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2019, Indigenous World
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13 pages
1 file
This article provides an update for 2019. The indigenous peoples of Namibia include the San, the Ovatue and Ovatjimba, and potentially a number of other peoples including the Ovahimba and Nama. Taken together, the indigenous peoples of Namibia represent some 8% of the total population of the country which was 2,533,244 in 2018. The San (Bushmen) number between 27,000 and 34,000, and represent between 1.06% and 1.3% of the national population. They include the Khwe, the Hai||om, the Ju|’hoansi, the !Kung, the !Xun, the Kao||Aesi, the Naro, and the !Xóõ. Each of the San groups speaks its own language and has distinct customs, traditions and histories. The San were mainly hunter-gatherers in the past but, today, many have diversified livelihoods. Over 80% of the San have been dispossessed of their ancestral lands and resources, and are now some of the poorest and most marginalised peoples in the country. The Ovatjimba and Ovatue (Ovatwa) are largely pastoral people, formerly also relying on hunting and gathering, residing in the semi-arid and mountainous north-west (Kunene Region) and across the border in southern Angola. The Ovatue are considered to have traditionally inhabited the more remote mountainous areas. The Ovahimba are a larger and locally dominant pastoralist group who reside over a greater area of Kunene. Closely related but separate to the Ovahimba is a smaller group called the Ovazemba. The Ovahimba, Ovatue, Ovatjimba and Ovazemba number some 26,000 in total. The Nama, a Khoe-speaking group, number over 100,000 and live mainly in central and southern Namibia and the northwest of South Africa. Related to the Nama are the Topnaars (≠Aonin) who number approximately 2,600 and who reside in the Kuiseb River Valley, in Dorob National Park, and in the area in and around Walvis Bay in the Erongo Region. The Namibian government prefers to use the term “marginalised communities” when referring to the San, Otavue and Ovatjimba, support for whom falls under the Office of the President: Division Marginalised Communities. The Constitution of Namibia prohibits discrimination on the grounds of ethnic or tribal affiliation but does not specifically recognise the rights of indigenous peoples, and there is currently no national legislation dealing directly with indigenous peoples, though there is a new draft white paper on the rights of indigenous and marginalised communities that is to be brought before the Cabinet soon. Namibia voted in favour of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) when it was adopted in 2007 but has not ratified ILO Convention No. 169. Namibia is a signatory to several other binding international agreements that affirm the norms represented in UNDRIP, such as the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). The Namibia government office responsible for indigenous peoples and minorities is the Division for Marginalised Communities (DMC), now under the Office of the President. The office considers its main objective to be integrating marginalised communities into the mainstream national economy and improving their livelihoods.
‘Neither Here Nor There’: Indigeneity, Marginalisation and Land Rights in Post-independence Namibia., 2020
Damara / ≠Nūkhoen peoples are usually understood in historical and ethnographic texts for Namibia to be amongst the territory’s ‘oldest’ or ‘original’ inhabitants. Similarly, histories written or narrated by Damara / ≠Nūkhoen peoples include their self-identification as original inhabitants of large swathes of Namibia’s central and north-westerly landscapes. All these contributions understand that Damara / ≠Nūkhoen access to ancestral land areas has been severely constrained through historical processes of marginalization. These processes included pre-colonial in-migration by Oorlam Nama and Herero-speaking cattle-herding peoples, exacerbated by accelerating land appropriation by European settlers under conditions of state colonialism. The present chapter responds to these gaps and exclusions through providing overviews of the following issues: - circumstances of early presence in Namibia, drawing on literatures in archaeology and history; - social organisation of Damara / ≠Nūkhoen into lineage groups (!haoti) linked with specific land areas (!hūs), and relevance for understanding issues of identity and displacement; - historical processes of displacement and marginalization which mean that in the present a high proportion of Damara / ≠Nūkhoen and ||Ubun do not now occupy their ancestral areas; - detail for specific 20th century historical evictions linked with land and resource management strategies associated with providing land and grazing to settler farmers, and with clearing land for nature conservation and/or in relation to the control of livestock diseases; - consideration of land access and administration issues associated with the post-Odendaal creation of the Damaraland ‘homeland’ (from early 1970s to 1990); - subsequent post-independence changes in administration of land in the former ‘homeland’; - review of reasons for a continuing discrimination against Damara / ≠Nūkhoen in terms of their inclusion in discourses of indigeneity and marginalization in Namibia.
Godwin Kornes, Review of: Reinhart Kößler, In Search of Survival and Dignity: Two Traditional Communities in Southern Namibia Under South African Rule, Frankfurt, IKO, 2006
2000
A review is provided of the future prospects for the conservation of biodiversity in Namibia to the middle of the 21st century. I consider the biodiversity of Namibia within a biophysical and social environmental framework. Namibia is a large, semi-arid to arid country in the south-western region of southern Africa. It includes some of the most distinctive of the world's desert-dwelling biota with very high levels of endemism and high congruence among several major groups. Major environmental changes are expected with increasing demands on the natural environment. It will be increasingly necessary to maintain components of the varied traditional management systems if biodiversity and environmental condition are to be maintained. The future of Namibian biodiversity will depend on adopting governance systems that strengthen local-level mechanisms and institutions, and strengthening the links between knowledge generation, resource users and policy makers. 1Introduction Biodiv...
Ufahamu a Journal of African Studies, 1985
The history of the Hai//om and the Ju/'hoansi San of Namibia over the past century has been a constant series of challenges-from the state, the environments in which they live, and from their San and non-San neighbors. Both Hai//om and Ju/'hoansi experienced removals from their ancestral lands in the 20 th and 21 st centuries at the hands of the colonial and post-colonial states. More recently, they have had to cope with incursions of other groups moving into what remained of their traditional areas. Today, the Hai//om, the largest and most widely distributed of the San of Namibia, are largely landless. Substantial numbers of Hai//om are farm workers and their families, some of them working for Ovambo, Herero, Kavango, Germans, and Afrikaaners. Progress has been made in recent years (2007-present) in providing commercial farms for Hai//om settlement by the San Development Office of the Office of the Deputy Prime Minister with financial assistance from international donors. The Hai//om resettlement farms, which are adjacent to Etosha National Park, are in the process of being occupied, with several hundred people having moved there from the park. Other groups, including Herero and Europeans, own some of the neighboring farms, and they have provided assistance to the Hai//om on the resettlement farms including giving technical advice and livestock. The interactions between the Hai//om and their neighbors and the Namibian government could potentially change as a result of a collective action lawsuit filed in October, 2015 seeking rights to the benefits from Etosha National Park. In the case of the Ju/'hoansi San of Nyae Nyae, the second largest group of San in Namibia, interactions with neighboring groups, such as the Herero, are more recent, occurring especially in the 20 th and 21 st centuries, although they had dealt with Herero since the 19 th century, largely assisting them as herders and domestic workers. The Nyae Nyae Ju/'hoansi recently experienced what they considered an invasion of their land by 32 Herero with 1,300 head of cattle, who cut the "Redline" veterinary cordon fence in 2009 and entered the Nyae Nyae area As a result, relationships between the two groups have not been as cordial as they Robert K. Hitchcock 270 were in the past. Ju/'hoansi-Herero relationships became even more complicated in July, 2015 when legal charges were laid against four illegal Herero grazers in the Nyae Nyae Community Forest. This article explores the complex relationships between the Hai//om and Ju/'hoansi and their neighbors, with particular reference to the Herero. It is argued that resolution of the many outstanding issues on land, water, and natural resources will require negotiations and decisions by state, non-government organizations, community-based organizations, and Traditional Authorities about how best to handle competing demands.
give effect to the rights of children as contained in the Namibian Constitution and international agreements binding on Namibia; to set out principles relating to the best interests of children; to set the age of majority at 18 years; to provide for the establishment of a National Advisory Council on Children; to provide for the appointment of a Children's Advocate; to provide for the establishment of a Children's Fund; to provide for appointment and designation of social workers, social auxiliary workers, community child care workers and probation officers; to provide for designation of private social workers and child protection organisations for certain purposes; to make provisions relating to children's courts, court procedures and court orders; to provide for residential child care facilities, places of care and shelters; to provide for the status and matters relating to certain children; to provide for proof of parentage and parental responsibilities and rights in respect of children born outside marriage and children of divorced parents; to provide for custody and guardianship of children on the death of the person having custody or guardianship; to provide for parental responsibilities and rights, parenting plans and their formalisation; to provide for kinship care of children; to provide for prevention and early intervention services in relation to children; to provide for measures relating to children in need of protective services; to provide for foster care; to provide for the issuing of contribution orders; to provide for the domestic adoption and inter-country adoption of children; to combat the trafficking of children; to provide for additional measures for the protection of children; to provide for provisions relating to persons unfit to work with children; to provide for grants payable in respect of certain children; to create new offences relating to children; to repeal certain laws, including the Children'
2015
Twenty-five years after the inauguration of the first President of an independent Namibia, we at the Journal of Namibian Studies thought it was time to pause, take stock and look ahead. Of course, we were not the only ones. Throughout the year, celebrations and impassioned speeches have marked the anniversary. Indeed, praise is merited. Namibia has experienced a quarter century of peace and equality, and the country continues to stand as one of the continent’s most successful democracies. The list of accomplishments has been impressive, not least the number of new schools, hospitals and health clinics that have brought essential services to almost the entire population. But despite Namibia’s remarkable achievements, not all is perfect in the “Land God Made in Anger”, and many segments of society feel that there is not so much to cheer about. Young people, many of whom were born and educated in a free and independent Namibia, struggle to find employment and see few opportunities to fulfil their own dreams; the urban middle class is being priced out of the real estate market; the rural poor still find themselves without access to commercial farmland; and many people, from all walks of life, lament what they perceive as corruption among the country’s ruling elite. So amidst all the congratulations and praise we believe that a more critical and balanced reflection on 25 years of independence is appropriate, while at the same time not wishing to belittle the real and praiseworthy progress. It is not our intention to put Namibia’s ruling elites on trial – that would do Namibia and its citizens no justice, nor would it adequately acknowledge the debt all Namibians owe to the country’s founding mothers and fathers, and to its ancestors. Instead, we have opted to present a kaleidoscopic snapshot of Namibian society today. It was never our objective to cover all aspects or to provide a satellite view of the country, but only to represent a number of different, even competing, interpretations of recent history. In order to do so, we asked experts from both academia and civil society, from within and outside the country, to offer their take on “Namibia at 25”, with special attention to their respective fields of expertise.
2016
The Ministry of Lands, Resettlement and Rehabilitation of Namibia is responsible for all land issues. The resettlement of landless farmers, of the previous disadvantaged groups, is one of the issues. The Agricultural (Commercial) Land Reform Act (Act 6 of 1995) applies to the commercial land parts of the country. Under this act the government of Namibia has the first option on the purchase of commercial farms when these are offered for sale. These purchased farms will then be used to resettle the landless farmers from the communal areas. These applicants may obtain a long-term lease over the purchased commercial farms. Long-term leases are legally required to be registered in the Deeds Office. A cadastral lease diagram is required for registration. The government, through the Ministry of Lands, Resettlement and Rehabilitation, has bought approximately 130 farms for resettlement purposes. On June 2003 approximately 13 of these resettlement farms were surveyed and cadastral lease diagrams prepared for registration in the Deeds Office. The author argues that many factors have affected the slow progress of the resettlement in Namibia including the time required for the preparation of the cadastral lease diagram. Jankowitz-The Dean of School for Natural Resources and Tourism, Mr Joe Lewis-the Head of Department of Land Management and Mr Vence Uisso (Ex-HOD), of the Polytechnic of Namibia for the opportunity to study and their support and assistance. Mr. Chris Paresi and Mr. Eric Holland of ITC, for the opportunity to study and their support. The Surveyor-General of Namibia, Dr Karim Owolabi and staff members of the Surveyor-General's Office for their technical support. Soraja, Rose-Anne, Lene and Jonty Louw-My Family, for all their support, love, care, understanding and believe in me. Koos and The late Lenie Louw-My Parents, for being there for me. The late Rosa Mouton-My Mother-in-Law, for being there for me. The late Gunther Reuter (Ex-Surveyor-General of Namibia) and the late Piet Visser (Ex-Deputy Surveyor-General of Namibia) for their trust and believe in me. Finally to My Farther and My Lord, and His Son, Jesus Christ and the Holy Spirit, for the privilege given to me. 'AHe Eer kom die Here toe' Table of Contents List of Abbreviations viii List of Tables viii List of Figures ix Glossary of Terms x
1989
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