Pieter Bruegel the Elder and Flemish Bookillumination

BRUEGEL THE HAND OF THE MASTER Essays in Context Edited by Alice Hoppe-Harnoncourt, Elke Oberthaler, Sabine Pénot, Manfred Sellink and Ron Spronk CONTENTS 8 Introduction: Bruegel between 2019 and 2069 96 Till-Holger Borchert Stefan Weppelmann 12 Pieter Bruegel: A Preliminary Reconstruction of his Network 114 Jan Van der Stock 30 ‘Die 4. Jahrs Zeiten, fecit der alte Brueghel.’ The Changing Story of Bruegel’s Cycle of the Seasons in the Imperial Collection 124 Functions of Drawings by Pieter Bruegel the Elder Joris Van Grieken 52 Traces of Lost Pieter Bruegel Paintings Revealed through Derivative Paintings, Phantom Copies and Dealer Practices Hans J. van Miegroet Alice Hoppe-Harnoncourt 46 Pieter Bruegel the Elder and Flemish Book Illumination Observations on the Genesis of Pieter Bruegel the Elder’s The Conversion of Saul and the Examination of Two Copies Christina Currie and Dominique Allart 150 Four Drawings by Pieter Bruegel the Elder: Art-technical Research Pieter Bruegel’s Panel Two Monkeys: Technological Research and the Making of a Reconstruction Babette Hartwieg, Bertram Lorenz and Stephan Kemperdick Lieve Watteeuw, Marina van Bos, Maarten Bassens, Joris Van Grieken, Christina Currie, Bruno Vandermeulen, Hendrik Hameeuw and Maximiliaan Martens 64 The Parable of the Blind and The Misanthrope: Glue-tempera Technique in Bruegel’s Canvases in Capodimonte Angela Cerasuolo 82 Pieter Bruegel the Elder’s Grisaille Paintings Aviva Burnstock and Karen Serres 164 Restoration of Pieter Bruegel’s The Triumph of Death at the Prado Museum José de la Fuente, Maria Antonia López de Asiaín and Ignacio González Panicello 182 ‘…das sehr fleißige Stück von Brueghel…’ Bruegel’s Panel The Suicide of Saul: Cleaning and Restoration Treatment, Technique Elke Oberthaler, Geert Van der Snickt, Stijn Legrand and Koen Janssens 210 Dendroarchaeology of the Panels by Pieter Bruegel the Elder in the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna Pascale Fraiture 228 Martina Griesser and Elke Oberthaler Textile Worlds in Bruegel’s Paintings. A Contribution to the History of SixteenthCentury Costume 358 Between Brussels and Antwerp: New Perspectives on the Cycle of the Seasons The Rediscovery of Pieter Bruegel the Elder. The Pioneers of Bruegel Scholarship in Belgium and Vienna Sabine Pénot 372 Antwerp – Brussels – Prague – Vienna. On the Tracks of the Vienna Bruegels Alice Hoppe-Harnoncourt 398 On Pieter Bruegel’s Creative Process Ron Spronk Katja Schmitz-von Ledebur 284 Leading the Eye and Staging the Composition. Some Remarks on Pieter Bruegel the Elder’s Compositional Techniques Manfred Sellink Survey of the Bruegel Paintings of the Kunsthistorisches Museum from a Technological Point of View Sabine Stanek, Václav Pitthard, Katharina Uhlir, 266 336 Bruegel’s Panel Paintings in Vienna: Some Remarks on their Research, Construction and Condition Ingrid Hopfner and Georg Prast 248 ESSAYS FROM THE VIENNA EXHIBITION E-BOOK (2018) 414 Tine L. Meganck Materials and Techniques. Observations on Pieter Bruegel’s Working Methods as seen in the Vienna Paintings Elke Oberthaler 298 Pieter Bruegel and Realia: Context and Reception of his Paintings 476 Bibliography 494 Picture Credits 495 Colophon Claudia Goldstein 312 No One to Show the Way – Not in Life, Not in Death: Bruegel’s Attitude Towards the World. The Birdnester – The Conversion of Saul – The Triumph of Death Daniela Hammer-Tugendhat Pieter Bruegel the Elder and Flemish Book Illumination Till-Holger Borchert MUSEA BRUGGE, BRUGES While the relevance of Flemish book illumination for Pieter Bruegel the Elder has long been acknowledged, its significance as a source for motifs as well as painting technique has only recently been recognized.1 It seems useful to re-examine this relationship. What little is known about Bruegel’s artistic training is based on Karel van Mander’s Het Schilder-Boeck (1604), which says that he was apprenticed to the workshop of Pieter Coecke van Aelst, who was the leading master in Antwerp from about 1530 until his death in 1550.2 Bruegel may have profited greatly from his time with Coecke; in addition to the benefits of contacts with his master’s relatives and collaborators such as Jan van Amstel, Coecke’s intellectual concerns and interest in decorum must have been useful to him, as was Coecke’s involvement in printmaking. Coecke’s impact on Bruegel is difficult to define as it doesn’t manifest itself in the latter’s painting technique3 nor in his choice of subjects. Bruegel didn’t emulate the Italianate manner of Coecke, but created a conspicuously different pictorial language, which included the ostentatious display of brushwork.4 Bruegel entered Coecke’s workshop around 1545 at the time when the Triptych of the Deposition (today at the Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga, Lisbon) was completed and stayed until his master’s death in 1550.5 The following year, he joined the Antwerp 96 Guild of St Luke and was contracted to work on the altarpiece of the glovers’ guild in Mechelen, which had been commissioned from local entrepreneur/painter Claude Dorisy. He hired Bruegel and Pieter Baltens for this task: Baltens was charged with the triptych’s interior, while Bruegel painted two saints in grisaille on the exterior. This division of labour suggests that Baltens was considered the more skilled and experienced artist, since Bruegel was assigned the lesser task.6 Bruegel had probably been recommended by Mayken Verhulst, Coecke’s widow. She came from a family of painters in Mechelen and it is likely that she knew Dorisy since her parental home was close to his house.7 In later years, Mayken Verhulst had a close relationship with Bruegel, who married her daughter in 1563. When her daughter died in 1579, a decade after Bruegel’s death, it was Mayken who took care of her orphaned grandchildren, Pieter and Jan, and instructed the latter in painting.8 Nothing is known about her artistic activities other than that she produced Ces moeurs et fachons de faire des Turcz after her late husband’s designs in 1553 and oversaw the completion of Sebastiano Serlio’s third treatise on architecture, Il terzio libro […].9 She was a celebrated artist in her own right; Lodovico Guicciardini included her among the four best living female artists from the Low Countries. In contrast to the others – the painter Catharina van Hemessen and the illuminators Livina Teerlinc (daughter of Simon Bening) and Anna Smiters – Guicciardini didn’t specify the field in which ‘Maria di Bessemers di Malines’ excelled.10 The notion that she specialized in watercolour originates with Van Mander, whose account gains credibility because Mechelen was a centre for watercolour and Mayken’s father was active as a painter in the city.11 While Mayken was perhaps painting small watercolours, the hypothesis that she might have been producing miniatures for books is based solely upon assumed similarities with illuminators such as Livina Teerlinc and Susanna Horenbout.12 The fact that by 1553, during his stay in Rome, Bruegel had sufficiently mastered the technique of book illumination to collaborate with Giulio Clovio, court artist to Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, suggests that he had been instructed in illumination. Bruegel’s collaboration with the influential and versatile painter and illuminator in Rome can be deduced from one miniature in Clovio’s estate – now lost – which was painted by both artists together. The estate inventory of 1578 listed three more works by Bruegel, all done in watercolour: a view of Lyon and the image of a tree were both described as gouaches, while a Tower of Babel was painted on an ivory support.13 While such subjects are common with Bruegel – he produced several trees and city views throughout his career and painted at least two panels depicting the Tower of Babel – the technique is not. No watercolour works on paper, parchment or ivory by Bruegel have survived; yet Clovio’s inventory testifies to his technical proficiency, which supports the suggestion that Mayken Verhulst could have been his teacher.14 After all, there is no doubt that Bruegel was aware of miniatures. Throughout his career he repeatedly used a wide range of motifs from illuminated books; this is particularly true for Bruegel’s cycle of the Seasons of the Year, made around 1565 for the Antwerp merchant Nicolaes Jongelinck to decorate his country estate.15 Bruegel created unprecedented and innovative landscapes for each of the panels, but used conventional motifs for the seasonal occupations. Bruegel sought inspiration in calendar miniatures for books of hours. It seems that he studied carefully the calendars of luxury books that had mostly been illuminated in Bruges by Simon Bening’s workshop.16 Bening’s calendars, and the lavish calendar illustrations created by the Ghent workshop of Gerard Horenbout,17 were included in the most prestigious manuscripts produced in Flanders during the first half of the 16th century.18 Despite the fact that Bening’s calendars follow patterns and show signs of serial production, they mark the zenith of a remarkable evolution of secular images that can be traced back to antiquity, and which experienced a spectacular revival in manuscript painting from the late 14th century onwards. Some of these seasonal activities were related to courtly leisure, but most referred to agricultural occupations such as sheep shearing (June), haymaking (July), harvesting corn (August), ploughing and sowing (September), gathering grapes for wine (October) or slaughtering pigs (December).19 During the 15th century, illustrated calendars gradually became more common in Flemish books of hours and other religious manuscripts. The images followed an established iconography and were also increasingly based on the same compositional patterns. Philipp de Mazerolles, Simon Marmion and the anonymous Master of the Dresden Prayer Book and Master of the Prayer Books of 1500 refined models for the labours and thereby created quasi-iconographic norms.20 Cyclical representation of the months and the seasons were not limited to book illumination, however, but included stainedglass windows, decorated clockworks and possibly tapestries.21 The images of the twelve months on an early 16th-century Flemish calendar dial are rare examples of such a cycle surviving outside of manuscript painting.22 By the 16th century, full-page calendar miniatures had become a common feature in the high-end books of hours produced by the workshops of Simon Bening in Bruges and Gerard Horenbout in Ghent. The extent to which Bruegel found inspiration in Bening’s calendar illustrations has long been recognized and can best be seen in his Harvesters (fig. 1).23 Introducing a larger scale and a horizontal format, Bruegel distributed his figures within a panoramic landscape that covers the entire composition. He situates the foreground higher than the middle ground, thereby allowing the viewer of the painting to look down at the vast landscape with its distant hills and shoreline. In the left foreground, two workers are harvesting corn with scythes, and a man ascends from the valley carrying a jug of wine. On the right, men and women take 97 [FIG. 1] Pieter Bruegel the Elder, Harvesters. 1565. Oak panel, 119 × 162 cm. New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Rogers Fund 1919, inv. no. 19.164. 98 a lunch break in the shade of a tree that fills the entire height of the composition, while other women are still occupied with binding sheaves. On the left, two women bearing sheaves on their heads descend down through the field to the valley where a wagon is collecting the harvest. Bening repeatedly depicted the corn harvest in combination with binding sheaves for the month of August. For example, the miniature in the Da Costa Hours (fig. 2)24 shows two men with a scythe and a flail cutting the corn while a woman binds the sheaves. In the Golf Book (British Library, London, Add Ms 24098, fol. 25v),25 a man is cutting corn with a sickle and a couple are taking a break. Both images have a slightly elevated viewpoint, with the horizon line placed in the upper third of the image. The same is true for Bening’s harvest from the Munich–Montserrat Hours of c. 1535 (fig. 3).26 Here, however, the viewpoint is significantly higher and leads to a vast and complex landscape that extends over several hills to a very distant horizon. The miniature’s landscape, like the one in Bruegel’s painting, consists of elements that stretch from the foreground to the background. The fields and hills seen at different distances are connected by figures, roads and houses that are scattered across the image. Bruegel’s painting shares various motifs with Bening’s image, such as the tall tree that appears not only in the Munich calendar but also in Bening’s Golf Book, Da Costa Hours and Hennessy Hours (Royal Library of Belgium, Brussels, Ms. II 158, fol. 9v).27 In addition, Bruegel shows the back of one of the harvesters and this motif is repeatedly seen in Bening’s images – it is particularly prominent in the Munich miniature. The harvester functions as a repoussoir figure: he leads the viewer into the composition, inviting them to explore the depth of the pictorial space, to embrace the illusion of distance by following the carts and pedestrians into the image. Bruegel may have admired Bening’s miniatures for their skilful execution and artistically ambitious landscapes when he was looking for different pictorial idioms from the predominantly Italianate style of the Low Countries. While Bruegel remained true to the iconographic traditions of the art of illumination in Harvesters, in other paintings in the Seasons cycle his approach towards pictorial conventions was more innovative. In contrast to Bening’s miniatures, Bruegel’s Haymaking does not place the cutting and collecting of hay in the foreground, but pushes the primary labour further back in the pictorial space. Instead, the foreground – a road on a hill overlooking the fields, seen from above – is dominated by two groups of workers moving in opposite directions. On the left, three women with rakes have ascended from the fields and are rushing home, while on the right a group of people and a cart, all bearing baskets full of produce, are heading towards the field below. Even though the composition is less closely linked to calendar miniatures, it is clear that Bruegel still studied them carefully. The windmill that Bruegel shows on a hill in the distance echoes a detail in Bening’s full-page miniatures dedicated to haymaking in both the Munich–Montserrat Hours (fol. 8v) and the Da Costa Hours (fig. 4).28 [FIG. 2] Simon Bening, Harvest (August), from the Da Costa Hours. c. 1515. Watercolour on vellum. New York, The Morgan Library & Museum, Ms. M.399, fol. 9v. [FIG. 3] Simon Bening, Harvest (August), from the Munich–Montserrat Hours. c. 1535. Watercolour on vellum. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Ms. Clm 23638, fol. 9v. [FIG. 4] Simon Bening, Haymaking (July), from the Da Costa Hours. c. 1515. Watercolour on vellum. New York, The Morgan Library & Museum, Ms. M.399, fol. 8v. 99 [FIG. 5] Pieter Bruegel the Elder, The Gloomy Day. 1565. Oak panel, 117.6 × 162.2 cm. Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Picture Gallery, inv. no. 1837. 100 In The Gloomy Day (fig. 5), it is even more difficult to judge Bruegel’s debt to Bening. In addition to the small group of people returning from Carnival celebrations, the elevated foreground to the right is occupied by a few villagers collecting dried wood and cutting willow branches (traditionally used for weaving baskets).29 Gathering wood and branch-cutting were commonly included among the labours of springtime and regularly represented in illuminated calendars. Bruegel integrates both occupations into a much larger landscape that also includes a spectacular stormy coastal scene in the background. While the dramatic atmosphere demonstrated the typical skills of Bruegel as a landscapist, it may have been at least partly inspired by Bening; the illuminator’s double page for February in the Munich–Montserrat Hours (fig. 6) combines a full-page miniature of people working in a vineyard with the fully decorated frame of the calendar page depicting fishermen on the shore. Particularly noteworthy is the dramatic sky, with dark, threatening clouds in the foreground and lighter patches in the distance. The double page is conceived as one continuous landscape with a stormy river and a hilly shore in the distance on which a fortified city can be seen, dominated by a castle perched on a high mountain. The same motifs occur in Bruegel’s painting, as do the snow-capped mountains; although somewhat transformed in appearance, they still echo their source.30 Bruegel’s Return of the Herd represents a departure from the iconographic conventions of calendars. It depicts a herd of cattle being brought back from the meadows in the mountains towards a village above a deep river valley. In contrast, calendar miniatures commonly depicted the animals in an urban environment, often in the context of the trading and slaughter of cattle. Bruegel merely kept the cattle motif, but radically altered the pictorial context with his mountainous rural setting.31 A similar observation can be made regarding Hunters in the Snow. The extensive winter landscape in Bruegel’s painting finds its precursors once again in calendar miniatures from the Bening and Horenbout workshops, but Hunters in the Snow is even further away from what contemporary viewers familiar with Flemish calendar miniatures would have expected of a representation of the labours of the winter months. Conventional motifs – such as the skaters on the frozen lake in the background, and the preparations for cooking a slaughtered pig’s blood on the left-hand side – are in Bruegel’s painting no more than mere allusions to prevalent iconographic traditions.32 The same is true for the motif of the hunters and hounds returning to the snowy village with their prey. Hunting scenes were typically included in calendar illustrations of winter – and Bening’s workshop is no exception to the rule. Bening associated hunters and the hunt with the month of November in the Golf Book (fig. 7) and Munich–Montserrat Hours (fol. 12v–13r) and with January in the Hennessy Hours (fol. 2r). But in contrast to Bening’s depiction of hunting parties as dignified representations of aristocratic leisure (as can be seen most clearly in the November miniature [FIG. 6] Simon Bening, February, from the Munich–Montserrat Hours. c. 1535. Watercolour on vellum. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Ms. Clm 23638, fol. 3v. [FIG. 7] Simon Bening, The Return of the Hunters, from the Golf Book. c. 1540. Watercolour on vellum. London, British Library, Add. Ms. 24098, fol. 28v. 101 [FIG. 8] Pieter Bruegel the Elder, Spring. 1565. Pen and brown ink, 220 × 290 mm. Vienna, Albertina, inv. no. 23750. [FIG. 9] Simon Bening, His Lordship visits the Gardeners in Springtime (March), from the Hennessy Hours. c. 1530. Watercolour on vellum. Brussels, Bibliothèque royale de Belgique / Koninklijke Bibliotheek van België, Ms. II 158, fol. 4v. 102 of the Munich–Montserrat Hours), Bruegel’s hunters almost seem to mock the motif. His hunters are not liveried servants helping to exercise princely hunting privileges; instead, they are poor commoners. Once again, Bruegel has altered the context and decorum of a common motif in a significant way. In discussions of Bruegel’s Seasons cycle, questions about the iconography of the lost fifth panel have been asked repeatedly, alongside the observation that Bruegel did not include some of the most canonical labours of the months, such as ploughing fields or shearing sheep.33 But perhaps it is more significant that the artist didn’t allude in any way to the leisurely activities of the nobility and higher bourgeoisie, which were regularly depicted in calendar cycles as illustrations of the months. Outings of noble couples on foot or horseback or in a punt on a river belonged to the standard repertoire of 16th-century calendars in Flanders and were repeatedly depicted by the Bening workshop. Such excursions are conspicuously absent in Bruegel’s Seasons and it must have been an intentional omission on the artist’s part.34 This observation seems to underline the arguments of those who want to understand Bruegel’s Seasons in the context of the [FIG. 10] Pieter Bruegel the Elder, Summer. 1568. Pen and brown ink, 220 × 286 mm. Hamburger Kunsthalle, Kupferstichkabinett, inv. no. 21758. interest of his patron, and other members of humanistic circles at the time, in agronomical texts from antiquity such as Virgil’s Georgica,35 but it may have also been an approach towards the decorum of the subject, whereby the viewers’ expectations were not met and instead they were left confused or surprised. It is useful to turn to other works by Bruegel that demonstrate his debt to miniatures. In 1565, he started work on designs for a printed cycle of the Four Seasons, which remained unfinished at the time of his death. Completed by Hans Bol, the cycle was engraved by Pieter van der Heyden and published by Hieronymus Cock in 1570.36 Carefully executed in pen and ink, Bruegel’s first drawing represents the season of spring (fig. 8). As the original inscription confirms, the drawing shows activities for the months of March, April and May. Once more, miniatures by Bening and Horenbout served Bruegel as pictorial sources. As in the calendars of the Mayer van den Bergh Breviary (Museum Mayer van den Bergh, Antwerp, fol. 2r), Munich–Montserrat Hours (fol. 4v), Hennessy Hours ( fig. 9) and Da Costa Hours (fol. 4v), Bruegel combined the representation of gardeners digging beds in a palace garden, under the supervision of the lady of the house, with other gardeners training fruit trees on an espalier.37 Sheep being sheared in front of a shed and a courtly outing are included in the background, and can also be closely linked to Bening’s prototypes. Taking into account the different format and medium, Bruegel introduced a viewpoint that is very different from the panoramic landscapes of the Seasons cycle; with its high horizon, the drawing is much more closely related to the concept of suggestive pictorial space that Bening used. Similarly to the miniatures, which often seem to include precise and identifiable landmarks, Bruegel’s drawing suggests that the garden and buildings may refer to an existing palace. Bruegel’s other drawing for the printed series, Summer (fig. 10), dated 1568, bears a closer resemblance to the painted series and shows parallels to Harvesters in terms of motifs and the arrangement of the pictorial space. Bruegel’s drawing has a high horizon – a standard feature of Bening’s landscapes – probably because it was designed for the medium of engraving. The similarities don’t end here; the repoussoir figure of the harvester on the right seems to be based directly on Bening’s motifs, but there is another element that links the drawing to manuscripts: 103 the trompe-l’œil effect of the foreshortened leg of the harvester drinking from the jug, and his scythe, both of which extend across the carefully drawn border and seem to enter the viewer’s space. This ambivalent and playful illusionism is often found in manuscripts of the 16th century and Bruegel probably applied this trick in anticipation of the illustrative function of the finished engraving; its referential character would not have been missed by a privileged and educated audience accustomed to luxury manuscripts.38 The impact of illuminators on the oeuvre of Pieter Bruegel the Elder is not limited to the iconography of the seasons. Sandra Hindman has convincingly demonstrated that the figurative borders of miniatures in books of hours by Simon Bening, Gerard Horenbout and other illuminators of the Ghent–Bruges School are important precedents for Bruegel’s panel painting Children’s Games. In various precious manuscripts such as the Mayer van den Bergh Breviary, Spinola Hours (Getty Museum, Los Angeles, Ms. Ludwig IX 18), Golf Book and Imhof Book of Hours (Sam Fogg, London), children are depicted playing with [FIG. 11] Pieter Bruegel the Elder, The Tower of Babel. 1563. Oak panel, 114.3 × 155.1 cm. Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Picture Gallery, inv. no. 1026. 104 marbles, knucklebones, tops or hoops; they walk on stilts, give each other piggyback rides or fight mock tournaments on hobby horses. In the Golf Book, these games are arranged like friezes with the figures painted in monochrome (or almost monochrome) within a coloured architectural border. In appearance they are reminiscent of antique or Renaissance depictions of battles or processions and – in the tradition of entertaining drôleries – seem to deliberately mock classical or Renaissance concepts of decorum, according to which such follies were not worthy of being represented. Bruegel’s Children’s Games seems to neglect such concepts of decorum too, even though his painting can be linked to erudite discourses in contemporary humanistic circles.39 The intentional play with ideas of decorum, which takes the viewer by surprise, has its roots in manuscript painting – just as the individual motifs included in the picture do.40 Ever since Charles de Tolnay advanced his hypothesis that Bruegel’s hand should be seen in Clovio’s Farnese Hours and the Towneley Lectionary (New York Public Library, MssCol. 2557), Bruegel’s lost Tower of Babel on ivory – recorded in Clovio’s inventory – has been a key argument for linking Bruegel to illumination.41 The support used for that image – ivory – suggests that it must have been fairly small in scale. Traditional miniatures of the Tower of Babel showed a square building, which Bruegel, inspired by the ruins of the Colosseum in Rome, transformed into a rotunda in his two later paintings. These two panels are among his most influential works. The extremely concise manner of painting microscopic details, the polished surface and Bruegel’s encyclopaedic interest in narrative motifs point to the possibility that he may have been – ultimately at least – inspired by a lost Eyckian prototype known only from a weak copy. Comparing Bruegel’s Vienna Tower of Babel (fig. 11) and Van Eyck’s Saint Barbara drawing of 1437 reveals a similar approach towards narrative elements of the building site.42 Whether Bruegel actually knew the lost Eyckian Tower of Babel is questionable; he could also have seen a narrative illustration in manuscripts, since the Bedford Master included the builders’ workshop in the scene as early as the 1420s, as did later illuminators.43 A particularly impressive Tower of Babel is included in the Grimani Breviary (fig. 12). This exceptional luxurious book was illuminated by Gerard Horenbout, Simon Bening and others, and was purchased by the Venetian nobleman Cardinal Domenico Grimani in 1520.44 Horenbout’s Tower bears important similarities to Bruegel’s in as much as it shows a busy port and impressive cranes to the right of the monumental building. Even the sumptuous background landscape of the miniature is arguably similar to Bruegel’s composition, although the latter has a much higher horizon. The miniature was known to Bruegel’s friend Clovio, who used it as a source for his own Tower of Babel in the Farnese Hours of 1546 (fig. 13).45 Clovio had ample opportunity to study the Grimani Breviary between 1531 and 1539 when he was in the service of Marinus Grimani, who was the nephew of the Venetian cardinal and had inherited the manuscript in 1523. But contrary to what is often assumed, it is far from certain that Bruegel actually saw the Breviary during his stay in Rome in 1553; he might have seen copy-drawings by Clovio, who by then had left Grimani to serve Alessandro Farnese. Bruegel could have learned about the composition from miniaturists’ workshop drawings at any time before or after his journey to Italy. The abundance of links between his works and motifs from miniatures in a variety of manuscripts suggest that Bruegel must have gained privileged access to pattern and model drawings from the workshop of Simon Bening, where it is likely that some model drawings of other illuminators such as Horenbout were also kept. Contrary to what has been proposed in the literature, the visual evidence discussed so far clearly suggests that Bruegel’s knowledge of miniature painting exceeded that of the occasional consultation of illuminated manuscripts in the possession of his patrons. There are several instances where Bruegel altered the context of motifs but the connection with manuscripts are less obvious. His small Berlin painting Two Monkeys,46 for example, [FIG. 12] Gerard Horenbout, The Tower of Babel, from the Grimani Breviary. c. 1510–20. Watercolour on vellum. Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Ms. Lat. I, 99, fol. 206r. [FIG. 13] Giulio Clovio, The Tower of Babel, from the Farnese Hours. 1546. Watercolour on vellum. New York, The Morgan Library & Museum, Ms. M.69, fol. 107r. 105 [14] [15] [FIG. 14] Pieter Bruegel the Elder, The Beekeepers. c. 1568. Pen and brown ink, 203 × 309 mm. Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett, inv. no. KdZ 713. [FIG. 15] Simon Marmion, Funerary Scene, from the Hours of Guilleaume Rolin. c. 1465–70. Watercolour on vellum. Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional de España, Ms. Res. 149, fol. 141v. 106 recalls drôleries of monkeys in the margins of late 15th and 16th-century manuscripts. Monkeys chained to barrels or heavy cylinders appear in the borders of the Brukenthal Breviary (Brukenthal Museum, Sibiu) and the Hours of Joanna of Castile (British Library, London, Add. Ms. 18852).47 Bruegel almost certainly anticipated the connotations of this conspicuous motif in the Berlin panel. The comparison may appear too generic, but illustrated books formed part of the visual culture in which Bruegel’s patrons grew up. He was inspired by miniatures on a surprisingly regular basis. His sources are more obvious in some cases than in others. Motifs taken from manuscripts enabled him to anticipate – and play with – the expectations of his erudite clientele. After all, surprise, caused not least by denying conventional concepts of decorum, is a key element of Bruegel’s artistic approach.48 It is from this perspective that one of Bruegel’s most enigmatic and haunting drawings, The Beekeepers (fig. 14), can be examined. Dated from the late 1560s, it shows three beekeepers with their beehives and a villager halfway up a tree. None of the figures’ faces is visible. The villager has his back turned to the viewer, while the beekeepers’ heads are covered in hoods with masks. The faceless figures with their wide robes may or may not be modelled on real beekeepers, but they also recall images of mourners in Flemish miniatures of burial scenes or Masses for the dead. A particularly compelling example is found in a book of hours produced by the workshop of Simon Marmion (fig. 15): it depicts a priest blessing the interment of a corpse wrapped in a shroud, witnessed by faceless hooded mourners.49 Other examples include deluxe manuscripts produced in Ghent and Bruges by the workshops of Lieven van Lathem and Simon Marmion (Trivulzio Book of Hours, fol. 30v – Royal Library, The Hague, Ms SMC 1), the Master of Mary of Burgundy (Hours of Engelbert of Nassau, fol. 214r –Bodleian Library, Oxford, Ms Douce 220) and the workshops of Gerard Horenbout (Vienna–Poitiers Hours, fol.111r – Austrian National Library, Vienna, Cod. 1887) and Simon Bening.50 These images not only reflect religious practices of their time, but also refer to images of mourners in sepulchral contexts, such as works by Claus Sluter and other sculptors. It is more than likely that 16th-century humanists associated these faceless mourners with the account of the ancient Greek painter Timanthes of Cythnus, who, according to Pliny, thought that the grief of Agamemnon (who sacrificed his daughter to the gods) could not be expressed by art and therefore painted a cloth over the king’s face.51 Bruegel was well aware of medieval images of mourners, and he included hooded mourners beside a coffin in his design for the print Invidia (Envy) of 1558. In The Beekeepers, did Bruegel want to merely allude to grief or did he intentionally model the figures on images of mourners in order to direct the viewers’ thoughts in a specific direction? Did he, in other words, speculate on the reactions of his clientele and anticipate them in the work?52 Taking into account what has been discussed so far, it is clear that Bruegel was well aware of manuscript illumination. His thorough knowledge of compositions by illuminators such as Simon Bening and Gerard Horenbout strongly suggests that his knowledge of their work was not random. On the contrary, his repeated use of motifs by Bening in his paintings indicates that he must have gained access to workshop models, at least in his mature years. How did he gain access? It is useful to remember that his mother-in-law’s sister was Elisabeth Verhulst, who married the printer/publisher Hubert Goltzius. In 1558, the couple moved from Antwerp to Bruges, where Goltzius started a publishing business.53 Goltzius and his wife probably had the opportunity in Bruges to meet the elderly Bening, who did not die until 1561; after all, they were all in the book business. Given the fact that both her father and sister worked as painters in watercolour, it is likely that Elisabeth Verhulst also had notions of the trade, if not of the craft. Although entirely a matter of speculation, it seems possible that Elisabeth and her husband could have managed to lay their hands on model drawings after Bening’s death. Considering the frequent collaborations between different illuminators in Ghent and Bruges, the repertoire in the artist’s workshop would not have been only by Bening, but probably included patterns by or after other miniaturists. Goltzius and his wife could then have made them available to members of their extended family – in the first place to Mayken Verhulst, who may then have shared them with her son-in-law Pieter Bruegel, or perhaps to Bruegel himself, who frequented the same humanistic circles in Antwerp as Goltzius had done before he moved to Bruges.54 This hypothesis would explain why in his own work Bruegel referred to a variety of illustrations from different books of hours, mostly but not exclusively by Bening. 107 1 Richard Gay in Exh. Cat. Los Angeles – London 2003–2004, pp. 492–94; the discussion of Bruegel’s painting technique in regard to illumination is omitted from this essay due to lack of space. 2 See Orenstein 2001, pp. 3–11; Sellink (2007) 2011, pp. 9–38, here pp. 11–12; van Mander 1604 in Miedema 1994–1999, vol. 1, pp. 190–94; Bruegel’s apprenticeship with Coecke isn’t corroborated by archival evidence; van Mander’s accuracy concerning Bruegel’s vita is doubted by Müller 1999, pp. 11–19; on Coecke, see most recently, Cleland 2014–2015, pp. 2–22. 3 Ainsworth 2014–2015, pp. 22–42. 4 Orenstein 2001, p. 5 quotes David Freedberg in Exh. Cat. Tokyo 1989, p. 25 5 Marlier 1966, pp. 274–77; Exh. Cat. New York 2014–2015, pp. 98–104, 368. 6 Monbaillieu 1964, pp. 90–112; see also Sellink (2007) 2011, p. 12 and Spronk (2018) 2019, included in this volume, p. 403. 7 Monbaillieu 1974, pp. 105–21; Op de Beeck 2005, pp. 9–13, 83–85 and 89–91; Sellink (2007) 2011, pp. 11–12. 8 van Mander 1604 in Miedema 1994–1999, vol. 1, pp. 192–94. 9 Orenstein 2014–2015, pp. 176–82; Marlier 1966, pp. 55–74 and 379–83; Meeus 2014, pp. 116–32. 10 Guicciardini 1567, p. 100. 11 van Mander 1994–1999, vol. 1, pp. 192–94; Müller 1999, p. 17 expresses doubts about Van Mander’s credibility, see also Orenstein 2001, p. 5; research by Monbaillieu 1964 confirms Van Mander; see also Op de Beeck 2005, pp. 10–11, 79–81. 12 Guicciardini 1567, p. 100; on Livina Teerlinc, see Weale 1906; on Susanna Horenbout, see Campbell – Foister 1986, pp. 725–27; see also James – Franco 2000 and James 2009, pp. 242–58. 13 Bertolotti 1881–1882, p. 266, 274–75, the term used in the inventory is a guazzo; see also Royalton-Kisch 2001, pp. 22–23. In regard to Bruegel’s paintings a guazzo on canvas (Tüchlein) see Angela Cerasuolo’s essay in this volume. 14 See Orenstein 2001, pp. 6–7; Spronk (2018) 2019, p. 403; Genaille 1988, p. 137 first suggested that Verhulst taught Bruegel. 15 Exh. Cat. Vienna 2018–2019, pp. 214–41, esp. 229–30; see also Tine Meganck’s contribution in this volume. 16 Gibson 1989, pp. 70–72; Buchanan 1990b. 17 Here the identification of Gerard Horenbout with the Master of James IV of Scotland is accepted; on this problem see Thomas Kren and Scot McKendrick in Exh. Cat. Los Angeles – London 2003–2004, pp. 414–17 and Krieger 2012, pp. 39–72. 18 See Exh. Cat. Los Angeles – London 2003–2004, pp. 411–87. 19 Meiss 1967, pp. 171–72 and 231–32; Meiss 1974, pp. 178–201; Hansen 1984, pp. 199–203; Alexander 1990; see also Bakker 2005. 20 Hansen 1984, pp. 33–60; on the masters, see Brinkmann 1997, I, pp. 9, 154, 172–73, 191–93, 198–99, 303. 21 Hansen 1984, pp. 35–40; Read 1923, pp. 166–68; tapestry cycles with depictions of the months are not common before the early 17th century, see Delmarcel – Duverger 1987, pp. 412–25; an exception is a cycle based on 16th-century drawings that have been erroneously attributed to Lucas van Leyden, see Standen 1971, pp. 3–14, which show little relation to Bruegel; on the impact of tapestry landscapes on Bruegel’s cycle see Sellink (2018) 2019, included in this volume, pp. 343–46. 22 Exh. Cat. Leuven 2016–2017, pp. 394–97. 23 For a discussion of the relevance of the calendar miniatures for interpreting Bruegel’s cycle as seasonal images and the question of which of his paintings was the 108 first in the series, see Buchanan 1990b, Vöhringer 2002, pp. 50–56, Kaschek 2012, pp. 42–43 and Exh. Cat. Vienna 2018–2019, pp. 228–29; see also Varda 1996, pp. 1360–73. 24 Hansen 1984, pp. 216–18. 25 Exh. Cat. Los Angeles – London 2003–2004, pp. 477–78. 26 Exh. Cat. Los Angeles – London 2003–2004, pp. 474–76. 27 Exh. Cat. Los Angeles – London 2003–2004, pp. 467–70. 28 The motif of the windmill is also included in other Flemish calendars such as a miniature of July in the calendar of the Brukenthal Breviary (Sibiu, Brukenthal National Museum), fol. 14–15; see Hansen 1984, p. 225 and As Vijvers 2013, pp. 247–48. 29 Exh. Cat. Vienna 2018–2019, p. 226. 30 Buchanan 1990b, pp. 544–45. 31 Here Bruegel inversed the conventional image; the Brukenthal Breviary (Sibiu, Brukenthal National Museum), for example, shows how the herd is taken out of town on fol. 10 (April); the traditional image in autumn is a cattle market on fol. 27–28 (November); see Hansen 1984, p. 224 and 226. 32 Exh. Cat. Vienna 2018–2019, p. 227–28; skaters, for example, in the Brukenthal Breviary, fol. 3, and in the socalled Hours of Isabella of Castile (London, British Library, MS Add 18852, fol. 2r); the slaughter and cooking of the pig is already found in the calendar miniatures of the Limbourg brothers, and was copied by Horenbout for the calendar of the Grimani Breviary (fol. 13v), where it is combined with another December miniature depicting the return of the hunters (fol. 12r), see Hansen 1984, p. 232; see also Buchanan 1990b, p. 550. 33 See Buchanan 1990b, pp. 546–47. 34 I would like to thank Eberhard König for pointing this aspect out to me. 35 Vöhringer 2002, pp. 74–79, see also Exh. Cat. Los Angeles – London 2003–2004, pp. 395–96. 36 Sellink (2007) 2011, pp. 223–27; see also Exh. Cat. Leuven – Paris 2013, pp. 266–69. 37 Hansen 1984, p. 193, 197, 210, 217. 38 Marrow 2005, esp. pp. 27–34. 39 Hindman 1981, pp. 455–69. 40 A similar point can be made regarding Bruegel’s dancing peasants. The pictorial roots are not exclusively linked to German prints, but can also be found in manuscript illumination where dancing peasants appear in the margins (as in the Salting Hours by the Master of the Dresden Prayer Book, see Brinkmann 1997, pp. 159–63) or as part of the Annunciation to the Shepherds, as in Bening’s Imhof and Rothschild books of hours; see Raupp 1986, pp. 92–99, 165–75. 41 For Clovio’s inventory, see Bertolotti 1881–1882, pp. 273–79 and de Tolnay 1965, p. 113, note 10. 42 Winkler 1955; Grieten 1994; Borchert 2017, pp. 22–28. 43 London, British Library, Ms Add 18850, fol. 17v; on the manuscript, see Exh. Cat. London 2011–2012, pp. 398–99; Binding 1993, p. 328. 44 The illuminators include the Master of the First Prayer Book of Maximilian (probably Sanders Bening), the Master of the David Scenes of the Grimani Breviary, Simon Bening, Gerard David and Gerard Horenbout; see König – Heyder 2017, pp. 25–30 (provenance), pp. 127–28 (miniature) and pp. 185–200; see also Exh. Cat. Los Angeles – London 2003–2004, pp. 420–24. 45 De Tolnay even attributed some of the miniatures to Bruegel: de Tolnay 1965, 1978, pp. 393–95; 1980, p. 619. 46 Exh. Cat. Vienna 2018–2019, p. 160; see also Müller 1999, pp. 142–55 and Sellink (2007) 2011, p. 181. See also Kemperdick in Babette Hartwieg, Bertram Lorenz and Stephan Kemperdick’s essay in this volume. 47 See As Vijvers 2013, pp. 158–60 with additional examples. 48 Müller 1999, pp. 85–89. 49 Exh. Cat. 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(eds.), Grand Design: Pieter Coecke van Aelst and Renaissance Tapestry, New York (The Metropolitan Museum of Art) 2014–15, pp. 22–42 Currie 2020 (forthcoming) Christina Currie, ‘The final piece of the puzzle. Bruegel the Elder’s use of cartoons in The Battle between Carnival and Lent and reflections on his preparatory work for painting’, in: The Bruegel Success Story. 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Ä. und das Theater der Welt, Chemnitz (Kunstsammlungen Chemnitz) 2014 Exh. Cat. Edinburgh – Brussels – London 2007–2009 Exhibition catalogue, Desmond Shawe-Taylor and Jennifer Scott, Bruegel to Rubens: Masters of Flemish Painting, Edinburgh (Palace of Holyroodhouse) – Brussels (Musées royaux des Beaux-Arts de Belgique / Koninklijke Musea voor Schone Kunsten van België) – London (Buckingham Palace) 2007–9 Exh. Cat. Essen – Vienna – Antwerp 1997–1998 Exhibition catalogue, Klaus Ertz and Christa Nitze (eds.), Breughel–Brueghel. Pieter Brueghel de Jonge (1564–1637/8)– Jan Brueghel de Oude (1568–1625). Een Vlaamse schildersfamilie rond 1600, Essen (Villa Hügel) – Vienna (Kunsthistorisches Museum) – Antwerp (Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten) 1997–8 Exh. Cat. Leuven 2016–2017 Exhibition catalogue, Jan Van der Stock (ed.), In Search of Utopia: Art and Science in the Era of Thomas More, Leuven (M – Museum Leuven) 2016–7 Exh. Cat. London 2011–2012 Exhibition catalogue, Scot McKendrick, John Lowden and Kathleen Doyle (eds.), Royal Manuscripts: The Genius of Illumination, London (British Library) 2011–2 Exh. Cat. London 2016 Exhibition catalogue, Karen Serres et al., Bruegel in Black and White: Three Grisailles Reunited, London (The Courtauld Gallery) 2016 Exh. Cat. London 2017 Exhibition catalogue, Leila Packer and Jennifer Sliwka (eds.), Monochrome, Painting in Black and White, London (National Gallery) 2017 Exh. Cat. Los Angeles – London 2003–2004 Exhibition catalogue, Thomas Kren and Scot McKendrick (eds.), Illuminating the Renaissance: The Triumph of Flemish Manuscript Painting in Europe, Los Angeles (J. Paul Getty Museum) – London (Royal Academy of Arts) 2003–4 Exh. Cat. Maastricht – Brussels 2001–2002 Exhibition catalogue, Peter van den Brink (ed.), The Brueghel Enterprise, Maastricht (Bonnefantenmuseum) – Brussels (Musées royaux des Beaux-Arts de Belgique / Koninklijke Musea voor Schone Kunsten van België) 2001–2 Exh. Cat. Madrid 2000 Exhibition catalogue, Una obra maestra restaurada: El Lavatorio de Jacopo Tintoretto, Madrid (Museo Nacional del Prado) 2000 Exh. Cat. Madrid 2009 Exhibition catalogue, Till-Holger Borchert (ed.), Jan Van Eyck: Grisallas, Madrid (Museo Thyssen-Bornemisza) 2009 Exh. Cat. Essen – Vienna 2003–2004 Exhibition catalogue, Hanna Benesz and Wilfried Seipel (eds.), Die flämische Landschaft: 1520–1700, Essen (Kulturstiftung Ruhr) – Vienna (Kunsthistorisches Museum) 2003–4 Exh. Cat. Namur 2000 Exhibition catalogue, Jacques Toussaint (ed.), Autour de Henri Bles, Namur (Musée des Arts anciens du Namurois) 2000 Exh. Cat. Leuven – Paris 2013 Exhibition catalogue, Joris Van Grieken, Ger Luijten and Jan Van der Stock, Hieronymus Cock: De renaissance in prent, Leuven (M – Museum Leuven) – Paris (Institut Néerlandais) 2013 Exh. Cat. New York 2002 Exhibition catalogue, Thomas P. Campbell et al., Tapestry in the Renaissance: Art and Magnificence, New York (The Metropolitan Museum of Art) 2002 480 Exh. Cat. New York 2014–2015 Exhibition catalogue, Elizabeth A.H. Cleland, Maryan W. Ainsworth (eds.), Grand Design: Pieter Coecke van Aelst and Renaissance Tapestry, New York (The Metropolitan Museum of Art) 2014–15 Exh. Cat. Vienna 1969 Exhibition catalogue, Bruegel und seine Welt: Dokumentationsausstellung anläßlich der vierhundertsten Wiederkehr des Todesjahres von Pieter Bruegel dem Älteren, Vienna (Akademie der bildenden Künste) 1969 Exh. Cat. Newark – Denver 2001–2002 Exhibition catalogue, Mariët Westermann (ed.), Art and Home. Dutch Interiors in the Age of Rembrandt, Newark (The Newark Art Museum) – Denver (Denver Art Museum) 2001–2 Exh. Cat. Vienna 2017 Exhibition catalogue, Eva Michel (ed.), Pieter Bruegel: Das Zeichnen der Welt, Vienna (Albertina) 2017 Exh. Cat. Paris 1814–1815 Exhibition catalogue, Notice des Tableaux des Écoles Primitives de L’Italie, de L’Allemagne, et de plusieurs autres Tableaux de differéntes Écoles, exposés dans le Grand Salon du Musée Napoléon, Paris (Musée Napoléon) 1814–15 Exh. Cat. Paris 2004 Exhibition catalogue, Primitifs français:Découvertes et redécouvertes, Paris (Musée du Louvre) 2004 Exh. Cat. Paris 2008–2009 Exhibition catalogue, Teréz Gerszi, Renaissance et maniérisme aux Pay-Bas: Dessins du musée des BeauxArts de Budapest, Paris (Musée du Louvre) 2008–9 Exh. Cat. Rotterdam – New York 2001 Exhibition catalogue, Nadine Orenstein and Manfred Sellink, Pieter Bruegel the Elder: Drawings and Prints, Rotterdam (Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen) – New York (The Metropolitan Museum of Art) 2001 Exh. Cat. Tokyo 1989 Exhibition catalogue, David Freedberg (ed.), The Prints of Pieter Bruegel the Elder, Tokyo (Bridgestone Museum) 1989 Exh. Cat. Tokyo – Niigata – Kyoto 2010 Exhibition catalogue, Yoko Mori and Godlieve Denhaene (eds.), The World of Bruegel in Black and White from the Collection of the Royal Library of Belgium, Tokyo (Bunkamura Museum of Art) – Niigata (Niigata City Art Museum) – Kyoto (Museum Eki Kyoto) 2010 Exh. Cat. Vienna 1945–1946 Exhibition catalogue, Ausstellung von Meisterwerken der Gemäldegalerie des Kunsthistorischen Museums in der Hofburg, Vienna (Hofburg) 1945–6 Exh. Cat. 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Jahrhundert, PhD thesis, Vienna University, 2013 Floerke (1906) 2000 Carel van Mander, Das Leben der niederländischen und deutschen Maler (von 1400 bis ca. 1615), translated after the edition of 1617 and notes by Hanns Floerke (1906), Wiesbaden 2000 Foote 1975 Timothy Foote, The World of Bruegel c. 1525–1569, New York, 1975 Fraiture 2007 Pascale Fraiture, Les supports de peintures en bois dans les anciens PaysBas méridionaux de 1450 à 1650: analyses dendrochronologiques et archéologiques, 3 vols, PhD thesis, Université de Liège, 2007 Fraiture 2009 Pascale Fraiture, ‘Contribution of dendrochronology to understanding of wood procurement sources for panel paintings in the former Southern Netherlands from 1450 to 1650’, in: Dendrochronologia 27, 2009, pp. 95–111 Fraiture 2012 Pascale Fraiture, ‘Dendro-archaeological Examination of Paintings by Pieter Brueghel the Younger’, in: D. Allart and C. Currie, The Brueg[h]el Phenomenon: Paintings by Pieter Bruegel the Elder and Pieter Brueghel the Younger with a Special Focus on Technique and Copying Practice, 3 vols (Scientia Artis 8), Brussels 2012, pp. 1002–17 Fraiture 2013 Pascale Fraiture, Report of dendrochronological analysis, panel paintings. Hubert and Jan van Eyck. Ghent Altarpiece: Adam and Eve (Ghent, St. Bavo Cathedral), Royal Institute for Cultural Heritage, 2013, published online: http://closertovaneyck. kikirpa.be/#home/sub=documents Fraiture 2017 Pascale Fraiture, ‘Results of three campaigns of dendrochronological analysis on the altarpiece of the Adoration of the Mystic Lamb by Hubert and Jan van Eyck (1986–2013)’, in: C. Currie, B. Fransen, V. Henderiks, C. Stroo and D. Vanwijnsberghe (eds.), Van Eyck Studies. 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