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2010, Pacific Affairs, Vol. 83, No. 4
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3 pages
1 file
Journal of Religion, 2010
Pacific Affairs, 2010
For thirty years my research and writing, as well as a good deal of my teaching, has focused on understanding Theravada Buddhists within the context of Sri Lanka's religious culture. For that reason many of my reflections throughout this study of Buddhism and religious culture in Laos are comparative. Laos and Sri Lanka are important venues for Theravada's persistence in the contemporary world, but their historical experiences, of course, have been quite varied, and so the manner in which aspects of the sasana (Buddhist tradition) have been cultivated in each has varied significantly as well. Buddhism was first introduced to Sri Lanka from India in the third century BCE, more than a millennium before any form of Buddhism reached the geographic area in Southeast Asia that is now Laos and more than a millennium and a half before Sri Lanka's distinctive lineages of Theravada tradition were cultivated among the Lao. Moreover, the wider religious cultures within which Theravada has been domesticated in Laos and Sri Lanka respectively are also definitively unique when compared. Sri Lanka's proximity to India has resulted in more sustained Hindu influence. Though Hindu influence is notable in Laos, it is not nearly so emphatic, especially at the level of common lay religious culture. Instead, in Laos indigenous cults of phi (spirits) and khwan (vital essence) have predominated, while Hindu influence has been limited, though not exclusively, to royal elite circles. In any case the comparative comments interspersed throughout this book are aimed at determining what may be distinctive about Lao religious culture and its articulation of Buddhism, not to overly emphasize its historical dependence upon Sri Lanka, though Sri Lanka, while not very familiar to contemporary Lao people, has been sometimes lionized in Laos as the mother load of Theravada's origins and purity. Over these past thirty years most of my travel itineraries to Sri Lanka, for extended or brief stays, were simply a combination of marathon flights between New England, where I make my home and teach, and South Asia, where I do my research and writing, without any stopovers in between. About ten years ago Sree Padma (my wife) and I decided that we no longer wanted to endure the travails of "airplane asceticism." We began to break our journeys in either Europe or
Lao Buddhism’s histories are deeply fragmented. Most Lao were deported to Siam in the nineteenth century, and after the demise of the French colonial regime, the country was drawn into the Second Indochina War. After two decades of brutal warfare and massive destructions, the Lao communist movement took power in 1975. This chapter examines the history of Lao Buddhism in the context of these events, and puts its main focus on the entanglement of religion and politics in the postcolonial phase, as the political polarization of the Lao sangha during the Cold War and the impact of the subsequent revolution remain crucial for understanding Buddhism’s position in the current Lao PDR. While under reformed socialism there has been a resurgence of Buddhism in the last two decades, the social and religious transformations resulting from rapid modernization through the capitalist economy and globalization bring new challenges for the Lao sangha.
Journal of Lao Studies, 2015
2014
The members of the Lao Sangha, monks as well as novices, do not only stay in their monasteries for spiritual purposes, for chanting and meditating many hours a day. In fact, they are also obliged to participate in numerous activities which connect them to the daily lives of the local laypeople on whose constant support they rely. The monasteries function as schools or centres of training and learning. The monks are teachers and instructors of young novices and devout laypeople alike. For this purpose, the members of the Lao Sangha seek for answers to a variety of social and developmental issues in the Buddhist scriptures. This paper seeks to explore how the Buddhist institutions, from the highest levels of the Sangha hierarchy to individual monasteries, have defined their social responsibilities since the founding of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Lao PDR) in December 1975. According to the policy of the leading Lao People’s Revolutionary Party, the multi-ethnic Lao nation ha...
Buddhist Legacies in Mainland Southeast Asia, 2006
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A lthough the teachings of many religious traditions suggest a mythical and nonhistorical nature, it is apparent that they are not immune to change and indeed have to be transformed in order to remain meaningful in the every day lives of their followers. The discontinuities within society, caused for example by a rapid cultural and economic transformation and the effects of globalisation, are often the source of re-conceptualisation for religious teachings. What before has been accepted as an e ffective but invisible common sense norm, a fixed value system and set of practises, suddenly becomes negotiated and subject to more intense reflection. Depending on the internal structure and resources of a religious organization and the field (socioeconomic, cultural and political etc.) it operates in, religious leaders and laypeople are more or less successful in adapting to new contexts, and manage to construct a coherent (usually moral and ethical) argument around new developments in society and thereby react to current discourses and shape them. The first, frequently employed, option is to accomplish this through the reinforcement of traditional teachings in order to conserve 'original' culture and thereby try to come to terms with new influences. The second preference is through an extension or modification of traditional teachings so that they become dialogic and can be applied to new areas. In a range of Theravada Buddhist cultures, very often both strategies have been employed simultaneously (Reynolds, 1990: 74f.).
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