How Carolingian was Early Medieval Catalonia?

USING AND NOT USING THE PAST AFTER THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE Using and Not Using the Past after the Carolingian Empire offers a new take on European history from c.900 to c.1050, examining the ‘post-Carolingian’ period in its own right and presenting it as a time of creative experimentation with new forms of authority and legitimacy. In the late eighth century, the Frankish king Charlemagne put together a new empire. Less than a century later, that empire had collapsed. The story of Europe following the end of the Carolingian Empire has often been presented as a tragedy: a time of turbulence and disintegration, out of which the new, recognizably medieval kingdoms of Europe emerged. This collection offers a different perspective. Taking a transnational approach, the authors contemplate the new social and political order that emerged in tenth- and eleventh-century Europe and examine how those shaping this new order saw themselves in relation to the past. Each chapter explores how the past was used creatively by actors in the regions of the former Carolingian Empire to search for political, legal and social legitimacy in a turbulent new political order. Advancing the debates on the uses of the past in the early Middle Ages and prompting reconsideration of the narratives that have traditionally dominated modern writing on this period, Using and Not Using the Past after the Carolingian Empire is ideal for students and scholars of tenth- and eleventh-century European history. Sarah Greer is a post-doctoral fellow at the University of St Andrews. Her research explores the relationships between memory and power in the long tenth century. Alice Hicklin is a post-doctoral fellow at the Freie Universität Berlin. Her research compares legal and diplomatic practices throughout western Europe in the early middle ages. Stefan Esders is professor of Late Antique and Early Medieval History at the Freie Universität Berlin, specializing in legal history. He has recently co-edited East and West in the Early Middle Ages: The Merovingian Kingdoms in Mediterranean Perspective (2019) with Yaniv Fox,Yitzhak Hen and Laury Sarti. 9780367002510pre.indd 1 02/09/19 11:12 PM 9780367002510pre.indd 2 02/09/19 11:12 PM USING AND NOT USING THE PAST AFTER THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE C. 900–C.1050 Edited by Sarah Greer Alice Hicklin and Stefan Esders 9780367002510pre.indd 3 02/09/19 11:12 PM First published 2020 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2020 selection and editorial matter, Sarah Greer, Alice Hicklin and Stefan Esders; individual chapters, the contributors The right of Sarah Greer, Alice Hicklin and Stefan Esders to be identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record has been requested for this book ISBN: 978-0-367-00251-0 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-367-00252-7 (pbk) ISBN: 978-0-429-40055-1 (ebk) Typeset in Bembo by Swales & Willis, Exeter, Devon, UK 9780367002510pre.indd 4 02/09/19 11:12 PM CONTENTS List of Illustrations Notes on contributors 1 Introduction Sarah Greer and Alice Hicklin vii ix 1 PART I Past Narratives 13 2 The future of history after empire Geoffrey Koziol 15 3 Remembering troubled pasts: episcopal deposition and succession in Flodoard’s History of the Church of Rheims Edward Roberts 36 In the shadow of Rome: after empire in the late-tenth-century chronicle of Benedict of Monte Soratte Maya Maskarinec 56 Infiltrating the local past: supra-regional players in local hagiography from Trier in the ninth and tenth centuries Lenneke van Raaij 77 After the fall: lives of texts and lives of modern scholars in the historiography of the post-Carolingian world Stuart Airlie 94 4 5 6 9780367002510pre.indd 5 02/09/19 11:12 PM vi Contents Inscribing Memories 109 7 How Carolingian was early medieval Catalonia? Matthias M.Tischler 111 8 Orchestrating harmony: litanies, queens, and discord in the Carolingian and Ottonian empires Megan Welton 134 Models of marriage charters in a notebook of Ademar of Chabannes (ninth – eleventh century) Philippe Depreux 154 10 All in the family: creating a Carolingian genealogy in the eleventh century Sarah Greer 166 9 11 ‘Charles’s stirrups hang down from Conrad’s saddle’: reminiscences of Carolingian oath practice under Conrad II (1024–1039) Stefan Esders 189 Recalling Communities 201 12 Notions of belonging. Some observations on solidarity in the late- and post-Carolingian world Maximilian Diesenberger 203 13 Bishops, canon law, and the politics of belonging in post-Carolingian Italy, c. 930–c. 960 Jelle Wassenaar 221 14 Migrant masters and their books. Italian scholars and knowledge transfer in post-Carolingian Europe Giorgia Vocino 241 15 The dignity of our bodies and the salvation of our souls. Scandal, purity, and the pursuit of unity in late tenth-century monasticism Steven Vanderputten 262 16 Law and liturgy: excommunication records, 900–1050 Sarah Hamilton 282 Index 000 9780367002510pre.indd 6 02/09/19 11:12 PM ILLUSTRATIONS Figures 4.1 Monte Soratte as viewed from Rome (Photo by author) 4.2 Vat. Chigi. F.IV.75, fol. 40r (courtesy of the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, with all rights reserved) 4.3 Reused architectural elements in the church of S. Andrea (Photos by author) 57 60 61 Map 4.1 Monte Soratte and its environs (Map created by Gordie Thompson) 58 Table 5.1 Hagiographical works of local patrons of Trier until the first half of the eleventh century (created by author). 9780367002510pre.indd 7 80 02/09/19 11:12 PM 7 HOW CAROLINGIAN WAS EARLY MEDIEVAL CATALONIA?* Matthias M. Tischler(Barcelona) In memory of Bernhard Bischoff (1906–1991)** Carolingian culture in early medieval Catalonia Two of the unanswered questions within twentieth- and twenty-first-century Carolingian Studies are the role that the peripheries of Charlemagne’s Empire played in its culture and religion, and what position these so-called marcae could establish in the Europe-wide network of knowledge transfer. These problems open up another unanswered question: what role did the Carolingian Spanish March (Catalonia) and its manuscripts play in the history of Europe-wide dissemination of the Carolingian minuscule and text culture since the ninth century onwards? To answer these questions, I will focus on central criteria of Carolingian culture such as the Carolingian script, religious texts of Benedictine and canonical life, the Bible and Homiliaries. The Carolingian minuscule in early medieval Catalonia Perhaps the most visible presence of Carolingian culture in early medieval Catalonia is seen in the diffusion of its cultural techniques and achievements, such as the dissemination of writing the new Carolingian minuscule in the Hispanic border region. Since the ninth century, this new script was a distinct feature separating the Northeast from the rest of the Iberian Peninsula. A closer look at Bernhard * Prof. Dr. Matthias M. Tischler, Institució Catalana de Recerca i Estudis Avançats/ Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Edifici B, Campus de la UAB, E – 08193 Bellaterra. ** The research for this chapter was funded by the ‘After Empire: Using and Not Using the Past in the Crisis of the Carolingian World, c.900–1050’ HERA project, receiving funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement no. 649307. 112 Matthias M. Tischler Bischoff ’s magisterial Paläographie1 and his posthumously published four-volume repertory of the continental ninth-century manuscripts on the one hand,2 and a review of his publications3 and his also posthumously published Handschriftenarchiv4 on the other hand provide some preliminary answers to our question about the introduction of Carolingian minuscule and texts in the Spanish March. Concerning the history of Carolingian minuscule in the Iberian Peninsula, Bischoff tells us that Catalonia was an exception in Spain in not continuing the use of the characteristic younger Visigothic minuscule until the early twelfth century (or even later); instead, Catalonia saw this change of script long before the rest of the Iberian Peninsula, where it was prompted by Cluniac influence and Pope Gregory’s VII liturgical reform during the eleventh century.5 Bischoff does not go into detail on the advance of the new Carolingian minuscule – he sees this phenomenon developing simultaneously with the use of the Visigothic script until the early ninth century – and mentions only the renowned monastery of Ripoll as a Catalan centre of its use. Yet recent research in modern Catalonia has shown that the story is more complicated: we now know that it took some time during the ninth century for the old Visigothic minuscule to be replaced by the new Carolingian script in the Spanish March.6 In other words, we still find hybrid minuscule types in this century – either Visigothic minuscule under Carolingian influence or Carolingian minuscule with Visigothic substrate.We know today that the Carolingian minuscule increasingly infiltrated the Spanish March from the middle of the ninth century onwards through Carolingian manuscripts and charters imported from Septimania or even written in the Western Frankish realm.7 This thus produced on the one hand a writing style in transition between the old Visigothic minuscule and the new Carolingian script; and on the other hand a specific form of Carolingian minuscule with Catalan earmarks written especially in the northern scriptoria of the Carolingian counties such as Vic and Ripoll. Girona and Barcelona, however, seem to have followed a more international Carolingian minuscule. That means that alongside Ripoll – and other monasteries under Carolingian influence whose early scriptoria are still difficult to reconstruct – the bishoprics and counties of Girona, Vic and Barcelona also played an important, but individualized role in the introduction of the Carolingian minuscule. Various types of this script were thus imported from early medieval Catalonia’s political and cultural backyards in Septimania, Burgundy and Francia (Narbonne, Lyons, Tours… ) and dominated in the development of a new general writing style in early medieval Catalonia from ca. 900 onwards. Carolingian texts of religious life Benedictine monasticism It is an often-told story of early medieval monasticism that the diffusion of the Benedictine lifestyle across Europe was intrinsically connected to the Carolingians’ reform of the Church. This older form of religious life came to dominate over How Carolingian was early medieval Catalonia? 113 other male (and female) monastic rules in the south-western periphery of the Carolingian Empire under Louis the Pious and his monastic counsellor Benedict of Aniane.8 This second Benedict, originally baptized as Witiza, was the son of the Visigothic count of Maguelone in southern France (Septimania).When he became a Benedictine monk in Saint-Seine (near Dijon), he took his new name from his Italian forerunner and model of monastic life, Benedict of Nursia. We know a relatively large amount about Witiza-Benedict, including his involvement in the general introduction of a revised version of the Regula S. Benedicti, and his own and his disciples’ works explaining the content and the superiority of this monastic rule in comparison to other contemporary monastic rules.9 We even know that Benedict preached for a time against Adoptionism, a Hispanic form of Christology favoured by Bishop Felix of Urgell, which was disqualified, damned and eradicated as a heresy by the Frankish Church.10 Due to the importance of his role, the transmission of his Life, which was written shortly after his death (821) by his own pupil Ardo of Aniane (ca. 822/823),11 was not confined to his native region of Septimania. It is true that a twelfth-century copy from Aniane is the earliest preserved testimony of the full biographical text12 – a statement we can read in recent scholarship –,13 but it also left traces in medieval Catalonia: excerpts are seen in the lectionary of Santa Maria de Serrateix14 and in the breviary of Saint-Michel de Cuxa.15 As such, we can assume a certain level of circulation and knowledge of this Carolingian monastic biography in medieval Catalonia. Another well-known story of early medieval monasticism is the equally Europewide enforcement of the Benedictine life accomplished by the tenth-century monastic movements which originated in various Frankish reform centres such as Cluny, Gorze, Fleury, Moissac and others. These movements aimed to continue, complete or transform the reform work of Benedict of Aniane. At least two of these monastic centres, Cluny and Fleury, which both had strong ties to Carolingian culture, had an early impact on the renewal of Catalonia’s Benedictine life and the formation of the first congregations of exempt communities since the second half of the tenth century.16 Both of these stories of Catalan Benedictine monasticism are mostly told without an integral and integrative view of the manuscript tradition generated by these monastic reform movements.The full integration of Catalan evidence for the Europe-wide dissemination of new monastic literature into the history of oral and written communication, as well as its effects on religious identity-building in the various regions of the Iberian world, is an exciting task that remains to be achieved in full detail. What now follows can only be some preliminary observations on the Catalan landscape of text transmission and on its historical contextualization. At the core of previous research interest in Catalan Benedictine life is the fundamental text, the Rule of St. Benedict.17 The earliest known copy from ca. 850 is still written in Visigothic minuscule, but seemingly under the influence of Carolingian minuscule; as such, it was produced somewhere in the Spanish March, and is today preserved in the Escorial.18 Other early copies are seen from the eleventh century: a book inventory of Sant Sadurní de Tavèrnoles from 1040 114 Matthias M. Tischler mentions one – or possibly two – copies of St. Benedict’s rule,19 and the Ripoll catalogue of 1047 describes a ‘Liber Sancti Benedicti’, perhaps the (now-lost) personal exemplar of Abbot Oliba.20 Manuscripts of the rule from the same century have been preserved from the Benedictine houses Sant Cugat del Vallès (given to its foundation, the monastery of Sant Llorenç del Munt)21 and Santa Maria de Serrateix.22 During his preparations of the critical edition of the Benedictine rule published in 1960,23 the Viennese philologist Rudolf Hanslik could show that the text family of the rare Iberian testimonies depends on an archetype stemming from Narbonne or Septimania,24 the home region of Benedict of Aniane.25 But Hanslik did not compare the texts of all existing Catalan copies of the rule – the manuscript from Santa Maria de Serrateix in particular is missing in his edition – so we do not know the exact relationship between the Catalan copies and thus the forms of dissemination of Benedict’s rule in early medieval Catalonia.26 Catalan Benedictine houses were also owners of a rich literature of commentaries and tracts on their father’s Rule. All of these belonged to the school of Benedict of Aniane and his followers, especially Abbot Smaragdus of Saint-Mihiel. This manuscript panorama shows the great impact of the southern Carolingian-Septimanian network of monastic reformers which stood in open intra-Frankish conflict with older representatives of Benedictine life, especially the great Carolingian abbot, Adalhart of Corbie. In the early ninth century, Benedict wrote his Concordia regularum, a synopsis of regulations taken from different monastic rules.27 In Catalonia, it is transmitted in an abbreviated text version (with lacunae) in a southern French copy of the late ninth century, which was later given to the Catalan Cistercian abbey of Santes Creus and thus could be the copy mentioned in Santes Creus’ earliest book inventory dating from the last quarter of the twelfth century.28 In addition, though beyond our early medieval horizon, is a fourteenth-century copy perhaps from Saint-Victor de Marseille,29 which transmits Benedict’s tract De diversarum poenitentiarum modo de regula Benedicti distincto, a special short comparative text on various monastic penitential practices.30 Smaragdus, stemming from a noble Visigothic family who lived in the Iberian Peninsula or in Septimania, was abbot of Saint-Mihiel (near Verdun) since ca. 812 and wrote an explanation of the Regula S. Benedicti ca. 816/817, in the context of Benedict of Aniane’s reform.31 This Expositio in Regulam S. Benedicti must have played an important role in the Catalan monastic communities from the ninth century onwards. Whereas previous research perhaps wrongly identified the Smaragduscodex mentioned in the testament of Bishop Idalguer of Vic from 908 as an early testimony of this exegetical work on Benedict’s rule,32 the oldest confirmed Catalan copy is preserved with a single folium from a tenth-century manuscript from the Benedictine house of Sant Benet de Bages33 as well as the ‘Espositum regule’ in the previously-mentioned Ripoll catalogue from 1047. This was most probably a copy of this commentary on St. Benedict’s rule.34 Finally, one has also to mention Smaragdus’s famous monastic speculum, the Diadema monachorum,35 which, despite previous assumptions, is not mentioned in the testament of Bishop Riculf of Elne How Carolingian was early medieval Catalonia? 115 (915),36 but is later transmitted in a twelfth-century copy from the Benedictine abbey of Sant Cugat del Vallès.37 If we had more reliable early palaeographical data from Benedict’s scriptorium in Aniane,38 and if we knew much more about the earliest products of the ninthand tenth-century Benedictine houses of Catalonia, then it would be much easier to identify further early manuscript material from the reform circle of Benedict and thus to better understand the relationship between our preserved manuscripts. I would like to close my short overview on early medieval Benedictine life in Catalonia with a ninth-century folium, unknown to the specialists of Carolingian Benedictine reform: this fragment shows glosses on the Rule ch. 5–7, which is the spiritual core of the work.39 They are different from the recently-edited anonymous compendium on the Rule, the so-called Glosae de diversis doctoribus collectae in regula S. Benedicti abbatis.40 This latter work was composed by an anonymous author ca. 790/827, who put together a catena-glossary of ca. 1100 elementary terms of the Regula Benedicti and a florilegium of more than 500 extracts from a wide range of biblical, patristic and monastic texts. Our Barcelona fragment may have been part of a comparable schoolbook created for a new Benedictine community.41 In any case, it is a further testimony of Carolingian study of the Benedictine rule chapter-bychapter, commenting on central words or passages of the text. At the moment, we cannot say where exactly this manuscript was written. Its excellent ninth-century Carolingian minuscule is that of a Carolingian writing community,42 and the glossed text of Benedict’s rule belongs to the family of manuscripts disseminated by the church of Narbonne.43 Together with other fragments, it came into the older Uncial manuscript of Gregory the Great’s Homilies on the Gospels when it was rebound in the tenth century. The origins of this Uncial manuscript seem to be located in southern France near to the Mediterranean Sea,44 so the fragments could also stem from this region.Yet, we cannot exclude the possibility that our Glossary on St. Benedict’s rule was already in Catalonia, because another fragment, a folium of the Breviarium apostolorum, perhaps followed the same route from Septimania to Catalonia.45 The namedropping of Bishop Vives of Barcelona (973–995) in this wonderful copy of Gregory’s Homilies (fol. 159v) could be the decisive clue that it came (together with the fragments) to the Cathedral after the raiding of Barcelona by al-Mans·ūr (985), as it was this bishop who had to restore the plundered book collection of his church.46 Canonical life In stark contrast to the already intensely-studied introduction of reformed Carolingian Benedictine monasticism to early medieval Catalonia, our knowledge of the contemporaneous Carolingian reform of canonical life and its implantation in this border region through the famous Institutio canonicorum Aquisgranensis from 81647 is still rather weak.48 This rule seems to be introduced in the Spanish March during the ninth century. However, the first testimony for a community in Girona following the Aachen rule only dates from 887.49 The foundation of the community 116 Matthias M. Tischler of canons at Girona Cathedral followed the model of Barcelona (878). In 949, a first ‘abba’ of the collegiate church Sant Feliu is mentioned by name, a certain Teudesind.50 In 1019, the Girona community of canons was reformed and granted privileges again.51 The establishment of canonical life at the Cathedral and collegiate church of Girona thus follows the general timeline of development of this form of religious life in early medieval Catalonia: the Cathedral chapters introduced the Aachen rule during the ninth century or in the first decade of the tenth century at the latest.The further reform of the ‘vita canonica’ at the Cathedral chapters continued from the middle of the tenth century onwards, starting with the renovation of common life at Vic Cathedral52 – Urgell (835; reform 1010),53 Barcelona (ca. 878; reform 1009)54 and Vic (before 911; reform 957)55 – whereas most collegiate churches followed the Aachen rule only from the late tenth or early eleventh century onwards – Solsona (928),56 Besalú (977),57 Sant Joan de les Abadesses (1017),58 Sant Vicenç de Cardona (1019)59 and Tremp (1079).60 This short story of the introduction of Carolingian canonical life in early medieval Catalonia can be confirmed, at least partially, by some preserved or recorded copies of the Institutio canonicorum Aquisgranensis from 816. Previous researchers knew of four Catalan manuscripts, but only the oldest one from Vic was mentioned in the MGH-edition provided by Albert Werminghoff in 1906.61 This copy was written in a still-unidentified Catalan scriptorium, either in the second quarter of the tenth century or around the middle of this century.62 It could be the original manuscript written for the community of canons of Vic Cathedral, which was mentioned in an inventory of Bishop Guadamir from June 14, 957;63 it was Guadamir who introduced the use of the Aachen rule only a few days before his death.64 The same manuscript also appears to be mentioned in another Vic inventory from August 971.65 The other Catalan copies of the Aachen rule have drawn less – if any – attention in medieval research.66 These are the currently undiscoverable copy from Sant Joan de les Abadesses, probably dating from the eleventh century;67 a second Vic copy from 1064,68 which was arranged by the priest and canon Ermemirus Quintilianus, the most famous scribe of eleventh-century Vic;69 and an obviously lost copy from Urgell Cathedral, which was perhaps copied on occasion of the reform in 1010 under Bishop Ermengol and then mentioned in an inventory from 1010/1040 and in another booklist from 1147.70 However, the oldest Catalan community of canons following the Aachen rule must have also possessed a copy of it. We have excerpts from this text preserved in an early modern copy from Sant Feliu de Girona dating from 1502, whose existence was mentioned in several specialist publications of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, but has not been widely noted among the scholarly public.71 This manuscript does not show the complete Institutio canonicorum Aquisgranensis, but rather is a selective collection of parts of the work, including the prologue, the collection of the patristic texts with the integrated epilogue, and the beginning of the rule itself. Its production in 1502 is no mere coincidence.72 Exactly 500 years How Carolingian was early medieval Catalonia? 117 before, in December 1002, Pope Silvester II, who had strong ties to Catalonia since his juvenile studies there, confirmed the possessions of the Diocese of Girona and mentioned the church of Sant Feliu and Narcis in Girona and its position outside of the city gate.73 One cannot overrate the importance of the new Catalan copies of the Aachen rule for our view of the variegated Carolingian landscape of religious lifestyles in early medieval Catalonia. Up until now, we knew more-or-less since when each community followed the Aachen rule.Yet with the exception of the tenth-century copy from Vic, we had no deeper insight into the dissemination of the rule in Catalonia. In addition, the new copy from Girona impressively demonstrates how long and how deeply-rooted the introduction of this Carolingian rule for canons was in Catalonia. Alongside the Benedictine rule, this normative order for the canons was another basic text of the religious lifestyle. It came to prominence long before the introduction of the Augustinian rule in this periphery of Latin Christendom74 and remained so in some traditional communities of canonical life even afterwards. Since Albert Werminghoff did not use the Catalan copies for his edition, we do not know which exact text version(s) they provide and which textual and historical interrelationship they have. As such, we cannot at present integrate these testimonies into the larger horizon of Carolingian canonical lifestyle. Carolingian Bible tradition Previous research on the Bible legacy of the medieval Iberian world has strongly focused on the production of Visigothic and Romanesque Bible pandects in northern Spain and has overlooked two further central phenomena of the north-eastern parts that became early medieval Catalonia, namely: 1) the strong role that the Carolingian Bible tradition already played in this middle ground between Italy, France and the rest of the Iberian Peninsula from the ninth century onwards; and 2) the import, production and edition of new Bibles in the long tenth century, which has not been told in the master narrative of the history of the Bible in Europe after the Carolingian reform. Our focus here lies on Carolingian Bible models, concentrating more on their outer forms than on their texts, since systematic investigation of the Latin texts they offer has not yet been accomplished.75 The production of the Bible in the late eighth- to early ninth-century Spanish March – that is, during the period of the Carolingian theologians’ struggle against the Adoptionism of Bishop Felix of Urgell (781–799) and his followers – is only observable in some fragments. Like their northern Spanish counterparts and the unknown earliest products from the neighbouring Carolingian county of Ribagorça (see nevertheless the Deuteronomy fragments of a large ninth-century Visigothic Bible with three columns76), they are written in Visigothic minuscule – a script certainly used by Felix – and came from the territory of the ‘ecclesia Narbonensis’, where the new Carolingian minuscule had not been introduced at that time. From Felix’s lifetime, we also have a bifolium of a late eighth-century 118 Matthias M. Tischler liturgical Hispanic Psalter, already in the Gallican version, but full of Vetus Latina variants77 and fragments from the Prophets78 and the Psalter79 from a large eighthto ninth-century Visigothic Bible in several volumes. The place of production of this Bible is not yet clear. If it was produced in the still-Visigothic Narbonnais, it was an imported manuscript; but if it was a product of the Cathedral of Urgell or Girona, then it is the oldest known Bible produced under Carolingian dominion in the Spanish March. An argument in favour of the Cathedral scriptorium of Urgell could be strengthened by the exceptional position this episcopal see had in the Spanish March, which was undergoing a strong Carolingian reform influence due to the Felix affair.This scenario and the protected location of the bishopric allowed it to escape being immediately affected by Muslim raids in the ongoing ninth century – unlike Barcelona – could explain why Urgell was the first important production centre of new Bibles in the Spanish March. The further story of the Bible in early medieval Catalonia is marked by the introduction of the Carolingian Bible, thus by the import of book and text models of the revised Vulgata concerning formats, book orders and theological decisions behind these models. Analysis of understudied and new fragments in combination with the rich tradition of donations of biblical manuscripts on occasion of church dedications now allows us a view of a denser biblical panorama in early medieval Catalonia. At least three Bibles show the design of large Carolingian full Bibles with two columns and more than 40 lines per column. The most impressive copy is the oldest one: the still poorly-known late ninth-century Urgell Bible, a local product imitating the model of the Tours Bible.80 But we have also a Genesis fragment from another giant Carolingian Bible (or Heptateuch) from later ninth-century Narbonnais, which was obviously imported to Vic Cathedral at the time of its restoration.81 A high-quality product of the scriptorium of Urgell Cathedral from the first half of the tenth century was the giant Carolingian Bible from which a Jeremiah fragment is preserved.82 An unknown facet of the history of the biblical legacy of early medieval Catalonia are the first autochthonous products from the tenth century, all scattered in fragments.The earliest Bible of Barcelona Cathedral from ca. 900 is known from some pieces from Judges and the Psalter.83 From the oldest Bible of the important Benedictine abbey of Sant Cugat del Vallès (near Barcelona), which was written by the deacon and judge Bonsom at the end of the tenth century, we have a fragment from the books of Kings84 still showing the three column design of an old Spanish Bible that was also typical for the slightly later Ripoll Bibles. Finally, Girona also participated in the production of its own Catalan Bibles, as we can see from late tenth-century fragments from the Letters of St. Paul to Timothy85 and the books of Kings,86 as well as fragments of an early eleventh-century Bible from which pieces of the Old and New Testament are preserved.87 All this preparative work of copying and editing new Carolingian Bibles and further imports such as the extraordinary large, now fragmented, French Bible of late tenth century88 were models for the magnificent Ripoll Bibles of the early eleventh century. These Ripoll Bibles, which have attracted so much research How Carolingian was early medieval Catalonia? 119 interest in the last decades, built the bridge to the ongoing Catalan and European Bible production. When we contrast the biblical landscapes of early medieval northern Spain and Catalonia, the differences are obvious: in the latter region, the introduction of the Carolingian minuscule as the new and exclusive script of books and documents is remarkable. It was obviously promoted by the importation of Carolingian manuscripts, including Carolingian Bibles from Catalonia’s metropolitan see of Narbonne and from other parts of the Western Frankish realm, which served as models for new orders of biblical books and texts. These imports nevertheless did not prevent the invention of hybrid forms in the outer and inner design of the new Catalan Bibles; those created up until the eleventh and twelfth centuries still evoke memories of the Visigothic Bibles of northern Spain, such as selected books of the Old Testament in the Vetus Latina version or texts belonging to Isidore of Seville’s Bible edition. This interaction between imported manuscripts from the earliest period of Carolingian dominion and autochthonous products from the late ninth century is typical for early medieval Catalonia. Yet there remain questions in this panorama: what exact role did the Church of Narbonne play in the transmission of the biblical text to Catalonia? Did the Bible edition of the Visigoth Theodulf of Orléans play a role alongside the Bible revision accomplished by the Anglo-Saxon Alcuin? Only the systematic collation of the Catalan Bibles mentioned here and of hundreds of other biblical fragments will allow more insight into the routes of text transmission starting in the Frankish and Italian source grounds of the Carolingian Empire and beyond. Carolingian exegesis and liturgy The last point I want to make in my short assessment of Carolingian culture in early medieval Catalonia is to discuss the introduction of the exegesis and liturgy of the Church of Narbonne in the Spanish March since the beginning of the ninth century. A characteristic feature of the Gallo-Roman liturgy of this Church is that it remained enriched with Visigothic/Hispanic elements.89 Yet during the ongoing ninth century, the growing Carolingian influence is undeniable and the import and use of new liturgical books and text traditions were a core issue in this process of liturgical transformation. Among them, the varying editions of Homiliaries – a booktype combining exegetical and liturgical functions – played a central role in the every day practice of liturgy and meditation. The so-called Homiliary of Luculentius in particular appears to mark the culmination of introducing Carolingian exegetical and liturgical traditions; I will now focus my final section on exploring this text.90 Luculentius is still a widely unknown author of Carolingian text culture. His work became part of the history of Latin medieval literature at a later stage, associated with an incorrect date and location. Earlier research favoured an Italian author from the late ninth century (ca. 900).91 Angelo Mai, the discoverer of the first 18 homilies of this collection, already formulated this geographical hypothesis 120 Matthias M. Tischler in the early nineteenth century.92 He edited them from two manuscripts preserved at Roman libraries which mention Luculentius without further information about his position in the Latin Church.93 Both manuscripts are supposed to have been written in central Italy in the late twelfth century, or even the first half of the thirteenth century.94 Yet, the history of the text and its transmission in fact appears to be quite different. We know today that the oldest copies of Luculentius’s much more voluminous collection stem from the Iberian Peninsula, especially two more-or-less complete manuscripts from the Catalan Benedictine monastery of Sant Cugat del Vallès. These two tenth-century copies are at present the two oldest known manuscripts from this abbey.95 In these copies, the collection comprises 156 homilies with the majority on the Gospels and Epistles, starting the annual cycle with the Christmas vigil. Both copies, which were more-or-less contemporary, apparently had the same model. Despite the mutilated state of conservation of these copies, the Catalan palaeographer Anscari Manuel Mundó i Marcet was able to decipher the colophon of one of them (Ms. 17) on fol. 241va. From this, we know that the priest Truitari copied this manuscript in 956/957 under Abbot Landericus of Sant Cugat.96 Following the Spanish Jesuit and Church historian Zacarías García Villada, who already postulated an author working in the so-called Spanish March because of the Carolingian script and content of these manuscripts, we now know that the two manuscripts represent the oldest text version, available in two further fragmentary manuscripts from tenth-century Catalonia and one fragment of twelfth-century Catalonia.97 A second version with characteristic text features and variants,98 datable to the middle of the tenth century, is also transmitted in many early Catalan manuscript fragments.99 The complete text transmission of Luculentius’s homiliary thus starts in the north-eastern part of the Iberian Peninsula with a strikingly early core area in the Diocese of Vic, whereas the peripheral and late Italian transmission shows common textual features with the second version100 and offers only a small text selection of the whole homiliary.101 This scenario suggests an author working somewhere in the Spanish March. Yet there is another textual argument which should not be discounted. One of the main sources of Luculentius’s work is the homiliary of the Visigothic Benedictine abbot, Smaragdus of Saint-Mihiel who came from the Septimanian-Carolingian boarder region.102 With regard to this history of texts, García Villada had already supposed that ‘Luculentius’ is nothing else than the Latinised form of ‘Smaragdus’.103 ‘Luculentius’ thus would have been more a reference to the famous VisigothicCarolingian author than a proper name.104 On the other hand, this Latin name, combined with the use of the Carolingian homilies of the Benedictine monks Haimo and Heiric of Auxerre and of a source also used for the Franco-Catalan recension of the Carolingian Liverani homiliary,105 suggests a younger author.106 Can we thus locate him in the Spanish March (or in Septimania) and still place him in the ninth century?107 A further persuasive argument for this region and date would be the liturgical and ecclesiastical influence that the Church of Narbonne exerted in this period on both sides of the Pyrenees.108 In addition, we have also traces of the liturgical use of Luculentius from the ninth to the twelfth century How Carolingian was early medieval Catalonia? 121 in Narbonne,109 Carcassone,110 and Saint-Pons-de-Thomières.111 Luculentius thus would have been one of the first Latin authors of this region writing after its integration into the Carolingian Empire and he seems to have been a Benedictine monk.112 We can even further substantiate this geographical and chronological attribution by Luculentius’s Vulgata version, as its features seem to be compatible with specific characteristics of some copies of the Catalan Bible tradition of the Benedictine abbey of Ripoll, the nearby episcopal see of Vic and the abbey of Saint-Michel de Cuxa in the Pyrenees that itself had strong connections with Ripoll and Vic.113 Another, still underrated argument for Luculentius’s location in the Spanish March could be the specific interreligious content of his homiliary. García Villada was the first scholar to present this knowledge, though he did not indicate the exact place in this collection. He says that in one of his homilies, Luculentius focuses on the Muslims’ excessive drinking of alcohol despite the Qur’ān’s explicit prohibition.114 In García Villada’s eyes, only an author with exact knowledge of the new religious law could write comments like these.115 What was unknown to García Villada when he was writing, is the fact that this homily forms part of the oldest text version.116 At present, without having a critical edition of the work, it is impossible to answer the question whether we deal with authentic knowledge of the Qur’ān in this passage or instead with oral Muslim traditions; or perhaps not even with specific Muslim behaviour but rather with a general objection against all drunkenness in different religious communities. If García Villada is however right, Luculentius would have been a new type of cultural broker of qur’ānic knowledge between two worlds if we locate him in the Spanish March around 900. Working in this frontier society, he would have been a representative of the mature monastic, exegetical and theological culture of the Carolingian reform church of the ninth century but would have now been confronted with the central problem of re-establishing and consolidating the new structures of the Latin Christian Church in immediate contact with the religious challenges facing this border-zone with al-Andalus. This religious and social context of his work could explain why Luculentius systematically confines his correct Catholic position against the erroneous opinions of the Jews, pagans and heretics in many of his homilies and why we thus must interpret the passage quoted above in the context of the polemics and apologetics of his liminal Mediterranean society. Summary What are the specific characteristics of our case study on early medieval Catalonia? This and other peripheries of the Carolingian Empire successfully carried out the Carolingian programme of reforms; as such we can say that this middle ground was Carolingian from a cultural and religious standpoint. In other words, we must break up the still-popular socio-political point of view on the Carolingian age which tells a history inflected by nineteenth-century priorities, focusing on a framework 122 Matthias M. Tischler of dead dynasties and an old-fashioned concern about the loss and recovery of the Roman imperial title. In the case of Catalonia, using Carolingian cultural expressions such as scripture, manuscript models, religious texts and liturgy did not mean looking back to the fading Visigothic culture, but meant looking forward to ideas and models that would shape Europe in the centuries to come. The use of expressions of Carolingian culture was thus a project for the future, which shows that the very potential of the Carolingian reform efforts, the potential relevance of this engagement, was primarily constituted in cultural rather than political results (Latin language, scripture, exegesis, theology and forms of religious life). From this point of view, ‘uses of the past’ must be differentiated, insofar as we have to identify past cultural elements and those with the potential of creating the future. For our research in the coming decades, at a greater comparative level, this means that we must systematically contrast the cultural contribution of all these Carolingian peripheries – northern and central Italy, and the middle-eastern and south-eastern peripheries of the post-Carolingian Empire such as Bohemia, Poland, Hungary and the Balkans – to the development of the Carolingian minuscule, book models and religious and liturgical texts. But what was the specific contribution of the Iberian-Catalan periphery to Carolingian culture with regard to the establishment of its forms of expression, when we compare it with the centres of this culture? Firstly, this and other peripheries of the Empire contributed to the homogenization of the Europe-wide culture despite a certain continuation of hybrid solutions of various degrees. Secondly, the Carolingian culture was established and confirmed as a result of the challenges facing the transcultural frontier societies of southern and south-eastern Europe, thus in the multicultural and multi-religious Mediterranean world. It turns out to be a big scientific challenge for the future to sharpen exactly this double perspective on Carolingian (political) culture from the so-called centres and peripheries. Our work of deconstruction of what may have been ‘Patristic’, ‘Visigothic’, ‘Carolingian’, etc. in the eyes of medieval cultural brokers needs the full implementation of the rich manuscript material provided by Catalonia (and Septimania) as a middle ground par excellence of the Euromediterranean world. Uncovering these cultural layers deserve our full engagement – locally and internationally. This manuscript was completed on September 30, 2018. Notes 1 Bernhard Bischoff, Paläographie des römischen Altertums und des abendländischen Mittelalters, Grundlagen der Germanistik 24 (Berlin: E. Schmidt, 1986 (etc.)). 2 Idem, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften des neunten Jahrhunderts (mit Ausnahme der wisigotischen) 1: Aachen – Lambach (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1998);… 2: Laon – Paderborn (Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz, 2004);… 3: Padua – Zwickau (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2014);… 4: Gesamtregister (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2017). 3 The complete bibliography is published by Sigrid Krämer, Bibliographie Bernhard Bischoff und Verzeichnis aller von ihm herangezogenen Handschriften, Fuldaer Hochschulschriften 27 (Frankfurt am Main: Knecht, 1998). How Carolingian was early medieval Catalonia? 123 4 Handschriftenarchiv Bernhard Bischoff (Bibliothek der Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Hs. C 1, C 2), ed. by Arno Mentzel-Reuters, MGH Hilfsmittel 16 (München: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1997). 5 Bischoff, Paläographie, pp. 130, 136 and 160. 6 Anscari Manuel Mundó [i Marcet]/Jesús Alturo [i Perucho],‘La escritura de transición de la visigótica a la carolina en la Cataluña del siglo ix’, in Actas del VIII Coloquio del Comité Internacional de Paleografía Latina, Estudios y ensayos 6 (Madrid: Joyas Bibliográficas, 1990), pp. 131–8; Jesús Alturo i Perucho, ‘La cultura llatina medieval a Catalunya. Estat de la qüestió’, in Symposium internacional sobre els orígens de Catalunya (segles viii–xi) 1, Buenas Letras de Barcelona 23 (Barcelona: Comissió del Millenari de Catalunya Generalitat de Catalunya, 1991), pp. 21–48; Idem, ‘Manuscrits i documents llatins d’origen català del segle ix’, in ibid., p. 273–80; Idem, ‘Escritura visigótica y escritura carolina en el contexto cultural de la Cataluña del siglo ix’, in Las raíces visigóticas de la Iglesia en España. En torno al Concilio III de Toledo. Santoral hispano-mozárabe en España, ed. by Agustin Hevia Ballina, Memoria Ecclesiae 2 (Oviedo: Asociación de Archiveros de la Iglesia en España, 1991), pp. 33–44 and 298; Idem, ‘El fragment de còdex 2541, IV de la Biblioteca de Catalunya amb algunes notes sobre característiques paleogràfiques de la primitiva minúscula carolina catalana’, in Miscel˙lània d’estudis dedicats a la memòria del Professor Josep Trench i Òdena [= Estudis castellonencs 6, 1 (1994–1995)] (Castelló de la Plana: 1995), 95–103 [with 2 figures]; Idem, ‘Els tipus d’escriptura a la Catalunya dels segles viii–x’, in Catalunya a l’època carolíngia. Art i cultura abans del romànic (segles ix i x) (Exhibition catalogue) (Barcelona: Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya, 1999), pp. 131–4 [with 9 figures]; Anscari Manuel Mundó [i Marcet]/Jesús Alturo [i Perucho], ‘Problemàtica de les escriptures dels períodes de transició i de les marginals’, Cultura neolatina 58 (1998), 121–48 [with 17 figures] (pp. 127–31 and fig. 4–7); [Maria] Josepa Arnall [i Juan], ‘La escritura carolina’, in Introducción a la paleografía y la diplomática general, ed. by Ángel Riesco Terrero, Letras universitarias (Madrid: Síntesis, 1999) (etc.), pp. 89–110 [with 13 figures] (pp. 98–104). 7 On the influence of the Frankish diplomatic minuscule on the script of documents of the Spanish March: Ephrem [Ernest] Compte/Josep [Maria] Recasens [i Comes], ‘Influències de l’escriptura de les cancelleries franques en els documents de la Marca Hispànica’, in: I Col˙lqui d’història del monaquisme català, Santes Creus, 1962, Publicacions de l’Arxiu bibliogràfic de Santes Creus 25 (Santes Creus: 1969), pp. 51–7 and figures 1–7. 8 Excellent overviews on the introduction of Benedictine life in the Spanish March and medieval Catalonia are: Antinio Linage Conde, Los orígenes del monacato benedictino en la Península Ibérica 2: La difusión de la ‘Regula Benedicti’, Fuentes y Estudios de Historia Leonesa 10 (León: Centro de Estudios e Investigacion ‘San Isidoro’, 1973), pp. 498–538; Idem, ‘L’implantació de la regla benedictina als comtats catalans’, in Temps de monestirs. Els monestirs catalans entorn l’any mil (Exhibition catalogue), ed. by Marina Miquel/ Margarida Sala,(Barcelona: 1999), pp. 44–61 [with 11 figures]. 9 Walter Kettemann, Subsidia Anianensia. Überlieferungs- und textgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zur Geschichte Witiza-Benedikts, seines Klosters Aniane und der sog. ‘anianischen Reform’. Mit kommentierten Editionen der ‘Vita Benedicti Anianensis’, ‘Notitia de servitio monasteriorum’, des ‘Chronicon Moissiacense’/‘Anianense’ sowie zweier Lokaltraditionen aus Aniane 1–2, (PhD, Duisburg: 2000) [https://duepublico. uni-duisburg-essen.de/servlets/DocumentServlet?id=18245]. 10 Manuel Ríu [i Ríu], ‘Revisión del problema adopcionista en la diócesis de Urgel’, Anuario de estudios medievales 1 (1964), 77–96 (p. 91 sq). 11 Ed. Georg Waitz, MGH Scriptores 15, 1 (Hannover: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1887), pp. 200–220; ed. Kettemann, Subsidia Anianensia 1, pp. 139–223. 12 Montpellier, Archives départementales de l’Hérault, 1H1, fol. 1r–13v, soon after 1131. For reasons of brevity, I give only selected bibliographical references to the mentioned manuscripts in the following footnotes. Full bibliographical data can be found on the homepage of my HERA-project “From Carolingian Periphery to European Central Region. The Written Genesis of Catalonia”: http://pagines.uab.cat/unup/node/42. 124 Matthias M. Tischler 13 Paolo Chiesa, ‘Ardo Anianensis mon.’, in La trasmissione dei testi latini del Medioevo. Mediaeval Latin texts and their transmission 4, ed. by Idem/Lucia Castaldi, Millenio medievale 94. Strumenti e studi N. S. 32. TE.TRA 4 (Firenze: SISMEL Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2012), pp. 60–8. 14 Solsona, Arxiu Diocesà, Còdex 33 (olim Museu Diocesà, Ms. 3), fol. 23v–24r : Anscari Manuel Mundó [i Marcet],‘Regles i observances monàstiques a Catalunya’, in II Col˙loqui d’història del monaquisme català. Sant Joan de les Abadesses 1970 2, (Poblet: Abadía de Poblet, 1974), pp. 7–24 (p. 18); Francesc Xavier Altés i Aguiló, ‘A propòsit del manuscrit llatí 3.806 de la Biblioteca Nacional de París. Un homiliari de Vilabertran’, Miscel˙lània litúrgica catalana 2 (1983), 13–47 (p. 28 with n. 69 and p. 45 with n. 169). 15 n the (lost) two-volume breviary of Saint-Michel de Cuxa, here first volume, fol. 63 sq., attested by the table of contents in Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Fonds Baluze, Ms. 372, fol. 44r–48v, here fol. 44v: Pere Pujol I Tubau, ‘El Breviari de Cuixà’, Butlletí de la Biblioteca de Catalunya 6 (1920–1922), 329–41 (p. 333); Mundó i Marcet,‘Regles’, p. 18; Altés i Aguiló, ‘A propòsit’, p. 28 with n. 69 and p. 45 with n. 169. 16 Ramon D'Abadal i de Vinyals, ‘L’esperit de Cluny i les relacions de Catalunya amb Roma i la Itàlia en el segle x’, Studi medievali III 2 (1961), 3–41; Anscari Manuel Mundó [i Marcet], ‘Moissac, Cluny et les mouvements monastiques de l’Est des Pyrénées du xe au xiie siècle’, Annales du Midi 75 (1963), 551–70 and 570–3 (Discussion) [repr. in Moissac et l’Occident au xie siècle. Actes du colloque international de Moissac, 3–5 mai 1963, Toulouse 1964, pp. 229–48 and 248–51 (Discussion)]; Karen Stöber, ‘Cluny in Catalonia’, Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies 9 (2017), 241–60 (p. 241 and 244). 17 Linage Conde, Los orígenes 2, pp. 777–88 and 844–54. 18 El Escorial, Real Biblioteca del Monasterio de San Lorenzo, Ms. I. III. 13, fol. 7v–57v: Agustín Millares Carlo, Corpus de códices visigóticos 1: Estudio, ed. by Manuel Cecilio Díaz y Díaz e. a. (Las Palmas de Gran Canaria: Fundación de Enseñanza Superior a Distancia, 1999), p. 55 no 55; Idem: … 2: Álbum, ed. by Manuel Cecilio Díaz y Díaz e. a., (Las Palmas de Gran Canaria: Gobierno de Canarias, 1999), p. 54 no 55 (from fol. 203r); Linage Conde, ‘L’implantació’, p. 50. Some marginal notes show that the manuscript was already in the tenth century in a house under Benedictine influence in the more western regions of the Iberian Peninsula. 19 ‘regulas.ii.’, ed. Cebrià Baraut [Obiols], ‘Diplomatari del monestir de Sant Sadurní de Tavèrnoles (segles ix–xiii)’, Urgellia 12 (1994–1995), 7–414 (pp. 128–33 no 59, p. 131 l. 37); Michel Zimmermann, Écrire et lire en Catalogne (ixe–xiie siècle) 1, Bibliothèque de la Casa de Velázquez 23, 1 (Madrid: Casa de Velázquez, 2003), p. 558; … 2 … 23, 2 (Madrid: Casa de Velázquez, 2003), pp. 761–3. 20 Ed. Rudolf Beer, Die Handschriften des Klosters Santa María de Ripoll I, Sitzungsberichte der Philosophisch-Historischen Klasse der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften 155, no 3 (Wien: 1908), pp. 101–9 (p. 103 no 78: ibid., p. 86 sq).; Zimmermann, Écrire et lire 2, p. 625 and 762. 21 Barcelona, Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó, Ms. Sant Cugat 22, fol. 135v–155r: Linage Conde, Los orígenes 2, p. 782 n. 39, p. 831 with n. 194, 196 and 198–202, p. 839 n. 226 and p. 851 sq.; Mundó i Marcet, ‘Regles’, p. 15 with n. 27 and p. 18; Zimmermann, Écrire et lire 1, p. 605. 22 København, Det Kongelige Bibliotek, Ny Kgl. Samling, Ms. 1794, fol. 185r–201v: Linage Conde, Los orígenes 2, p. 810 (from fol. 201v; with the wrong shelfmark ‘1594’) and 852 (with the wrong shelfmark ‘S. 1.594’); Mundó i Marcet, ‘Regles’, p. 15. 23 Ed. Rudolf Hanslik, Benedicti Regula, CSEL 75 (Wien: 1960) (etc.), pp. 1–165. 24 Idem, ‘Praefatio’, in Idem (ed.): ibid., pp. xi–lxxiv (pp. lv–lviii); Manuel Cecilio Díaz y Díaz, ‘La circulation des manuscrits dans la Péninsule Ibérique du viiie au xie siècle’, Cahiers de civilisation médiévale 12 (1969), 219–41 and 383–92 [with 5 figures] (p. 238 n. 132); Zimmermann, Écrire et lire 2, p. 762. 25 Ríu i Ríu, ‘Revisión’ p. 96 indirectly assumed that it was Benedict of Aniane himself who brought this version of the rule to the Spanish March during his mission to Urgell. How Carolingian was early medieval Catalonia? 125 26 Not collated are e. g. Tarragona, Biblioteca pública, Ms. 106, fol. 206r–287v, twelfth/ thirteenth century, from the Cistercian abbey Santes Creus: Jesús Domínguez Bordona, ‘Manuscritos de la Biblioteca Pública de Tarragona, Inventario general’, Boletín arqueológico IV 53–54 (1953–1954), 50–75 [also seperate: Idem, Manuscritos de la Biblioteca Pública de Tarragona, Instituto de Estudios Tarraconenses ‘Ramon Berenguer IV‘. Sección de arqueología e historia 6 (Tarragona: 1954)] (p. 57); and the fifteenth-century copy from the Girona Benedictine abbey Sant Pere de Gallicants, today Montserrat, Arxiu i Biblioteca del Monestir, Ms. 995, fol. 115r–136r: Linage Conde, Los orígenes 2, p. 853 n. 267; Mundó i Marcet, ‘Regles’, p. 15 and 22; Alexandre Olivar [i Daydí], Catàleg dels manuscrits de la Biblioteca del Monestir de Montserrat, Scripta et documenta 25 (Montserrat: Abadía de Montserrat, 1977), p. 297. 27 Ed. Pierre Bonnerue, Benedicti Anianensis Concordia regularum [2]: Textus, CChr.CM 168 A (Turnhout: Brepols, 1999), pp. 3–669. 28 Tarragona, Biblioteca pública, Ms. 69, fol. 1r–176r (manuscript T): Jesús Domínguez Bordona, El escritorio y la primitiva biblioteca de Santes Creus. Noticia para su estudio y catálogo de los manuscritos que de dicha procedencia se conservan, Instituto de Estudios Tarraconenses ‘Ramón Berenguer IV’. Publicación 1 (Tarragona, Sugrañes, 1952), p. 13; Idem, ‘Manuscritos’, p. 56; Mundó i Marcet, ‘Regles’, p. 18 (with the wrong date ‘segle xiv’); Zimmermann, Écrire et lire 1, p. 582 sq.; Idem, Écrire et lire 2, p. 763 and 824; Pius Engelbert, ‘Ein karolingisches Fragment der “Concordia regularum” des Benedikt von Aniane in Reims’, Revue bénédictine 126 (2016), 138–49 [with 2 figures] (p. 139). 29 Montserrat, Arxiu i Biblioteca del Monestir, Ms. 847, fol. 59r–62v: Josef Semmler, ‘Legislatio Aquisgranensis’, in id. (ed.): Initia consuetudinis Benedictinae. Consuetudines saeculi octavi et noni, Corpus Consuetudinum Monasticarum 1 (Siegburg: Schmitt, 1963), pp. 423–582 (p. 566 sq. (with the wrong date ‘saec. xii. ex.’)); Mundó i Marcet, ‘Regles’, p. 18; Olivar i Daydí, Catàleg, p. 217. 30 Ed. Semmler, Initia consuetudinis Benedictinae, pp. 571–82 (manuscript L). 31 Ed. Alfred Spannagel/Pius Engelbert, Smaragdi Abbatis Expositio in Regulam S. Benedicti, Corpus Consuetudinum Monasticarum 8 (Siegburg: Schmitt, 1974), pp. 3–337. 32 ‘Smaragdum quodicem i’, ed. Eduard Junyent I Subira, Diplomatari de la Catedral de Vic. Segles ix–x, Publicacions del Patronat d’Estudis Ausonencs. Documents 1 (Vic: Patronat d’Estudis Ausonencs, 1980–1996), p. 39 sq. no 41 (p. 39 l. 25): Linage Conde, Los orígenes, p. 796; Idem, ‘L’implantació’, p. 50; Zimmermann, Écrire et lire 1, p. 547.Yet Idem, Écrire et lire 2, p. 758 identified this manuscript also with the Diadema monachorum (Écrire et lire 1, p. 592 without identification). On the correct identification: as n. 90. 33 Montserrat, Arxiu i Biblioteca del Monestir, Ms. 793/I: Mundó i Marcet, ‘Regles’, p. 19 with n. 32 (with the wrong shelfmark ‘783-I’); Spannagel/Engelbert, Smaragdi Abbatis Expositio, p. xvii; Olivar i Daydí, Catàleg, p. 190 sq. 34 Ed. Berr, Handschriften, p. 105 no 162: Mundó i Marcet, ‘Regles’, p. 19; Zimmermann, Écrire et lire 1, p. 569 (unprecisely ‘un manuscrit de la Règle bénédictine’); Idem, Écrire et lire 2, p. 762 sq. (wrongly thinking of a copy of Benedict of Aniane’s Concordia regularum). 35 Ed. Migne, PL 102, 593–690. 36 ‘Smaragdum unum’, ed. Migne, PL 132, col. 468 no X l. 48: Zimmermann, Écrire et lire 1, p. 549; Idem, Écrire et lire 2, p. 758; Éric Palazzo, ‘Arts somptuaires et liturgie. Le testament de l’évêque d’Elne, Riculf (915)’, in Retour aux sources. Textes, études et documents d’histoire médiévale offerts à Michel Parisse, ed. by Silvain Gouguenheim e. a., (Paris: Picard, 2004), pp. 711–7 (p. 714 (without identification)). For the correct identification of this work: as n. 90. 37 Barcelona, Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó, Ms. Sant Cugat 90, fol. 1v–124r: Zimmermann, Écrire et lire 1, p. 605. 38 Bernhard Bischoff, ‘Die ältesten Handschriften der Regula S. Benedicti in Bayern’, Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktinerordens 92 (1981), 7–16 (p. 13 sq.); Pius Engelbert (ed.): Der Codex Regularum des Benedikt von Aniane. Faksimile der Handschrift Clm 28118 der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München (St. Ottilien: EOS Verlag, 2016), p. 49 sq.; Idem, ‘Karolingisches Fragment’, pp. 147–9. 126 Matthias M. Tischler 39 Barcelona, Arxiu Capitular, Còdex 120, fragment no 2: Anscari Manuel Mundó [i Marcet], ‘Comment reconnaître la provenance de certains fragments de manuscrits détachés de reliures’, Codices manuscripti 11 (1985), 116–23 [with 1 figure] (pp. 118 and 120–2); Jesús Alturo i Perucho, ‘El glossari “in Regulam sancti Benedicti” de l’Arxiu de la Catedral de Barcelona’, Studia Monastica 37 (1995), 271–7 (edition: pp. 275–7). The fragment is not mentioned by Bischoff, Katalog 1, p. 55. 40 Ed. Matthieu H. van der Meer, Glosae in regula Sancti Benedicti abbatis ad usum Smaragdi abbatis Sancti Michaelis, CChr.CM 282 (Turnhout: 2017), pp. 3–233: Idem, ‘The “Glosae in regula S. Benedicti” – a text between the “Liber Glossarum” and Smaragdus’“Expositio in regulam S. Benedicti”’, Dossier d’HEL 10 (2016), 305–319. 41 Thus, the fragment does not necessarily stem from a copy of the Rule with a glossary at its end, as assumed by Alturo i Perucho, ‘El glossari’, p. 273. 42 Following Anscari Manuel Mundó i Marcet probably Catalonia, tenth century, following Jesús Alturo i Perucho transpyrenaic, probably from the Narbonnais, ninth/tenth century. The first opinion is certainly wrong, the second perhaps concerning its date. We have here an excellent Carolingian Western Frankish minuscule of the ninth century always with a Carolingian ‘a’, rarely with a round ‘d’ and a ‘g’ in form of a ‘3’. 43 Alturo i Perucho, ‘El glossari’, p. 274. 44 Mundó i Marcet, ‘Comment reconnaître’, p. 121 sq. 45 Barcelona, Arxiu Capitular, Còdex 120, fragment no 3: Mundó i Marcet, ‘Comment reconnaître’, p. 121; Jesús Alturo i Perucho, ‘Dos testimonis més del “Breuiarium apostolorum”’, Miscel˙lània litúrgica catalana 24 (2016), 19–32 [with 4 figures] (pp. 23–5 and 29 sq. fig. 1 sq. (from recto and verso)). The fragment is not mentioned by Bischoff, Katalog 1, p. 55. 46 This effort is not mentioned by Gaspar Feliu i Montfort, ‘El bisbe Vives de Barcelona i el patrimoni de la Catedral (974–995)’, in Miquel Coll i Alentorn. Miscel˙lània d’homentage en el seu vuitantè aniversari (Barcelona: 1984), pp. 167–91. 47 Josef Semmler, ‘Reichsidee und kirchliche Gesetzgebung’, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 71 (1960), 37–65 (pp. 43–5); Idem, ‘Die Beschlüsse des Aachener Konzils im Jahre 816’, in ibidem 74 (1963), 15–82 (p. 16); Wilfried Hartmann, Die Synoden der Karolingerzeit im Frankenreich und in Italien (Konziliengeschichte. Reihe A: Darstellungen, Paderborn e. a.: 1989), p. 157–60; Josef Semmler, ‘Die Kanoniker und ihre Regel im 9. Jahrhundert’, in Studien zum weltlichen Kollegiatstift in Deutschland, ed. by Irene Crusius,Veröffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte 114. Studien zur Germania Sacra 18 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1995), pp. 62–109; Egon Boshof, Ludwig der Fromme, Gestalten des Mittelalters und der Renaissance (Darmstadt: 1996), pp. 120–4. 48 Especially visible in Eduardo Carrero Santamaría, ‘“Ecce quam bonum et quam iocundum habitare fratres in unum”. Vidas reglar y secular en las catedrales hispanas llegado el siglo xii’, Anuario de estudios medievales 30 (2000), 757–805 (pp. 767–770), who did not understand the tremendous dimension of Louis the Pious’s will to unify canonical life in his Empire. 49 Charter of Bishop Theothar of Girona from November 24, 887: ed. Ramon Martí [i Castelló], Col˙lecció diplomàtica de la seu de Girona (817–1100), Fundació Noguera. Col˙lecció Diplomataris 13 (Barcelona: Fundació Noguera, 1997), p. 84 sq. no 17. The community is also mentioned in a charter of dedication and dotation by Bishop Sunifred from October 1, 858 which nevertheless is a falsification of the late eleventh century: ed. Ramon Ordeig i Mata, Les dotalies de les esglésies de Catalunya (segles ix–xii) 1: Preàmbul. Introducció. Documents 1–116 (segles ix–x) 1, Estudis històrics. Diplomatari 1 (Vic: 1993), pp. 24–6 no 6; Martí i Castelló, Col˙lecció diplomàtica, p. 79 sq. no 11. Johannes Josef Bauer, ‘Die vita canonica der katalanischen Kathedralkapitel vom 9. bis zum 11. Jahrhundert’, in Homenaje a Johannes Vincke para el 11 de mayo 1962 1 (Madrid: CSIC, 1962–1963), pp. 81–112 (p. 88 sq.); Idem, : ‘Die vita canonica an den katalanischen Kollegiatkirchen im 10. und 11. Jahrhundert’, in Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kulturgeschichte Spaniens 21, Spanische Forschungen der Görresgesellschaft I (Münster in Westfalen: Aschendorff, 1963), pp. 54–82 (p. 56 with n. 7); Odilo Engels, ‘Episkopat und Kanonie How Carolingian was early medieval Catalonia? 127 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 im mittelalterlichen Katalonien’, in ibid., pp. 83–135 [repr. in Idem, Reconquista und Landesherrschaft. Studien zur Rechts- und Verfassungsgeschichte Spaniens im Mittelalter, Rechts- und Staatswissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen der Görres-Gesellschaft N. F. 53, (Paderborn e. a.: Ferdinand Schöningh, 1989), pp. 149–201] (p. 84 with n. 5 and p. 114 sq.) do not really discuss these two charters. See also Gabriel Roura [i Gübas], Girona carolíngia. Comtes, vescomtes i bisbes (Del 785 a l’any 1000), Quaderns d’història de Girona (Girona: 1988), p. 68 sq. Ed. Ramon Ordeig i Mata, ‘Ató, bisbe i arquebisbe de Vic (957–971), antic arxiprestardiaca de Girona’, Studia Vicensia 1 (1989), 61–97 (p. 84 sq. no 4); ed. Martí i Castelló, Col˙lecció diplomàtica, p. 125 no 85. Ed. Martí i Castelló, Col˙lecció diplomàtica, pp. 197–200 no 179: Bauer, ‘Die Vita canonica an den katalanischen Kollegiatkirchen’, p. 80. Bauer, ‘Die vita canonica an den katalanischen Kollegiatkirchen’, p. 55 with n. 5. Bauer, ‘Die vita canonica der katalanischen Kathedralkapitel’, p. 86, 94 and 103 sq.; Idem, ‘Die vita canonica an den katalanischen Kollegiatkirchen’, p. 56 with n. 6, pp. 59 sq. and 80. Bauer, ‘Die vita canonica der katalanischen Kathedralkapitel’, pp. 87, 94 and 101–3; Idem, ‘Die vita canonica an den katalanischen Kollegiatkirchen’, p. 80. Bauer, ‘Die vita canonica der katalanischen Kathedralkapitel’, pp. 90 sq. and 96; Idem, ‘Die vita canonica an den katalanischen Kollegiatkirchen’, p. 80. Manuel Ríu [i Ríu], ‘La canònica de Santa Maria de Solsona. Precedents medievals d’un bisbat modern’, Urgellia 2 (1979), 211–56 (pp. 221 sq. and 226). Bauer, ‘Die vita canonica an den katalanischen Kollegiatkirchen’, p. 58 sq. Ibid., pp. 57 sq. and 72. Ibid., p. 61 sq. with n. 32–5. Ibid., p. 65 with n. 53. Ed. Albert Werminghoff, MGH. Concilia aevi Carolini 1, 1 (Hannover: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1906), pp. 312–421 [repr. in Jerome Bertram, The Chrodegang Rules. The rules for the common life of the secular clergy from the eighth and ninth centuries. Critical texts with translations and commentary, Church, Faith and Culture in the Medieval West (Aldershot: Taylor and Francis, 2005), pp. 96–131; ibid., pp. 132–74 follows an English version]. Vic, Arxiu i Biblioteca Episcopal, Ms. 128 C (XLVII C), fol. 1r–45v: Paul Ewald, ‘Reise nach Spanien im Winter von 1878 auf 1879’, Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde 6 (1881), 217–398 (p. 340); Werminghoff (ed.) MGH. Concilia aevi Carolini, p. 311 no 69; Josep Gudiol [i Cunill], Catàleg dels llibres manuscrits anteriors al segle xviii del Museu Episcopal de Vich. Amb un apéndix par Eduard Junyent [i Subirà] (Barcelona: Imprenta de la Casa de Caritat, 1934), pp. 133–5; Hubert Mordek, Bibliotheca capitularium regum Francorum manuscripta. Überlieferung und Traditionszusammenhang der fränkischen Herrschererlasse, MGH Hilfsmittel 15 (München: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1995), p. 1052. ‘Vita Channonicha i’, ed. Jaime Villanueva, Viage literario a las iglesias de España 6 (València: 1821), p. 273 sq. no XV (p. 274 l. 13); ed. Junyent i Subirà, Diplomatari, p. 256 no 303 l. 20: Bauer, ‘Die vita canonica der katalanischen Kathedralkapitel’, p. 91 sq.; Díaz y Díaz, ‘La circulation’, p. 238 n. 135; Miquel dels Sants Gros i Pujol, ‘La vila de Vic i el monestir de Ripoll en els anys 967–970’, in Actes del Congrés internacional Gerbert d’Orlhac i el seu temps. Catalunya i Europa a la fi del 1r mil˙leni,Vic-Ripoll, 10–13 de novembre de 1999, ed. by Imma Ollich i Castanyer, Documents [Eumo] 31 (Vic: Eumo, 1999), pp. 747–761 (p. 753). Ed. Junyent i Subirà, Diplomatari, pp. 254–256 no 302: Gros i Pujol, ‘La vila de Vic’, p. 750. ‘Vita Chanonicha i’, ed. Junyent i Subirà, Diplomatari, p. 346 sq. no 413 (p. 347 l. 8 sq.); Idem, ‘La biblioteca de la canónica de Vich en los siglos x–xi’, in Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kulturgeschichte Spaniens 21, Spanische Forschungen der Görresgesellschaft I. 21 (Münster in Westfalen: Aschendorff, 1963), pp. 136–5 (p. 139); Miquel dels Sants Gros [i Pujol], ‘Fragments de Bíblies llatines del Museu Episcopal de Vic’, Revista catalana de teologia 3 (1978), 153–71 (p. 157 n. 10); Idem, ‘La vila de Vic’, p. 753; Jesús Alturo i Perucho, Història del llibre manuscrit a Catalunya, Generalitat de Catalunya. Textos i 128 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 Matthias M. Tischler documents 23 (Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya, 2003), p. 97 sq.; Miquel dels Sants Gros i Pujol, La Biblioteca Episcopal de Vic. Un patrimoni bibliogràfic d’onze segles (Vic: Biblioteca Episcopal, Patronat d’Estudis Osonencs, 2006), p. 31 no 16 (with a figure of the inventory). They are all missing in Albert Werminghoff, ‘Die Beschlüsse des Aachener Concils im Jahre 816’, Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde 27 (1902) 605–75 (pp. 637–45); Idem, (ed.): MGH. Concilia aevi Carolini, pp. 310–12; Rudolf Schieffer, Die Entstehung von Domkapiteln in Deutschland, Bonner Historische Forschungen 43 (Bonn: Röhrscheid, 1976), pp. 248–52; Marie-Hélène Jullien/Françoise Perelman, Clavis scriptorum latinorum medii aevi. Auctores Galliae 735–987 1, CChr.CM (Turnhout: Brepols, 1994), pp. 141 sq. and 231; Mordek, Bibliotheca capitularium, pp. 1045–56; Thomas Schilp, Norm und Wirklichkeit religiöser Frauengemeinschaften im Frühmittelalter. Die ‘Institutio sanctimonialium Aquisgranensis’ des Jahres 816 und die Problematik der Verfassung von Frauenkommunitäten, Veröffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte 137. Studien zur Germania Sacra 21 (Göttingen:Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1998), pp. 103–7; Gerhard Schmitz, ‘Aachen 816. Zu Überlieferung und Edition der Kanonikergesetzgebung Ludwigs des Frommen’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 63 (2007), 497–544. Sant Joan de les Abadesses, Arxiu del Monestir, s. n.: José Janini [Cuesta], Manuscritos litúrgicos de las bibliotecas de España 2: Aragón, Cataluña y Valencia, Publicaciones de la Facultad de Teología del Norte de España. Sede de Burgos 38, 2 (Burgos: Aldecoa, 1980), p. 184 no 631.Although the manuscript also showed a copy of Ado ofVienne’s Martyrology, it is not mentioned in Jésus Antoni Iglesias i Fonseca, ‘El “Martirologio” de Adon in Cataluña. Consideraciones codicológicas y paleográficas sobre dos nuevos testimonios’, in Actas [del] III Congreso Hispánico de Latín Medieval (León, 26–29 de septiembre de 2002) 1, ed. by Maurilio Pérez González (León: Universidad de León, Secretariado Publicaciones y Medios Audiovisuales, 2002), pp. 149–59. Vic, Arxiu i Biblioteca Episcopal, Ms. 44 (XXXVI), fol. 84va–144vb: Gudiol I Cunill, Catàleg, pp. 61–3 and fig. 9 (from fol. 84r). He died in 1080: Miquel dels Sants Gros i Pujol, ‘Els antics necrologics de la Catedral de Vic (segles x–xiii)’, Studia Vicensia 2 (2017), 7–174 (p. 57 no 302 with n. 112). Mentioned as ‘Vita canonica i.’ or ‘i. Vita canonica’ respectively: Pere Pujol i Tubau, ‘De la cultura catalana mig-eval. Una biblioteca dels temps romànics’, Estudis universitaris catalans 7 (1913), 1–8 (p. 5 l. 32 and p. 6 l. 11); Díaz y Díaz, ‘La circulation des manuscrits’, p. 238 n. 135; Miquel dels Sants Gros [i Pujol], ‘La biblioteca de la Catedral de la Seu d’Urgell als segles x–xii’, Acta Historica et Archaeologica Mediaevalia 26 (2005), 101–24 (p. 107 no 8, p. 115 no 47 and p. 123). Girona, Biblioteca Diocesana del Seminari, Fons de Manuscrits de Sant Feliu de Girona, Ms. 17 (olim Seminario, Ms. 150; olim Archivo de San Félix, Ms. 16), fol 104ra–160ra: José de la Canal, ‘Noticia de los manuscritos y libros raros que hay en el archivo de la iglesia colegiata de Sant Félix’, in España sagrada 45 (Madrid: 1832), pp. 259–65 Apéndice XI (p. 264); Jaime Villanueva, Viaje literario a las iglesias de España 14 (Madrid: 1850), p. 141 sq.; Rudolf Beer, Handschriftenschätze Spaniens. Bericht über eine in den Jahren 1886– 1888 durchgefürte [!] Forschungsreise …, Abhandlungen über Handschriftenkunde 1 (Wien: 1894) [repr. Amsterdam: Gérard Th.Van Heusden, 1970], p. 239 no 40, p. 240 no 54 and p. 729; Alfred Cordoliani, ‘Inventaire des manuscrits de comput ecclésiastique conservés dans les bibliothèques de Catalogne (avec notes sur les autres manuscrits de ces bibliothèques)’, Hispania sacra 4 (1951), 359–84; ibid. 5 (1952), 121–64 (p. 375 sq.); José Janini [Cuesta]/ José María Marqués [Planagumà], ‘Manuscritos de la Colegiata de San Félix de Gerona’, Hispania sacra 15 (1962), 401–37 (p. 416 sq.); Janini Cuesta, Manuscritos litúrgicos, p. 112 sq. no 522; Roura i Güibas, Girona carolíngia, p. 68. The Mercedarian friar Baltasar de Costa, a professional copyist, wrote his colophon at the end of the manuscript (fol. 176ra/rb): Colophons de manuscrits occidentaux des origines au xvie siècle 1, Spicilegii Friburgensis Subsidia 2 (Fribourg: 1965), p. 199 no 1602 (without publishing the text). How Carolingian was early medieval Catalonia? 129 73 ‘ … una cum ecclesia sancti Felicis martiris et sancti Narcissi, qui [!] est iuxta portam civitatis Gerundae, cum omnibus eorum pertinentiis’, ed. Harald Zimmermann, Papsturkunden 896–1046 2: 996–1046, Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. PhilosophischHistorische Klasse. Denkschriften 177.Veröffentlichungen der Historischen Kommission 4 (Wien:Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1989), p. 768 sq. no 404 (p. 768 l. 11 sq). 74 Karen Stöber, ‘Religious and society on the borders of Christendom.The regular canons in medieval Catalonia’, in Monasteries on the borders of medieval Europe. Conflict and cultural interaction, ed. by Emilia Jamroziak/Karen Stöber, Medieval Church Studies 28 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2013), pp. 173–92. 75 Armand Puig i Tàrrech,‘La Bíblia llatina en els països de llengua catalana fins al segle xiii’, Revista catalana de teologia 28 (2003), 103–34; Jesús Alturo i Perucho, ‘Corpus biblicum medii aevi Cataloniae. Códices, fragmentos, membra disiecta y referencias librarias. Una primera aproximación’, in Biblia y archivos de la Iglesia. Santoral hispano-mozárabe en las diócesis de España. Actas del XXVI Congreso de la Asociacón celebrado en Bilbao (12 al 16 de septiembre de 2011), ed. by Agustín Hevia Ballina, Memoria Ecclesiae 38 (Oviedo: Asociación de Archiveros de la Iglesia en España, 2013), pp. 69–114 (without referring to the former). 76 Lleida, Arxiu Capitular, RC.0031 [olim Ms. 13] + Lleida, Museu Diocesà, s. n.: Millares Carlo, Corpus 1, p. 80 no 103 sq.; … 2: p. 98 no 103 (from fol. 2v). 77 Vic, Arxiu i Biblioteca Episcopal, Ms. 259: Miquel dels Sants Gros i Pujol, ‘El fragment del “Liber psalmorum” hispànic, Vic, Mus. Epis., Ms. 259’, Revista catalana de teologia 2 (1977), 437–52 [with 1 figure]; Puig i Tàrrech, ‘La Bíblia llatina’, p. 109 with n. 18 sq.; Gros i Pujol, La Biblioteca Episcopal, p. 14 sq. no 1 (with figure of fol. 1v/2r). 78 Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, Ms. 2541–1: Puig i Tàrrech, ‘La Bíblia llatina’, p. 109 with n. 17; Alturo i Perucho, ‘Corpus biblicum’, p. 96. 79 Barcelona, Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó, Ms. Ripoll 395: Puig i Tàrrech, ‘La Bíblia llatina’, p. 109 with n. 17; Alturo i Perucho, ‘Corpus biblicum’, p. 96. 80 La Seu d’Urgell, Biblioteca Capitular, Ms. 1997: Pere Pujol i Tubau, ‘El manuscrit de la Vulgata de la Catedral d’Urgell’, Butlletí de la Biblioteca de Catalunya 6 (1920–1922), 98–145 and 2 plates [also separate: Barcelona 1923]; Puig i Tàrrech, ‘La Bíblia llatina’, pp. 108, 110–3, p. 116 n. 44, p. 118, p. 128 with n. 92 and p. 133; Alturo i Perucho, ‘Corpus biblicum’, p. 97; Bischoff, Katalog 3, p. 347 no 5981. 81 Vic, Museu i Biblioteca Episcopal, Ms. 255, I: Gros i Pujol, ‘Fragments de Bíblies’, pp. 153–71 (p. 154 sq. and p. 158 no 1); Puig i Tàrrech, ‘La Bíblia llatina’, p. 113 with n. 32 and 34; Gros i Pujol, La Biblioteca Episcopal, p. 16 no 2 (with figure of fol. 1v, upper part); Alturo i Perucho, ‘Corpus biblicum’, p. 98; Bischoff, Katalog 3, p. 470 no 7076. 82 La Seu d’Urgell, Biblioteca Capitular, Ms. 180. 1: Alturo i Perucho, ‘Corpus biblicum’, p. 98 sq. 83 Barcelona, Arxiu Diocesà, Fragm. 32 and Fragm. 33: ibid., p. 98. 84 Barcelona, Arxiu de la Corona d’Arago, Fragm. 250: Puig i Tàrrech, ‘La Bíblia llatina’, p. 113; Alturo i Perucho, ‘Corpus biblicum’, p. 98. 85 Girona, Arxiu Capitular, Fragm. 7: Puig i Tàrrech, ‘La Bíblia llatina’, p. 114; Alturo i Perucho, ‘Corpus biblicum’, p. 99. 86 Montserrat, Arxiu i Biblioteca del Monestir, Ms. 821/V: Olivar i Daydí, Catàleg, p. 205; Alturo i Perucho, ‘Corpus biblicum’, p. 99. 87 Montserrat, Arxiu i Biblioteca del Monestir, Ms. 821/II: Olivar i Daydí, Catàleg, p. 205; Alturo i Perucho, ‘Corpus biblicum’, p. 102. 88 Vic, Museu i Biblioteca Episcopal, Ms. 255, II: Gros i Pujol, ‘Fragments de Bíblies’, pp. 154 sq., 158 and p. 159 no 2; Puig i Tàrrech, ‘La Bíblia llatina’, p. 113 with n. 32–4; Gros i Pujol, La Biblioteca Episcopal, p. 26 no 11 (with figure of fol. 1r); Alturo i Perucho, ‘Corpus biblicum’, p. 99. 89 Miquel dels Sants Gros [i Pujol], ‘La liturgie narbonnaise témoin d’un changement rapide de rites liturgiques’, in Liturgie de l’église particuliere et liturgie de l’église universelle. Conférences Saint-Serge. XXIIe semaine d’études liturgiques, Paris, 30 juin – 3 juillet 130 90 91 92 93 Matthias M. Tischler 1975, Bibliotheca Ephemerides liturgicae. Subsidia 7 (Rome: Edizioni liturgiche, 1976), pp. 127–54; Alexandre Olivar i Daydi,‘Survivances wisigothiques dans la liturgie catalanolanguedocienne’, in Liturgie et musique (ixe–xive s.), Cahiers de Fanjeaux 17 (Toulouse: Privat, 1982), pp. 157–72; Miquel dels Sants Gros i Pujol, ‘De l’església hispana a l’església carolíngia i el canvi de litúrgia’, in Del romà al romànic. Història, art i cultura de la Tarraconense mediterrània entre els segles iv y x, ed. by Père de Palol i Salellas/Antoni Pladevall i Font, (Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana, 1999), pp. 397–407 [with 8 figures] (pp. 397 and 400–7). The story of the Carolingian homiliaries in early medieval Catalonia has still to be written, so I will not give the first critical overview here. Beside later Catalan traces of the Homiliaries by Paul the Deacon and Haimo of Auxerre, we have at least five early testimonies: 1) a copy of Smaragdus of Saint-Mihiel’s Collectiones in Epistolas et Evangelia mentioned in the testament of Bishop Idalguer of Vic of 908, who surely belonged to the Narbonnais clerics who restored the bishopric of Vic in late ninth century: as n. 32; 2) a copy of the same work in the testament of Bishop Riculf of Elne from 915: as n. 36; 3) the fragment of a Caroligian homiletic collection, Vic, Arxiu i Biblioteca Episcopal, Fragm. XXIII/27, Narbonnais, last quarter of the ninth century: Gros i Pujol, La Biblioteca Episcopal, p. 23 no 8 (with figure of fol. 1r); Francesc Xavier Altés [i] Aguiló, ‘Un Homiliari i una col˙leció homilètica carolingis, copiats a l’entorn de l’any 900 (Vic, Arx. Cap., ms. 60, i Arx. Episc., frag. XXIII/27)’, Miscel˙lània litúrgica catalana 20 (2012), 15–45 [with 1 figure] (pp. 15, 18 and 32–6); Ludwig Vones, ‘Bischofssitze als geistige Zentren eines katalanischen Kulturraumes im 10. Jahrhundert. Barcelona, Vic und Girona’, in Bischofsbild und Bischofssitz. Geistige und geistliche Impulse aus regionalen Zentren des Hochmittelalters, ed. by Hanns Peter Neuheuser, Archa Verbi. Subsidia 9 (Münster in Westfalen: Aschendorff, 2013), pp. 173–203 (p. 176); 4) a copy of Hrabanus Maurus’s Homiliae in Evangelia et Epistolas mentioned in the testament of Bishop Riculf of Elne of 915: ‘librum Rabanum unum’, ed. Migne, PL 132, col. 468 l. 49: Altés i Aguiló, ‘A propòsit’, p. 37 n. 123; Palazzo, ‘Arts somptuaires’, p. 214 (without identification); 5) the homiliary of an unknown Carolingian author for the morning office of the Sundays and the most important feast days of the liturgical year,Vic, Arxiu i Biblioteca Episcopal, Ms. 60 (LXXXVI): Gros i Pujol, La Biblioteca Episcopal, p. 17 (with figure of fol. 14v); Altés [i] Aguiló, ‘Un Homiliari’, pp. 15, 17–31 and 36–45. This last manuscript is the product of an unidentified scriptorium of the Narbonnais of the last quarter of the ninth century and thus seemingly also belongs to the first wave of manuscripts imported for the newly restored Vic Cathedral in late ninth century. Zacarías García Villada, Historia eclesiástica de España 3: La Iglesia desde la invasión sarracena, en 711, hasta la toma de Toledo, en 1085, (Madrid: Compañia Ibero-Americana de Publicaciones, 1936), p. 386 suggested a date in Carolingian times ca. 850 because of the explicit reference to the reigning Emperor. This dating is seemingly taken from the colophon of Madrid, Biblioteca de la Real Academia de la Historia, Ms. 17, fol. 241va, which however does not mention Emperor Lothar I (817–855), but King Lothar III of West Francia (954–986): as n. 96. Ed. Angelo Mai, Scriptorum veterum nova collectio e Vaticanis codicibus edita 9 (Roma: 1837), pp. 189–256 (= Migne, PL 72, col. 803–60). Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat. 6081 and Roma, Biblioteca Vallicelliana, Tomus XX. The Vallicelliana-manuscript was already known to Jean Mabillon/Michel Germain, Museum Italicum seu Collectio Veterum Scriptorum ex Bibliothecis Italicis … 1, (Paris: 1687), p. 69. Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat. 6454, fol. 192–216 is a reorganised copy of the Luculentius-Homilies in Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana,Vat. lat. 6081 made by Giovanni Battista Bandini: Alfons Müller, ‘Ein neues Fragment aus dem Schriftkommentar des Luculentius’, Theologische Quartalschrift 93 (1911), 206–22 (p. 207). A fragment of the Homily on Eph 3, 13–6, 10 is transmitted in Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat. 6071, fol. 15: Werner Affeldt, ‘Verzeichnis der Römerbriefkommentare der lateinischen Kirche bis zu Nikolaus von Lyra’, Traditio 13 (1957), 369–406 (p. 388). How Carolingian was early medieval Catalonia? 131 94 A further Homily on Gal 5, 25–6, 10 in Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat. 6081, fol. 10–12 was published by Müller, ‘Ein neues Fragment’, pp. 211–8 (= Migne, Suppl. 4, Paris 1967–1971, coll. 1416–1420). 95 Madrid, Biblioteca de la Real Academia de la Historia, Ms. 17 and Ms. 21: Joseph Lemarie, ‘La collection carolingienne de Luculentius restituée par les deux codices Madrid, Real Academia de la Historia, Aemil. 17 et 21’, Sacris erudiri 27 (1984), 221– 371; Elisa Ruiz García, Catálogo de la sección de codices de la Real Academia de la Historia, (Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia, 1997), pp. 145–7 no 17 and pp. 169–73 no 21. Both manuscripts are now available in digitised form under the link: http:// bibliotecadigital.rah.es. August Eduard Anspach discovered these copies and identifed their texts already in 1914: Ángel Custodio Vega [y Rodríguez], ‘El Prof. Doctor August Eduard Anspach. Semblanza literaria’, in José María Fernández Catón, Catálogo de los materiales codicológicos y bibliográficos del legado científico del Prof. Dr. August Eduard Anspach. Prólogo del P. Á. Custodio Vega, O.S.A., (León: 1966), pp. 9–28 (pp. 22 sq. and 28; ibid., p. 96 sq). The manuscripts’ attribution to the productive scriptorium of Sant Cugat has been worked out by Anscari Manuel Mundó [i Marcet], ‘Entorn de dos còdexs del segle xè de Sant Cugat del Vallès’, Faventia 4, 2 (1982), 7–23 [with 3 figures]; Idem, ‘Collectaneum seu Homiliae Luculentii in Epistolas et Evangelia (Madrid, R. Academia de la Historia, San Millán Ms. 17 i 21)’, in Catalunya romànica 18: El Vallès Occidental, ed. by Antoni Pladevall i Font, (Barcelona: Enciclopèdia catalana, 1991), p. 190 sq. [with 2 figures]. 96 ‘Explicit liber Deo gratias. Orate pro Truitario presbitero qui scripsit hunc librum collectaneum in honore sanctissimi Cucufati martiris sub Landerico abba anno iii regnante Leutario rege, et dedit illum ad Regiatus sacer propter remedium anime sue’: Mundó i Marcet, ‘Entorn’, p. 20. 97 Vic, Arxiu i Biblioteca Episcopal, Fragments, XXIII/7, first quarter of the tenth century; Vilafranca del Penedès, Arxiu Comarcal de l’Alt Penedès, Comunitat de Preveres de Vilafranca, 17: G-8–79 and G-10–99 and Barcelona, Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó, Col˙lecions, Fragm. 249, Sant Cugat del Vallès (?), last quarter of the tenth century; Tarragona, Arxiu Històric Arxidiocesà, Ms. 21/3, twelfth century (not: end of the tenth century): Francesc Xavier Altés [i] Aguiló, ‘La tradició codicològica i litúrgica de l’homiliari carolingi de Luculentius a Catalunya. La recensió catalana. Inventari i homilies recuperades’, Miscel˙lània litúrgica catalana 18 (2010), 71–241 [with 15 figures] (pp. 81, 87, 92–4, 99, 104 sq. and 118 sq., furthermore p. 195 no 87, p. 130 sq. no 3 and p. 135 (figure), p. 199 sq. no 95 and p. 185 (figure), and p. 166 sq. no 51 and p. 159 (figure)). Here as in n. 99 Altés i Aguiló’s datings need a careful revision based on assured palaeographical data. 98 Lemarié,‘La collection’, p. 238 n. 24 and p. 281. Altés i Aguiló,‘La tradició codicològica’, p. 83 emphasises the posteriority of this redaction. 99 Altés i Aguiló, ‘A propòsit’, pp. 35–42; Idem, ‘La tradició codicològica’, pp. 81 sq., 87, 93, 104, 111 sq. and 118. Both cited articles also broach the issue of the rich further transmission of Luculentius’ homilies in other liturgical manuscripts of Catalonia since the eleventh century, research already begun by Raymond Étaix, ‘Quelques homéliaires de la région catalane’, Recherches augustiniennes 16 (1981), 333–98 (pp. 337, 353 sq., 369 sq., p. 371 n. 27, pp. 375, 384 and p. 395 with n. 52). 100 In contrast to the first redaction, where from Homilia 57 onwards the biblical citations are abbreviated systematically, many biblical quotes are not abbreviated, but given in detail: Altés i Aguiló, ‘La tradició codicològica’, p. 82 sq. 101 Étaix, ‘Quelques homéliaires’, p. 395 n. 51. 102 With regard to the text and its order in the lectionary used by Smaragdus: Lemarié, ‘La collection’, pp. 229–35, 240 and 243–6. Nearly all other exploited homilies and other texts are older, coming from Jerome, Pelagius, Augustine, Gregory the Great and Bede the Venerable: García Villada, Historia eclesiástica, p. 386; Joseph Lemarié, ‘Deux fragments d’homéliaires conservés aux archives capitulaires de Vich, témoins de sermons pseudoaugustiniens et du commentaire de Luculentius sur les Évangiles’, Revue des études 132 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 Matthias M. Tischler augustiniennes 25 (1979), 85–105 (p. 102); Idem,‘La collection’, p. 243; Hildegund Müller, Exemplarische Untersuchungen zu den Quellen des Luculentius-Homiliars, Dipl. (Wien: 1988), pp. 26–9; Eadem, Das ‘Luculentius’-Homiliar. Quellenkritische Untersuchungen mit Teiledition, Wiener Studien. Beiheft 23. Arbeiten zur Mittel- und Neulateinischen Philologie 3 (Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1999), pp. 44–59. García Villada, Historia eclesiástica, p. 385. Altés i Aguiló, ‘La tradició codicològica’, p. 76 then collected a number of Catalan testimonies that show that ‘luculentius’ and ‘luculenter’ were favoured attributes of liturgical or exegetical texts. Already Johann Albert Fabricius, Bibliotheca latina mediae et infimae aetatis 4 (Hamburg: 1735), p. 844 assumed that we deal more with an epithet than a proper name. Lemarié, ‘Deux fragments’, pp. 102–4; Altés i Aguiló, ‘A propòsit’, p. 41; Lemarié, ‘La collection’, pp. 240 and 243 sq. For this Carolingian homiliary see Henri Barre, Les homéliaires carolingiens de l’école d’Auxerre. Authenticité. Inventaire. Tableaux comparatifs. Initia, Studi e testi 225 (Città del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1962), pp. 113–22; Francesc Xaxier Altes i Aguilo, ‘La “pars aestiva” de l’Homiliari de l’ofici catalanonarbonès. Inventari i difusió. Reconstitució de la seva recensió de l’Homiliari carolingi de Liverani’, Miscel˙lània litúrgica catalana 8 (1997), 107–59 (pp. 118–59). Hermann Josef Frede, Kirchenschriftsteller.Verzeichnis und Sigel,Vetus Latina. Die Reste der altlateinischen Bibel 1, 1 (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1995), p. 616 no 953; Eligius Dekkers, Clavis patrum latinorum, CChr.SL (Steenbrugge: 1995), p. 308 no 953 thus assumed an author from the ninth/tenth century and the latter omitted him in his Clavis patrum latinorum. Roger Gryson, Répertoire général des auteurs ecclésiastiques latins de l’Antiquité et du Haut Moyen Âge 2: Répertoire des auteurs: I–Z. Auteurs sans sigle propre. Tables,Vetus Latina. Die Reste der altlateinischen Bibel 1, 15 (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 2007), p. 638 no 953 follows these repertories. He is missing in Jesús Alturo i Perucho, ‘La cultura llatina medieval a Catalunya. Estat de la qüestió’, Symposium internacional sobre els orígens de Catalunya, 1, pp. 21–48; Zimmermann, Écrire et lire 1–2; Jose Carlos Martin [y Iglesias], Sources latines de l’Espagne tardo-antique et médiévale (ve–xive siècles). Répertoire bibliographique. Avec la collaboration de Carmen Cardelle de Hartmann et Jacques Elfassi, Documents, études et repertoires publié par l’Institut de Recherche et d’Histoire des Textes 77 (Paris: CNRS éditions, 2010). Altés i Aguiló, ‘La tradició codicològica’, p. 73 sq. Gros i Pujol, ‘Fragments de Bíblies’, p. 155 n. 6 mentions the early extensive use of Luculentius’s work in a Narbonne collection of patristic commentaries on the Epistle and Gospel lectures during the Holy Mass, although his dating to the first half of the ninth century is impossible. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Ms. lat. 3829 is a copy of Luculentius’s collection (in a revised version containing only 74 homilies on the Gospel lectures and some new homilies) from the last quarter of the twelfth century and was in use at Carcassonne Cathedral: Étaix, ‘Quelques homéliaires’, p. 394 sq.; Lemarié, ‘La collection’, p. 230 with n. 12, p. 238 sq., p. 245 n. 34, pp. 246–250 and 253–277; Idem, ‘Les homélies pour la dédicace de la collection de Luculentius et du Parisinus 3829’, Miscel˙lània litúrgica catalana 3 (1984), 27–45 (pp. 27–30 and 35–44); Francesc Xaxier Altés i Aguiló, ‘Una recensió del segle xi de les homilies sobre les epístoles estivals de l’Homiliari dit de “Luculenti(us)”, testimoniada en els homiliaris de l’ofici del monestir de Serrateix i de la canòncia de Solsona’, Miscel˙lània litúrgica catalana 15 (2007), 273–304 [with 3 figures] (p. 274 with n. 6); Idem, ‘La tradició codicològica’, pp. 83, 99 sq. and 107 sq. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Ms. lat. 5259 is a copy for the ‘officium capituli’, meaning a ‘liber capituli’ of this abbey made in the middle of the thirteenth century: Francesc Xaxier Altés i Aguiló, ‘Les “Homiliae capitulares” del monestir de Sant Ponç de Tomeres i l’homiliari de l’ofici catalanonarbonès’, Miscel˙lània litúrgica catalana 11 (2003), 131–157; Idem, ‘La tradició codicològica’, pp. 90 and 95. How Carolingian was early medieval Catalonia? 133 112 Besides his preference for Benedictine sources, Bernard Capelle, ‘Le Maître antérieur à S. Benoît?’, Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique 41 (1946), 66–75 (p. 73); Altés i Aguiló, ‘A propòsit’, p. 39 sq. n. 132; Müller, Das ‘Luculentius’-Homiliar, p. 59; Altés i Aguiló, ‘La tradició codicològica’, p. 75 could detect unquestionable traces of Benedictine monasticism in Luculentius’ work. 113 Altés i Aguiló, ‘A propòsit’, p. 40 n. 133; Lemarié, ‘Les homélies’, p. 45; Müller, Das ‘Luculentius’-Homiliar, pp. 30–4; Altés i Aguiló, ‘La tradició codicològica’, p. 74. 114 Sūrahs 2, 219, 4, 43 and 5, 90 sq.:They ask thee concerning wine and gambling. Say: “In them is great sin, and some profit, for men; but the sin is greater than the profit.” They ask thee how much they are to spend; say: “What is beyond your needs.” Thus doth God make clear to you his signs: in order that ye may consider… O ye who believe! Approach not prayers with a mind befogged, until ye can understand all that ye say… O ye who believe! Intoxicants and gambling, (dedication of) stones, and (divination by) arrows, are an abomination, of Satans handiwork: eschew such (abomination), that ye may prosper. Satan’s plan is (but) to excite enmity and hatred between you, with intoxicants and gambling, and hinder you from the remembrance of God, and from prayer: will ye not then abstain?’, trad. ‘ullāh Yūsuf ‘Alı̄, The Holy Qur’an. Text, translation and commentary 1, (Cambridge (Ma.): 1934 (etc.)), pp. 14a–726a (pp. 86a, 193a and 270a sq.). 115 García Villada, Historia eclesiástica, p. 386. 116 Homilia 128: ‘et nolite inebriari vino, in quo est luxuria. Sicut enim homo non potest duobus dominis servire, Deo scilicet et mammonae, ita nullus potest inebriari vino pariter et Spiritu sancto repleri. Qui Spiritu sancto repletus fuerit habebit prudentiam, castitatem, munditiam, pudicitiam, mansuetudinem, verecundiam. E regione qui vino inebriatur, habebit procacitatem, insipientiam, audaciam, furorem, libidinem. Et ideo praecipit Apostolus, non debere “inebriari vino, in quo est luxuria”. Unde dicit Salomon: “Ne aspicias vinum cum flavescit in vitro; color enim blande [Cod.,“blandis”] ingreditur, sed mordet ut coluber.” Potest et aliter intelligi quod dicit: “Nolite inebriari vino”, id est vino malitiae, de quo Moyses in cantico Deuteronomio: “De vinea Sodomorum, vinea eorum.” Hoc vino inebriantur omnes amatores mundi. De quibus dicit Apostolus: “Quorum finis interitus, quorum Deus venter est, et gloria in confusione ipsorum qui terrena sapiunt”’, ed. Migne, PL 72, col. 838 l. 10–29.The text has been checked against the two copies from Sant Cugat del Vallès, Madrid, Biblioteca de la Real Academia de la Historia, Ms. 17, fol. 202vb–203vb, here fol. 203rb–203va, and Madrid, Biblioteca de la Real Academia de la Historia, Ms. 21, fol. 222ra–223va, here fol. 222vb–223ra. Their common text shows some minor differences which nevertheless do not change the sense in general.