On the difference between praise and invective

in X. Riu, J. Pòrtulas (ed.), Approaches to Archaic Greek Poetry. Orione, 5. Messina: Dipartimento di scienze dell’antichità, 2012, p. 249-282.

Segno e Testo, 2018

This article consists of two parts. The first part is a new edition of P.Mil. Vogl. III 123, a set of encomia to mythological heroes from the 3rd century BCE, with extensive commentary. Included in the new edition are a previously untranscribed fragment of the Milan papyrus (now attached) and a newly-found unpublished frag- ment from the Yale collection (P.CtYBR inv. 4573), which can also be joined di- rectly to the known papyrus. The second part describes, analyses, and contextualises the Milan papyrus as an important witness for rhetorical education in Hellenistic Egypt. I reinforce the established view that the papyrus was used in an educational context with new linguistic arguments, and demonstrate that P.Mil. Vogl. III 123 offers a rare insight into the function of the encomium in the education, culture, and politics of the Hellenistic period.

Classical Philology, 2007

andrea rotstein laming Archilochus , the poet of blame, seems to have become a recurrent topic in Greek literature from very early times. Already Heraclitus proposes that, like Homer, Archilochus be "thrown out of the contests and beaten up" (Diog. Laert. 9.1 = 42 DK): 1 tov n te £Omhron eß fasken aß xion ej k tΩn ag∫nwn ej kbav llesqai kaµ rJ apÇzesqai kaµ ÂrcÇlocon oJ moÇwÍ.

The Classical Quarterly, 2011

Vari in Attica, a rupestrian shrine that also underwent a significant number of alterations at the hand of its founder, Archedamus of Thera. 15 As in Pantalces' cave, the central feature is a rock-cut stairway that connects the various sub divisions of the sanctuary. 16 And, as in Pantalces' cave, we find here inscriptions that emphasize the architectural work carried out at the site, IG I 3 977 b, Ἀρχέδemoς … Νύνφαι<ς> ἐχσοικοδόμεσεν and IG I 3 980, Ἀρχέδημος … τἄντρον ἐξηργάξατο. 17 Archedamus is not celebrated in epic metre like his Thessalian equivalent; however, an even more direct tribute to his building skills survives in the form of a sculpture, roughly hewn in the rock of the cave, which depicts him in a stonemason's attire with hammer and square in hand. 18 Commenting on the Vari site, W.R. Connor once remarked, 'There is no trace here of the fear of the banausic'. 19 The same statement certainly holds true for the cave of Pantalces at Alogopati.

The Classical Review, 1984

1 This problematic book contains no general bibliography, though one finds, scattered among the footnotes, useful bibliographies on individual poems (e.g. p. 38 n. 15 on Archilochus fr. 2W, p. 79 n. 10 on Archilochus (?) fr. 331W) or on given topics (e.g. p. 281 n. 7 on the priamel, p. 257 n. 80 on the deity conceived as a cu/x/xaxoc). Other such bibliographies, involving attempts to solve the insolubly lost, lacunose or corrupt. (e.g. p. 214 n. 13, p. 261 n. 86), are inevitably of much less utility. In her brief) Introduction and throughout the volume, Burnett is so punctilious in exposing the baselessness of many accepted ideas about early Greek lyric that I should have liked her to stress that the three poets here considered are not the only archaic monodists

N 336 B.C., when Ctesiphon moved to crown Demosthenes, he included a phrase, standard for such motions, which summarized Demosthenes' worthiness in two abstract terms of civic praise. Most scholars state simply that the terms of this summary clause, the ἕνεκα-clause, were ἀρετή and ἀνδραγαθία. That claim is erroneous or at best incomplete, and it impedes further analysis of the use of the abstract terms in the speeches of Aeschines and Demosthenes as well as in fourth-century Athenian civic life at large. To correct this and to deepen our understanding of the rhetoric of these two speeches and of the use of such abstract terms in the 330s, it is necessary to examine thoroughly the relevant passages in the two speeches and to compare the use of these abstract terms in contemporary epigraphical evidence in far greater depth than has yet been done. This analysis will reveal that Aeschines and Demosthenes used competing abstract terms as a way to essentialize their attack and defense respectively, and that their dispute over abstract terms is part of a broader development in civic praise in Athens as evidenced by both literary and epigraphic sources. 1 The two relevant parts of Ctesiphon's motion, the ἐπειδήclause and the ἕνεκα-clause, can be reconstructed, to a great extent, from passages in the two speeches. 2 Blass set the

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Philologus , 2019

This article is a contribution to our understanding of how Archilochean poetics may be situated in the longer poetic tradition. In examining two fragments that have received little attention, I hope to illustrate how Archilochus’ poetry both engaged with its predecessors and was in turn engaged by its successors. Fragment 222W employs a theme that was perhaps already conventional for Hesiod, in which the incompatibility of the sexes is implicated in the cycle of seasons, an idea that also seems relevant to Archilochus’ quarrel with the daughters of Lycambes. Light is shed on 39W by comparing it to later words for skinning that serve as metaphors for cheating someone, the best known example of which is found in Catullus. In the first fragment the text can be elucidated by a look to Archilochus’ forerunners, and in the second by looking to his heirs.

2017

Archilochus' relationship to Thasos has long troubled scholars. The poet, numerous ancient sources attest, was involved in the Parian settlement of Thasos, an island 400 km away at the other end of the Aegean. As such, he is not only our first "lyric" voice, but also our first "colonial" voice. ... This paper will take a fresh approach to Archilochus' colonial context. Earlier scholars have mined the "so-called historical fragments" (Owen 2003) for scraps of information about Parian and Thasian history, often ignoring the hard(er) evidence of archaeology. More recent scholarship has tended to focus on formal, generic, and ritual aspects of the corpus, abandoning the error-strewn pursuit of historical reference and biography. I want to take a middle road, first examining the relevant archaeological evidence for seventh-century Thasos, and then exploring how Archilochus positions himself relative to that evidence, and relative to Thasos itself. Next, with a slow, "surface" reading of the some of the erotic fragments, I will show how the Thasian landscape structures the poet's conceits; finally, a brief analysis of poems by Ibycus and Anacreon will suggest the fruitfulness of extending this reading strategy to other archaic poets.