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Power presents itself as an interdependent conjugation of wills and means, directed towards the attainment of a purpose. The will, being an essential element in the manifestation of Power, makes it an essentially human phenomenon, characteristic of an individual or a grouping of individuals. The will to satisfy a need, interest or aspiration is not enough. It is necessary that the will be added to the ability to achieve such satisfaction, that is, and there must be the necessary and sufficient means that would integrate the Power. In order to satisfy those needs, interests and aspirations, which are translated as objectives, the Man, moved by his will and at the same time directing it, must use adequate and available means, among which he himself is included. The power dimension of a social group is based on the set of means at the disposal of the collective will, that is, the common will of the subgroups and individuals. The National Power always reflects the possibilities and limitations of the Men who constitute it and the means at its disposal, in its global characteristics and in the effects of its employment. The visualization of National Power as a complex and coherent system makes the recognition of integrality one of its defining characteristics. The inter-agent sense of the relations between the Men who constitute it and the means available to that Power, as well as the affirmation of being one and indivisible, aspects more evident when seen under the focus of power in action, reaffirm this integrality and reinforce its systemic character. However, being the manifestation of a social system and, in itself, a system, the Power admits its subdivision for the analysis of its characteristics and value. The Nation, by organizing itself politically, chooses a way of bringing together, expressing and applying its Power more effectively, by creating a special macro-institution - the State - whom it delegates the power to institute and implement the political-juridical process, the coordination of the collective will and the judicious application of a substantial part of its power. Thus, State can be conceptualized as: A politically organized nation that exercises jurisdiction in its territory.
State power in modern society: the problems of understanding and investigation, 2018
The article analyzes the problems associated with the understanding of state power, as well as theoretical and methodological innovations and research tools used in the study of this political and legal phenomenon. The authors analyze various directions of the legal, political and socio-cultural definition of state power, identify and discuss various dimensions and levels in the conceptualization of the latter. In the context of the paper, the government is as a complex political and legal phenomenon, considered as a specific type of general system of public authority, which is implemented by various political subjects, which have a rigid link to the socio-cultural and territorial space.
2019
This article analyzes the fundamental issues of the evolution of approaches to the legal category of state power. The authors consider the phenomenon of power as one of the most important types of social interaction. The authors show that during this evolution, along with the preservation of universal (essential) characteristics due to the nature and social purpose of the state, there is a modification of those properties and characteristics of state power that have a specific historical character and depend on many factors affecting ways of implementing state power. The article reveals the main types of state power and methods of its implementation. According to the authors, the power is not the result of only violence, the suppression of one person by another, but comes from the very nature of man. The authors reveal the category of “state power” by examining its content, characteristics, elements, subjects, and objects. They examine the ways of expressing political power as a typ...
Mangal Research Journal , 2020
The wave of globalization and the impossibility to maintain uniformity within the nation-state, which in itself is characterized by diversities, has reframed the past status of nation-state in the contemporary globe. In this article, the author considers the scopes and strengths of nation-state are diminishing in the contemporary global order, arguing that the pervasive implications of globalization and the emergence of dissident voices within the specific geo-political territories have posed pragmatic problems in the traditional notion and stand strand of nation-state. As globalization has opened newer avenues with wider spaces of opportunities to the people all across the globe, the culture, tradition, religion, language, emotional affinity within the specified communal people, which are considered to be binding aspects of nation-state, don't sustain the same values as that used to hold in the past. The digital media and communication, advancement of transportation and the flow of knowledge and goods in the postmodern world have been key instruments to the people to transcend national boundary and promote the cross country affinity. Besides, this paper also explores and analyses how an effort to maintain uniformity in structure within particular political geography fails due to its undeniable reality of socio-cultural and economic variations among people within the same territory. If the uniformity and harmony, as assumed, are synonymous to nation-state, why are many countries suffering with civil wars? Hence, this paper attempts to record the practical problems which have created questions on traditionally elated space and scope of nation-state. Moreover, to examine and analyze this situation, the author uses qualitative method.
2015
Constituent power is the base of modern democracy, for two main reasons, a historical and analytical one. First, the birth of the modern doctrine of popular sovereignty coincides with the conceptual advent of constituent power. From a historical point of view then, constituent power and modern democracy are intrinsically associated from their beginnings in the idiom of popular sovereignty. Secondly, there is a profound systematic and conceptual analogy between constituent power and democracy, insofar as they both describe collective acts of self-legislation and public events of self-alteration. From this elective affinity, democratic constituent politics evokes the principle of liberty as political autonomy, whereby the members of a collectivity deliberately constitute the political forms of authority in order to organize and institutionalize their common life. The addressees of the law become its authors. Hence, formulating popular sovereignty as constituent power is to affirm the ...
6th International Legal Issues Conference ILIC2021 ISBN (978-9922-9036-7-5), 2021
The concept of the state has always been the focus point to those who study politics; this is to an extent that politics has been defined as the study of state. The fact is that, the state still is what mainly shapes the life of individuals within a society and also the way that the international relations are functioning. This, simply, means that the state still is an undeniable and a functioning actor. Beside this sustainability, the state has been developed in terms of both its conceptual meanings and functional tasks. However, it is still almost what it was, as an abstract concept. The present paper studies the concept of the state and examines its development and sustainability. It is about analysing the concept in a way that could be understood as an abstract concept through the history of political philosophy. It, moreover, discusses the elements in more than a perspective as a multi-dimensional and multi-aspect concept. This is to find the contractions and paradoxes in thoughts and practices on the states. The main argument is that the state as a concept is developing its appearances and manifestations, and preserving its essence and its core nature at the same time. The paper would ask several questions, such as: to what extent the contemporary state could be considered as the extension of modern, medieval and ancient ones? What are developments that the state as a concept has experienced and how it could preserve its main essence and always remains as state itself? To address these questions, the study uses qualitative methods of analysis within the framework of political science. It depends on secondary data to analyse related themes from different philosophical, legal and political perspectives. This will be about deconstructing the concept of the state into its component elements to know what state made of; and then to reconstruct them in a different way to know what the real nature of the state is. The research has been structured in a way that its chapters and section be helpful to conduct the methodology and to answer the questions. In doing so, the paper would have a philosophical conceptual framework of the concept of the state. It also analyses the concept from a legal and political perspectives. These all are about analysing the development and sustainability of the concept of the state. Keywords: State; Power; Sovereignty; Self-determination; Territorial Integrity
European Science, 2023
2016
Introduction In the contemporary United States, domestic policy is an appendage of foreign policy, specifically, the U.S. global financial position. If the U.S. is to be the leader of the New Global Regime, then its domestic sense of self must be altered. The economic system of the late 18th century was based on communal farming in certain regions, yeoman landholding, state and county independence and racial and linguistic commonalities. None of that, of course, is even remotely compatible with a global empire. Centralization, a cosmopolitan consciousness and a removal from traditional moral anchors is necessary for the consuming, rootless identity necessary to maintain a commoditybased capitalist and globalist structure, a structure, importantly, controlled by equally rootless, privately-owned entities (rather than the state, which, in the American case, is reactive and clumsy). Therefore, specific policies of the state since the second world war need to be understood in this light...
Pre-copyedited version of a chapter in S. Clegg and M. Haugaard, eds, The SAGE Handbook of Power, London: SAGE, 367-382. The state and state power are hypercomplex and changeable phenomena and no single theory or theoretical perspective can fully capture and explain their structural and strategic dynamic. Moreover, despite recurrent tendencies to reify them as standing outside and above society, the state and political system belong to a broader set of social relations. We cannot adequately describe or explain the state apparatus, state projects, and state power without referring to their differential articulation with this ensemble. A distinctive type of theoretical orientation is called for that can take account not only of the state’s historical and institutional specificity as a distinctive accomplishment of social development but also its role as an important element within the overall structure and dynamic of social formations. This chapter advocates a suitable approach, which treats the state in ‘strategic-relational’ terms; enabling us to explore the nature of state power as the material condensation of a changing balance of political forces. First explicitly proposed by the Greek political theorist, Nicos Poulantzas (1974, 1978), it needed much elaboration. Indeed, the strategic-relational approach (hereafter SRA) in its state-theoretical application could be described as the meta-theoretical, theoretical, and empirically- informed process of elaborating the implications of Poulantzas’s initial proposition.
Zhuzi xuekan 諸子學刊 27 (2023): 161–82, 2023
The Warring States period was the golden age of Chinese intellectuals in terms of social and political prestige, self-esteem, freedom of expression, and creativity. But my paper focuses on the counter-discourse aimed at undermining the intellectuals’ authority. The Book of Lord Shang (Shangjunshu 商君書) and Han Feizi 韓非子 are two texts that turned tables on fellow intellectuals , which mercilessly exposed the fallacies of the dominant moralizing discourse and its subversive nature. The article explores the gains and losses of this “class betrayal,” which have interesting implications beyond the Warring States-period China. 《商君書》和《韓非子》的共有的一個突出特點是對知識階層(文人)進行了極爲尖銳的批評。本文探討了這兩部書中“反智論”的語境,其内在合理性以及其弱點和代價。筆者認爲《商》、《韓》對知識階層的批評基於其反對士人的傲慢話語及其所帶來的對政治秩序和君臣關係的威脅。這兩部書的作者們認爲:第一,文人都屬於無用之輩,國家所需要是耕戰之士而不是“學士”;第二,文人居高臨下的話語隱含著自私的因素,讓僞君子、僞賢人享受國君厚待;第三,文人的話語含有政治的顛覆性,會弱化君權。而通過尖銳地批評自己所屬的階層(即當“階級叛徒者”),商鞅、韓非及其弟子們力圖展現其至公無私的態度。然而這種態度引起了歷來文人的反感,使商鞅和韓非得到歷史惡名,導致其政治理論也失去了生命力。
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