Capoeira - An Ethnolinguistic Study of the Brazilian Combat Game

Capoeira: An Ethnolinguistic Study of the Brazilian Combat Game By Taliesin Reid Haugh May 4, 2013 Senior Research Project – Department of Anthropology College of Liberal Arts and Social Science – Cleveland State University Abstract: The goal of my research is to help clarify the history of the Afro-Brazilian culture of Caopeira - this being definitive of the African diaspora during the colonial period - with an emphasis on the significance of dances, rituals and other cultural idioms in Brazil. Through analysing the Afro-Brazilian cultural practice of Capoeira and comparing it in aesthetic, kinethetic, and practical context to African, European, and Native American traditions, we can at least marginally reconstruct the cultural evolution of colonial South America and its place in the larger context of the Euro-African diaspora. A note on Methodology: The traditional historical narrative of Capoeira is that it is originally African and transmitted by slaves of the Portugese to Brazil. An observable fact about Capoeira is that it is not native to modern African culture. Given these observations, what, if any, are the observable elements of Capoeira that can be found among recorded or extant African cultural arts? And if Capoeira is proven to not be a purely African invention, then who are the primary original culture groups who contributed to this dynamic art form? This research used historical, literary, and academic sources, combined with first-hand field experience and personal interviews with experts and mentors, to help shed light on these questions. Overall, roughly thirty books (half in english, four primary sources) and a handfull of scholarly articles constitute the bulk of the research. It began with a diversely biased array of personal and historical narratives, comparing them through multidisciplinary analysis in terms of linguistics, martial technique, or ethnomusicology, as the case may be, attempting to reconstruct as much of the concrete history of Capoeira as possible, expecting that to be the best place to start. Part 1 – Afro-Brazilian Identity Brazil is a land of extremes. From the rolling and highly diverse landscape of the highlands, coast, and rainforest basins, to the bustle of some of the world's largest cities. From a veritable paradise to violent slums, Brazil is a tropical mixture of many things and a meeting place of diverse cultures. Brazil started as a colony of the Portugese, who extracted wealth in agriculture and raw materials while subjugating the Natives when they could, but more frequently using slaves traded from their holdings in Africa (Malheiro, 1944). Now Brazil is an industrialized nation of nearly 200 million people, with a society composed of European, African, and Native American cultures. Although modern Brazilian society is a Latin-American-style capitalist democracy, Brazil's past as an agricultural trade capital and feudal plantation colony still defines much of its internal politics. The majority of Brazilians have some ancestry from all three population groups, but the majority of the population are of direct African ancestry, and still practice many African customs. These people are often referred to as Afro-Brazilieros or Afro-Brazilians. Their religion is a combination of Catholicism and African Orisha (Ori=head, Sha=Spirit) worship practices. Economically, they occupy the lower social classes, being that they are mostly descended from people who had been legally slaves through the Ninteenth Century (Merrel, 2007). Over the past 400 years of Colonialism, Afro-Brazilians have developed a unique style of music, traditions, cuisine, and spirituality that reflect both their surviving African heritage and the unique tropical environment of Brazil. Of course there was significant oppression, both during and after the slavery period. Partly due to their numbers, the slaves managed to maintain a strong cultural identity built upon their common African roots, in the face of institutionalized violence and justified unequality enforced by Portugese landowners. This culture now defines the festivals and music of Brazil, from Carnival and Samba to their dance and religious practices (Fryer, 2000). Among this rich cultural heritage can be found a few distinctly unique manifestations of this culture: from the magic rituals and chants of Candomble to the flailing machetes of a Maculele dance, Afro-Brazilian culture has some truely unique arts. One of these is "Capoeira," a once-obscure, ritualistic game practiced to music at small gatherings called rodas, where practitioners use acrobatics and agility to evade attacks and respond with sweeps and takedowns. Due to institutionalized police repression since the abolition of slavery, Capoeira was a dying art form only a century ago. It was practiced only by thugs and gangsters on the streets of Rio de Janeiro and Salvador, the forgotten remnant of a culture of resistance that fought against slavery in earlier times (Soares, 2002. pg. 323). Capoeira experienced a resurgence in the last century, after one teacher named Mestre Bimba started promoting it among white Brazilians, repackaging it with more accessable training techniques and an emphasis on performance. It was legalized, schools were allowed to open and offer regular classes, and eventually the art spread from Brazil, to be practiced by tens of thousands of people (Almeida, 1986) in every major city today. Although Capoeira is no longer practiced only by poor Brazilians, it is still closely associated with Brazilian culture and language, resistance against oppression, and social justice (Assuncao, 2006. pg. 116). When people first hear of Capoeira, it's often from a practitioner or instructor who will give their own version of how Capoeira came to be. Each version of the story reflects a specific perspecitive on both Capoeira as an art and the speaker's views on history. As Assuncao opens the subject in his own book: "...at least three of the powerful myths that have nourished the practitioners’ hunger for history: the remote origins of capoeira; its invention, in Brazil, by maroons; and the disguise of the fight as a dance." (Assuncao, 2006. pg. 7) As for the 'remote origins' narrative, this is most frequently some version of events where the Africans brought an already developed art form from the Congo/Angola region which morphed over time in Brazil (Desch Obi, 2008). The 'invention' narrative holds that Capoeira was developed in Brazil by runaway slaves, Quilombolas, and natives living in the highlands, temporarily safe from Portugese rule (Lewis, 1992, pg. 96) The 'disguise' narrative holds that many of the idiosyncrasies of the art come from it's unique context: that the reason for the handstands is because that way the slaves who practiced could do so with their hands shackled as others slept in the slave quarters, or that the reason for the dance-like quality of movement is explained because they would practice Capoeira openly in colonial times, but that white slave owners would fail to recognize the lethal martial training that it entailed due to the cartwheels and rhythmic steps (Nestor, 2002. pg. 104). While there are many more anecdotal explainations, these listed above serve as a representative sample. Each of these informal narratives have some limitations - and many are directly contradictory to history or common sense - but the multitude of explainations for how it got to be this way point out two things: One, that the history of Capoeira is still largely guesswork, and two, that this form is uniquely complex enough that people seem to feel it should have some heroic and noble past. It is a sad truth that while the literature from before the last century was incomplete, at least some amount of pertinent documentation on this story was lost in 1888-1890 when Brazil finally abolished slavery. At that time, the government ceremonially destroyed many official records relating to slaves and slavery. The official reason was so that the country could "heal" from the scars of inequality, but most Brazilians feel that the real reason was to avoid reparations, claims against old owners by their old properties, and in general to help diminish any negative common memory of the entire period in the society (Talmon-Chvaicer 2008. pg. 69) These types of social forces need to be mentioned, because that is the cultural context through which the extant cultures and their various histories that we study are made. In Brazil, as in the U.S. and many other postcolonial states, there is a polarization of racial relations that affects how that culture understands its own history – indeed, no historical narrative exists that does not have some manner of contemporanious social bias. For the purpose of this study, this force is manifest in a dualistic argument of African versus Brazilian origin, despite much evidence that both stories are partly (but neither entirely) true. Moreover, any racialized oversimplification in the nationally accepted narrative would serve to marginalize the contributions of those involved in neither the branco nor Afro-braziliano identities. Part 2 – Research The first goal of this research project is to, if possible, find video footage of traditional African cultural practices - be they martial training, rite of passage, or dance techniques - that could be reliably linked to Capoeira as it has been documented in early Brazilian history. The need to reference older works is partly due to the fluid nature of this type of cultural art. For example, while reglious or culinary traditions in a society might take generations to change dramatically, dynamic performance styles and martial arts evolve very quickly - sometimes evolving or speciating into new, distinct art forms within a single generation. Capoeira continues to evolve, and since a reliance on percieved traditional forms as being inherently more accurate to history would be folly, we are obligated to find the oldest data we can. Over time, the search for an African origin expanded to include any African fighting forms, wardances, and resistance techniques of the diaspora. One researcher that focuses on this subject claims in his book to feature unprecidented field research into the upper highlands of Southern Angola, where along the Kunene river the tribesmen still practice Engolo, a supposed ancestor to Capoeira which still has never been properly documented. The full evidence of its existence at all rests in two primary sources: one Albano Neves e Sousa, from the 1950s in Brazil, who returned from Angola presenting sketches that seemed to fit perfectly with traditional Capoeira practice, and the second directly references those and expands on the history of that African fighting style. The sketches shown on the right, done by Neves e Sousa became the basis for an Afro-centric narrative of the development of the tradition (Desch Obi, 2008). Many popular books on the subject reference them as primary souce material in understanding how Capoeira came to be. Since the 1950's, however, there have been only a handful of individuals that have looked further - one of whom was a scholar - and little to no cultural conservation effort has been made to better understand this art form and its unique aesthetic. Sixty years after this discovery, thre is still no video footage of N'golo or similar styles publicly available. While there are in fact a great variety of physical combat systems - many of them unarmed - native to Sub-Sarharan Africa, the majority of them are dissimilar enough from Capoeira (or Kunene-Engolo, for that matter) to be disqualified as potential originates. Others still seem to have similar qualities, but survive to the modern day only in reference form by some explorers and missionaries from colonial times. Among these reports was "Sanguar," a type of acrobatic evasion technique possibly native to Igbo and Yoruba peoples, chronicled mostly by the french and portugese, although some english language account exist (Johnson, 1956). While some of these are very promising ideas for further reasearch, they are far from an undebated African-originated root for the art form. This is a difficult answer to arrive at because there is no doubt (and probably never was) in anyone's mind that Capoeira is a part of the African diaspora, strongly associated with Black Culture, and developed at least partly from African cultural traiditions. This is most apparent in analysing musical elements like the Berimbau and agogo, 'call & response' styled vocals, and a syncopated, percussing 3/4 rhythm are all quite steriotypical of some African musical traditions, and also definitive of the music of Capoeira (Fryer, 2000). Similarly, a cultural anthropoloist observing the social roles, expectations, respect/social heirarchy displays or rituals of the Capoeira Subculture - in Brazil and abroad: enculturation is a key mode of formal Capoeira training - would immediately peg much of it as distinctly Congolese-influenced social patterns. Most importantly is the fact that Capoeira and similar movements are depicted from the earliest artworks in Brazil - always being done by slaves in the artwork, often in a circle and with instruments. We are lucky to find so many contextually perfect depictions, and without these early drawings and photogrpahs we would have very little historical evidence at all. Thus it must be reiterated that no findings today could invalidate the largely African heritage of Capoeira. Still, it is far from insignificant that it does not exist natively in Africa. There are also other possible reasons for the lack of evidence from Africa that don't preclude a unified, original African art form. The Kunene region runs along the southern border of Angola, sharing highland areas with Namibia, once called German East Africa. That region saw major resistance in the form of organized rebellions against German rule through the 1800's, mainly fought by the Herero and Kikongo peoples. The situation eventually escalated to war and systematic slaughter of the remaining captive Herero people in camps set up by the German military specifically built as permanent detention centers, far from German or remaining African residences. The genocide that took place left a void of traidtional culture that still affects the population there, which may also have cut us off from better understanding the cultural contributions of these people before the full-scale colonization of Africa. Another interesting combat style is Savate, the Sixteenth Century kickboxing style utilized by French and Portugese sailors working in early intercontinental trade. Savate featured several idiomatic movements that don't exist in traditional European Boxing. In fact, when the movement vocabulary is compared, it seems more similar to Capoeira (which was associated with sailors and dock workers after the mid-Ninteenth Century) or African fighting arts than European Boxing. (Capello, 1881) While some Eurocentric historical revisionists have gone so far as to suggest that Savate might be a European root influence on the development of Capoeira in Brazil, I would argue the reverse. It seems indicated that Savate might be partly adapted from African fighting styles, as seen and then imitated by European sailors during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. I argue this for two reasons: we know the cultural climate of early European nautical exploration was focused on joining Europe to the already extant international trade corridor of the Indian Ocean, which was easiest accessed at the time by sailing around Southern Africa. Since it was those countries that started trading (and eventually raiding) with Coastal Africa the earliest of all Europeans, it seems to be no surprise that a new and deadly martial art style would be developed among the French and Portugese sailors at the forefront of that cultural exchange. As Dr. Paul Aspelin (who has done fieldwork in Brazil) used to say; "Language is the roadmap to understanding how cultures interact." Linguistic analysis revealed the most of any methodology used in this research. While the grand majority of the dialogue and musical tradition is in a dialect of Portugese, there also exist some Indigenous and African loan words, especially in the songs of Candomble and Macumba, which among the entire African Diaspora probably carried over one of the most complete systems of Yoruba/Ifa practice in the world (Capon, 2010). Capoeira, like most movement systems, has names for every move. Most of them are direct Portugese words, like mariposa or martelo-em-pe. Some of the moves however have no other translation into Portugese: in fact some linguistics scholars have suggested that moves like Quexada are actually Indigenous languages words (Alonso, 1953). The difficult question of Capoeira's origin is perhaps best exemplified in the etymological debate concerning the name itself, "Capoeira". Just as with the historical narrative in Brazil and the various reports of it's pre-existence in Africa, the word has been argued to be adapted from European, African, and Indigenous South American words by different accounts. The first research into the word itself came long after its surge in popularity, largely by Brazilian scholars since the 1970's. Of the many arguments out there, I shall present a representative trio found most frequently among literature and popular debate. One suggestion is that the slaves who first did capoeira at the markets in old Brazil would do so after carrying cages of roosters (pt=Capon) to sell, thus creating a term, Capon-eiro, loosly meaning "Chicken carrier." An alternative tale says that Capoeira is a term adapted from Kikongo languages, Kipura, meaning "to fight." (Desch Obi, 2006). Both of these stories are considered legitimate by some, although both fall short as linguistic theories. A curious third alternative that is quickly becoming popular is that the name is from Tupi-Guarani language (distribution shown below). The first large-scale ecological impact the Portugese had in South America was the clearing of jungle and brushland by fire – an ecologically unsound process called swidden agriculture (Ramos, 1951). This theory is that Tupi-Guarani words for burnt,/caa/ followed by the word for land or clearance, /puera/ are argued to have been combined to make the term Ca'poeira: The dance done in the burnt field, or 'scorched earth dance'. This linguistic connection is really one of the strongest arguments yet found concerning the origin of the art. Historical records that were buried until recently indicate that significant efforts were made by the Portugese to subjugate the natives before they started importing Africans (Rego, 1968). These early cultural interactions between the Indigenous nations of South America and peoples of various African tribes, acting together and under duress from the Portugese was what created Capoeira, in both name and essence. In exploring other cultural manifestations, though, it can be argued that the specific cultural role of the Martial Arts could be utilized in understanding cultural exchange as well. Classically, when two or more cultures have antagonistic reactions toward each other, their martial combat systems and strategies would invarably take on each others' characteristicts. Unlike cultural exchanges in cuisine or archetecture which may take generations, the Martial Arts as a whole are inherently competitive and adaptive, such that only a few years of battle, territory dispute, or even a single military campaign might change the way that entire culture behaves in combat (Desch Obi, 2006, pg. 75).This is evident in the example of Jujistsu and Korean vs. Japanese martial arts in preindustrial times, the exchange between European and Chinese Kung Fu immedately following the Opium Wars between England and China, and even in the development of Krav Maga and Kempo as direct results of World War II. Therefore I take it that with even small exchanges between sailors and coastal trade partners (willing or unwilling as the case was) there was great opportunity for the development of Savate from simultaneous European and African systems. Conclusion We may never be fully sure of the history of Capoeira. In addition to the lack of reliable, unbiased historical documentation is the invariably corrosive effect on traditional culture of colonialism, imperialism, and more recently globalization. A diverse mixture of African cultural heritage is apparent in many elements of Capoeira: the Berimbau (a bow instrument of African origin), the movement vocabulary of unique inverted kicks, percussion rhythms, and social behaviors all provide a view of a strong African heritage. However, as a non-combative strategy game or ritualized cultural tradition, certain elements of Capoeira are not represented in any known African art, indicating a still distinctly Brazilian heritage as well. The story of Capoeira is, at least, an example of the contrasting relationship between the development of a culture and the creation of its historical narrative. Although further research into the full history of Capoeira should include field work with the Quilombolas of northern Brazil in addition to the highlands of Angola, it is safe to consider Capoeira a true cultural syncretism. Its development incorporated the contributions of peoples from three continents, and today the Brazilian confluence of Portuguese, Kikongo, and Tupi-Guarani culture can still be seen in every Roda de Capoeira around the world. References Almeida, Bira 1986 Capoeira: A Brazilian Art Form. Berkeley: North Atlantic Books Alonso, Amado 1953 Estudios Linguisticos: Temas Hispanoamericanos. Madrid, Editorial Gredos Assuncao, Matthias Rohrig 2005 Capoeira: The History of an Afro-Brazilian Martial Art. New York: Taylor & Francis Inc Bastide, Roger 1978 The African Religions of Brazil: Toward a Sociology of the Interpenetration of Civilizations. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press Capoeira, Nestor 2002 Capoeira: roots of the dance-fight-game. Berkeley: North Atlantic Books Capello, H. & Ivens, R. 1881 De Benguella as Terras de Lacca: Descicao de Uma Vaigem na Africa Central e Ocidental. Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional Capone, Stefania 2010 Searching for Africa in Brazil: Power and Tradition in Candomble. London: Duke University Press Desch Obi, T. J. 2008 Fighting for Honor: The History of African Martial Art in the Atlantic World. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press Fryer, Peter 2000 Rhythms of Resistance: African Musical Heritage in Brazil. Hanover: Wesleyan University Press Johnson, Samuel 1956 The History of the Yorubas: From the Earliest Times to the Beginning of the British Protectorate. Lagos: C.M.S.(Nigeria) Bookshofs Lewis, Lowell J. 1992 Ring Of Liberation: Deceptive discourse in Brazilian capoeira. Chicago: University of Chicago Press Malheiro, Dr. Agostino Marques Perdigao 1944 A Escravidão no Brasil: Ensaio histórico jurídico social. Sao Paulo: Edicoes Cultural Merrel, Floyd 2007 Capoeira and Candomble: Conformity and Resistance through Afro-Brazilian Experience. Princeton: Markus Weiner Publishers Lucas, J. Olumide 1948 The Religion of the Yorubas. Lagos: C.M.S. Bookshop Ramos, Artur 1951 O Negro Brasileiro: Etnographica Religiosa. Sao Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional Rego, Waldeloir 1968 Capoeira Angola: Ensaio Socio-Etnographico. Brazil: Editora Itapua Soares, Carlos Eugenio Libano 2002 A Capoeira Escrava; e outras tradicios rebeldes no Rio De Janeiro. Brazil: Unicamp Talmon-Chvaicer 2008 The Hidden History of Capoeira: a collision of cultures in the Brasilian battle-dance. Austin: University of Texas Press Haugh 12