who argues that sometimes ‘the double title may be the
result of διασκευή, a second production of the play in a revised version. ... the poet could well
change the title, e.g. in order to give the impression that he was producing a new play and not
just rehashing old material’.
17. Storey 2003b: 82-4.
18. Galen, Commentary on Hippocrates’ On Regimen in Acute Diseases 1.4. See Storey
2003b: 83.
19. Storey provides two pieces of evidence for the date of the first Autolycus. A scholiast to
Plato’s Apology at 19c tells us that both Eupolis, in Autolycus, and Plato the comic playwright,
in his Nikai, made fun of Aristophanes’ statue of Peace. Given that Peace can be securely dates
to the Dionysia of 421 BC, Autolycus must date to 420 or later. That it was in 420 precisely
is made clear by the second piece of evidence: Athenaeus in the course of discussing the
chronological problems of philosophers in respect to Xenophon’s Symposium (216c-d), says:
ἔστιν δἐ οὗτος ὁ καιρὸς καθ’ ὃν Ἀριστίων ἄρχων ἦν. ἐπὶ τούτου γὰρ Εὔπολις τὸν Αὐτόλθκον
διδάξας διὰ Δημοστράτου χλευάζει τὴν νίκην τοῦ Αὐτολύκου. ‘This is the time when Aristion
was archon (421/0); for in that year Eupolis put on through Demostratos his Autolykos making
fun of the victory of Autolykos’ (tr. Storey 2003b: 81).
20. Storey 2003b: 82.
21. Butrica 2001: 56.
22. Rosen 1997: 401.
23. We know little about the afterlife of plays following their initial festival performance.
Given the number of anecdotes that we have about Athenian tragedians traveling abroad
because of non-Athenian demand for their plays and the evidence from vase paintings for
an audience in South Italy for Old Comedy, some plays could enjoy new performances on
the stage following their performance at the Dionysia or Lenaia. If we think that these plays
were being reperformed outside the boundaries of Attica, we must consider the possibility
that there were opportunities to restage these plays within Attica as well. We shouldn’t think in
terms of going from Broadway to off-Broadway: rather, having made the offering to Dionysus
in the appropriate festival context, the spoils of the ritual offerings could be shared more
widely among the community.
24. One further piece evidence is potentially relevant to reperformance. The anecdote
preserved by Herodotus (6.21) about Phyrnichus’ Fall of Miletus identifies the penalty for
reminding the Athenians of their own woes was a substantial fine and ‘they passed a regulation
that no one was to make use of this drama in the future’ (ἐπέταξαν μηκέτι μηδένα χρᾶσθαι
τούτῳ τῷ δράματι, tr. Csapo and Slater 1995: 11). The phrasing of this leaves open the
possibility that reperformance might not just be by the poet in competition, but that others
might also seek to stage a play following its performance in competition. Such anecdotes must
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always be used with caution, but Herodotus is of particular value for being a contemporary
source suggesting that reperformance was a possibility for a play with a disastrous reception.
25. Frogs apparently preserves line variants alongside one another: see, for example,
Sommerstein 1996 on lines 1251-60, 1431a-b, 1437-53.
26. See Pickard-Cambridge 1988: 40-2. Aelian, VH 2.13 describes Socrates going to the
Piraeus whenever Euripides was competing there.
27. The only exception to this I can find is Russo’s claim that the theatrical crane was
available only at the Dionysia (Russo 1994: 3).
28. The extant Clouds is apparently missing a chunk of choral text and has two scenes which
require four actors. Again, caution must be urged when reading anything into this when making
claims for performance or non-performance. Even the plays of Shakespeare, written with the
intent to create a script that would be reperformable and with the wonders of the printing
press readily available, frequently circulated in printed editions that are not stage-worthy (the
so-called ‘bad quartos’). Even in this relatively recent tradition, for which we have multiple
editions that can be compared against each other and good knowledge of the performance
context, there is no clear explanation for the origin of these substandard texts. It is only the
extant ‘good quartos’ and folio scripts, coupled with external evidence, that assures us that
these texts, whatever their origin, have their roots in a performance tradition. A cautionary
tale for classical scholars trying to explain the first stages of the textual history of Clouds is the
theory put forward by Pollard and Wilson as to why the first quarto of Romeo and Juliet was
‘bad’ and the second quarto ‘good’. Their proposed solution to this textual conundrum was that
the first quarto represented an early draft of the play set from Shakespeare’s manuscript, and
the second a final stage-ready revision of the play, also set from Shakespeare’s manuscript. On
the narratives created for the varying quality of the printed texts of Shakespeare, see Werstine
1990.
29. See Storey 2003b: 83.
30. See Major 2006: 138-43 for the somewhat habitual practice of using the parabasis to
chastise the audience and mock other writers of Old Comedy.
31. Clouds 546. Sommerstein 1991: 189, in his commentary on this line, writes that ‘this
assertion is audacious even by the standards of the present passage, since it is certain that
substantial parts of the revised Clouds are taken over virtually unaltered from the original
version’; he then points the duplicated passage in Peace and Wasps.
32. Storey 1990: 22.
33. In addition to complaining about his loss in the revised parabasis of Clouds, at Wasps
1043-5 Aristophanes seems to abuse the audience for their treatment of Clouds in 424/3.
34. See Rosen 1997: 405-11.
35. See Fowler 1989: 257-8.
36. See Marshall and van Willenberg 2004: 95-101.
37. Translated by Csapo and Slater 1995: 163.
38. See Storey 2003a: 281-92.
39. On the date of Eupolis’ Baptai, see Storey 1993 and Kopff 1990.
40. Though perhaps a coincidence, it is worth noting that two of the plays most plausibly
identified in vase-painting are plays with known multiple scripts: the Wurzberg Telephus (see
Csapo 1986 and Taplin 1987) which almost certainly depicts a scene from Thesmophoriazusae,
and the Getty birds, which may depict the agon from the first Clouds (see Taplin 1987, 93-6,
contra Green 1985).
41. Tr. Grube 1997: 17-18.
42. Revermann 2006: 329 uses Plato’s emphasis on the jury having seen the play, with no
mention of the possibility that they could read the play, to argue that there was a general
perception of performance being memorable and reading audiences being small. He
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acknowledges, however, that there are real questions about ‘how many jurors in 399 could
reasonably be assumed to have seen it’, if the first and only performance had taken place
twenty-four years earlier.
43. On 7 February 1601 the Lord Chamberlain’s Men, having been commissioned by
supporters of the Earl of Essex, put on a performance of Shakespeare’s Richard II, apparently
with the intent of fomenting ill-will towards Queen Elizabeth. On this performance, see
Dawson and Yachnin 2011: 2-9.
44. If I am correct in suggesting that double texts are indicative of popularity and
reperformance, one also wonders about Xenophon’s choice of occasion for the setting of his
Symposium: the athletic victory of the young Autolycus in 421. While we know little about the
actual content of Eupolis’ Autolycus, it too seems to have been tied to this same victory based
on its date, and it too circulated in two texts. This again raises the possibility that Xenophon was
using a general familiarity, both for himself and his audience, derived from reperformances of
old plays to select the settings of his Socratic dialogues. On the possible content of Autolycus,
see Storey 2003b: 84-92.
45. This work has supported by Government of Canada through the Social Sciences and
Humanities Research Council. I would like to thank the editors for their helpful suggestions
and comments, as well as Tyson Sukava, without whose assistance this paper may well
have resembled the incomplete text of Clouds. Thanks are also owed to Ian Storey for his
encouragement of my interest in this play over the years, even though my heresies could not
have been good for his angina.
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