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11. Islamic finance and social justice:
a reappraisal
Raza Mir and Muqtedar Khan
INTRODUCTION
In this chapter, we attempt to juxtapose the principles of Islamic
humanism against the practices of Islamic finance to uncover potential
tensions and offer ways in which these tensions may be resolved. In
order to do so, we first survey the existing instruments of Islamic finance
as they are being practiced in various parts of the world. We then
articulate the principles of economic justice as articulated in various
Islamic texts, notably the Holy Qur’an. We then offer a friendly evaluation of the state of Islamic finance, suggesting ways in which it can be
oriented toward social justice issues.
Islam as a religion is characterized by a fierce commitment to social
justice. The Qur’an abounds in verses that extol the virtues of charity,
proscribe hoarding and warn against usurping the rights of the poor and
dispossessed. Similarly, there are several Hadith traditions ascribed to the
Prophet Mohammed exhorting Muslims to make the agenda of social
justice the cornerstone of all economic and trading activity. It should
follow, therefore, that all commercial activities that aspire to Islamic
standards should focus on reducing inequality and utilizing commerce for
social welfare rather than on profiteering.
As the economic principles of capitalism become increasingly hegemonic in the world, they come into conflict with the economic principles
and traditions of Islam. It becomes increasingly necessary, therefore, for
Islamic economists, organizational theorists and social scientists to offer
a way forward for Muslims engaged in commerce. The religion, after all,
boasts over 1 billion followers and, by the year 2030, at least 50 nations
will have over 50 percent of their population who identify as Muslims
(see Table 11.1).
231
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Islamic ethics and financial conduct
Table 11.1 Countries sorted by Muslim population
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Country
2010 Muslim
Population
% Muslim
2010
2030 Muslim
Population
(Proj.)
% Muslim
2030 (Proj.)
Morocco
Afghanistan
Tunisia
Iran
W. Sahara
Mauritania
Tajikistan
Yemen
Iraq
Jordan
Mayotte
Somalia
Turkey
Azerbaijan
Maldives
Comoros
Niger
Algeria
Pal. Terr.
Saudi Arabia
Djibouti
Libya
Uzbekistan
Pakistan
Senegal
Gambia
Egypt
Turkmenistan
Syria
Mali
Kosovo
Bangladesh
32,381,000
29,047,000
10,349,000
74,819,000
528,000
3,338,000
7,006,000
24,023,000
31,108,000
6,397,000
197,000
9,231,000
74,660,000
8,795,000
309,000
679,000
15,627,000
34,780,000
4,298,000
25,493,000
853,000
6,325,000
26,833,000
178,097,000
12,333,000
1,669,000
80,024,000
4,830,000
20,895,000
12,316,000
2,104,000
148,607,000
99.9
99.8
99.8
99.7
99.6
99.2
99.0
99.0
98.9
98.8
98.8
98.6
98.6
98.4
98.4
98.3
98.3
98.2
97.5
97.1
97.0
96.6
96.5
96.4
95.9
95.3
94.7
93.3
92.8
92.4
91.7
90.4
39,259,000
50,527,000
12,097,000
89,626,000
816,000
4,750,000
9,525,000
38,973,000
48,350,000
8,516,000
298,000
15,529,000
89,127,000
10,162,000
396,000
959,000
32,022,000
43,915,000
7,136,000
35,497,000
1,157,000
8,232,000
32,760,000
256,117,000
18,739,000
2,607,000
105,065,000
5,855,000
28,374,000
18,840,000
2,100,000
187,506,000
99.9
99.8
99.8
99.7
99.6
99.2
99.0
99.0
98.9
98.8
98.8
98.6
98.6
98.4
98.4
98.3
98.3
98.2
97.5
97.1
97.0
96.6
96.5
96.4
95.9
95.3
94.7
93.3
92.8
92.1
93.5
92.3
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Islamic finance and social justice: a reappraisal 233
Country
2010 Muslim
Population
% Muslim
2010
2030 Muslim
Population
(Proj.)
% Muslim
2030 (Proj.)
Kyrgyzstan
Indonesia
Oman
Kuwait
Guinea
Albania
Bahrain
Qatar
UAE
Sierra Leone
Sudan
Malaysia
Lebanon
Burkina Faso
Kazakhstan
Chad
Brunei
Nigeria
4,927,000
204,847,000
2,547,000
2,636,000
8,693,000
2,601,000
655,000
1,168,000
3,577,000
4,171,000
30,855,000
17,139,000
2,542,000
9,600,000
8,887,000
6,404,000
211,000
75,728,000
88.8
88.1
87.7
86.4
84.2
82.1
81.2
77.5
76.0
71.5
71.4
61.4
59.7
58.9
56.4
55.7
51.9
47.9
6,140,000
238,833,000
3,549,000
3,692,000
14,227,000
2,841,000
881,000
1,511,000
4,981,000
6,527,000
43,573,000
22,752,000
2,902,000
16,480,000
9,728,000
10,086,000
284,000
116,832,000
93.8
88.0
87.7
86.4
84.2
83.2
81.2
77.5
76.0
73.0
71.4
64.5
59.7
59.0
56.4
53.0
51.9
51.5
One tradition that has emerged in the world of investing is that of Islamic
finance. The broad ideas of Islamic finance provide an opportunity for
Muslim investors to participate in the global financial system without
sacrificing their religious principles. Islamic finance has been a spectacular success in terms of quantity and depth. Despite a relatively recent
provenance (the first instruments of Islamic finance emerged mostly in
the 1970s), the ideas of integrating investments by Muslims in the global
financial system in a religious manner have been extremely successful
(Durán and García-López, 2012). Ernst & Young estimated that global
Islamic assets held by commercial banks were valued at around
US$1.3 trillion in 2011 and would reach $1.8 trillion in 2013 (Ernst &
Young, 2012), representing an average annual growth of 19 percent over
the past four years. The growth trend in Islamic assets and instruments
appears to be heading for a bright future (Al-Salem, 2008; Bellalah and
Elllouz, 2004). In a mere matter of four decades, Islamic finance has
reached a maturity that would be the envy of any mainstream economic
instrument. This phenomenon is not limited to Muslim countries, but also
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234 Islamic ethics and financial conduct
is becoming increasingly visible in the west (Malik et al., 2011). We now
have Islamic banks, Islamic mutual funds, private equity and even a
variety of indices (the most prominent being the Dow Jones Islamic
Index1) that aim to provide sharia-compliant investment opportunities to
a variety of Muslim investors.
Interestingly, Islamic practices have also seeped into mainstream
investment decisions. Some of the cornerstones of entrepreneurial financing, such as venture capital and angel investing, have picked some of
their practices from the principles enshrined in Islamic finance (Koehler,
2009). In effect, Islamic finance has taught Silicon Valley a few things
about responsible risk sharing between investors and financers!
How can Islamic finance remain compliant with not only the letter, but
also the spirit of Islamic guidelines governing commerce? This debate is
always ongoing, with critics contending that Islamic finance investors
and researchers have focused primarily on issues relating to interest
(riba) when discussing Islamic finance and may have focused less on
issues relating to equality and social welfare (Cebeci, 2012; Khan, 1999).
As Cebeci (2012, p. 166) argues, ‘It is still debated whether Islamic
Finance has created a structure that systematically contributes to social
development in the Muslim world.’ Moreover, much of the research on
Islamic finance has focused on the performance of Islamic funds benchmarked against the most traditional and capitalist measures of performance (return on equity (ROE), for example, is the dependent variable of
choice in most studies that compare Islamic finds against benchmarks
such as the S&P 500). While this may satisfy the letter of the law (given
that most Islamic funds come with some religious imprimatur of sharia
compliance from religious bodies), the question of adherence to the spirit
of Islamic finance remains unresolved. This produces a gap in the
research on Islamic finance, which sooner or later will assume serious
dimensions.
In this chapter, we attempt to discuss Islamic finance in light of the
economic principles that are fundamental to Islamic politics and jurisprudence. In this way, we wish to offer a new focus to Islamic finance in a
manner that honors the egalitarian traditions of Islam. The rest of this
chapter comprises of four sections. In the first, we discuss the current
state of Islamic finance research, in a manner that is more descriptive
than evaluative, to present a state of the field. Following that, we touch
on the egalitarian foundations of Islamic economics, hinting at possible
incommensurabilities between existing routines of Islamic finance and
Islamic philosophy. Then we touch upon the global geopolitical realities,
where we examine how nations in the Islamic world need to address
population-level inequalities if they wish to adhere to the spirit of Islamic
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Islamic finance and social justice: a reappraisal 235
economic prescriptions. Finally, we conclude by offering a series of
suggestions whereby financial institutions can operate in a truly Islamic
manner.
THE STATE OF ISLAMIC FINANCE RESEARCH
One could argue that the principles of Islamic finance have existed since
the sharia law was first formalized, but its origin in the modern world can
be linked to the formation of Islamic banks in Egypt in the 1960s. As
Sheikh Taqi Usmani wrote in his definitive introduction to Islamic
finance: ‘The basic difference between capitalist and Islamic economy is
that in secular capitalism, the profit motive or private ownership are given
unbridled power to make economic decisions’ (Usmani, 2002, p. xiv;
quoted in Robbins, 2010, p. 1127). In effect, therefore, Islamic finance is
supposed to be characterized by restraints of various kinds, which should
be linked to issues of social welfare.
The clear Islamic proscriptions against usury have guided the development of financial products within the Islamic realm. Most Islamic
financial products are either predicated upon risk sharing (through equity
participation and other means) or a contractual partnership based on
transparency. Financial products such as mudharabah, mushakarah,
murabaha, ijarah, bai bithaman ajil, wadiah, sukuk and tawarruq are all
premised in some fashion on the notion that participation in equity by
investors is essential to avoid being considered an act of interest-based
lending (see Robbins (2010) for a detailed review). In addition, there are
a variety of national institutions in Islamic countries that provide
regulatory oversight over investment practices (see Markom et al. (2013)
for a detailed analysis of the Malaysian experience).
Islamic finance has also been practiced with great diligence in nonIslamic nations; for example, Australia (Freudenberg and Nathie, 2012)
and the UK (Wilson, 1999). However, three strong clusters of activity
define Islamic finance, namely the Middle East, South Asia and Southeast Asia (see Khan and Bhatti (2008) for a detailed analysis). The
geographic convergence does not necessarily imply an institutional
coherence. For example, in the Middle East, Iran operates very differently from Bahrain or Saudi Arabia. Syria entered the Islamic banking
system late, in 2005, but has recently been ravaged by its internal
political problems to the point where its presence is miniscule. In South
Asia, the two prominent players, Pakistan and Bangladesh, have political
problems that preclude integration. In Southeast Asia, convergences
between Malaysia and Indonesia are quite tight, but not so much with
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236 Islamic ethics and financial conduct
Singapore. Overall, it is difficult to think of a monolithic or even
coherent system of Islamic finance, though the tendencies toward convergence continue to remain marked.
One of the greatest challenges faced by any Islamic finance system, of
course, is how to integrate with the global financial order (Bianchi,
2007). This is not merely a social problem, but an institutional one. The
global financial system operates based on a tight set of rules and
regulations that do not necessarily take Islamic principles into account.
These regulations are periodically overhauled and new instructions are
given to participants in the system, necessitating changes in practices and
oversight. For example, the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision
has issued a variety of guidelines on how an institution operating in the
financial system should behave. These guidelines are non-negotiable, as
far as global financial institutions, and present governance challenges for
Islamic financial institutions. Moreover, it is a geopolitical reality that
Islamic countries are unfortunately tainted with suspicions of terrorism,
and all financial practices by Islamic financial institutions are compelled
to provide proof that they are not associated with terror-related financial
flows. Many similar pitfalls exist, but Islamic financial institutions have
dealt with them admirably. For instance, the formation of the Islamic
Financial Services Board (IFSB), in 2002, eased coordination problems
faced by many banks operating from the Middle East. A constant
interaction with sharia scholars ensures that Islamic funds adhere to the
demands of the global system in a timely fashion. The penetration of
mass markets by Islamic funds has broadened the base of Islamic
finance. However, it has also added to the problems in other ways. For
example, the 2008 global financial crisis touched Islamic funds as well,
as shown by the near-default on sukuk payments by Dubai World in 2009
(Bajaj and Bowley, 2009; Derbel et al., 2011). The prospect of default by
Islamic funds should technically always be present. Indeed, risk sharing
by investors is a cornerstone of Islamic finance. Nevertheless, the
prospect of an Islamic fund defaulting was a sobering call to investors,
reminding them that the boom-and-bust cycle of capitalism touches all
investors. Overall, concerns remain that the exponential growth of funds
based on Islamic finance has led to several compromises by Islamic
investing agencies. Consider, for example, the concept of ‘hedge funds.’
On the one hand, one could make a forceful argument that hedge funds
are by definition violative of Islamic strictures. They are based on high
levels of leverage (similar to riba), they exist in an atmosphere of
extreme uncertainty (prohibited in Islam as gharar) and their scatter-shot
investment approach does not offer complete protection against investment in forbidden industries (gambling, pork, alcohol). However, several
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Islamic finance and social justice: a reappraisal 237
Islamic hedge funds are now in operation and have been in operation for
over a decade, the first having opened in 2003 by the Saudi Economic
Development Company (SEDCO) (Karasik et al., 2007).
With respect to research in Islamic finance, there appears to be some
way to go. Despite the presence of good data on deposits and flows (as
represented in the aforementioned Ernst & Young report), current
research on Islamic finance relies overwhelmingly on case studies
(Mujtaba, 2012). Of course, case studies often provide rich data and are
helpful in reconciling complex theological problems with existing financial cash flows and investment decisions. One exemplary case is Holly
Robbins’s study of tawarruq as a financial instrument (Robbins, 2010).
In that case study, the author first explains the arithmetic behind
tawarruq in modern times. She then lists some of the objections that
Islamic scholars have raised against tawarruq in that it sometimes
appears indistinguishable from interest-based financial arrangements. To
that extent, some Islamic theologians accept tawarruq as a permissible
financial instrument, while others declare it proscribed (haram). She then
offers three ways forward in modifying tawarruq to make it acceptable to
skeptics. They include educational reform amongst scholars of Islamic
finance; limiting corporate governance conflict amongst financial practitioners; and creating a new ratings method to rate companies on sharia
compliance.
While such studies are useful to tease out the philosophical conundrums that underlie Islamic finance, there is a need for supplementing
them with data analysis that can chart the performance of Islamic finance
compared to more traditional capitalist funds. Such studies have now
begun to emerge. For example, Alam and Rajjaque (2010) developed an
interesting model of comparative research. They constructed three portfolios based on the constituents of S&P Europe 350. One portfolio
represented the overall market, the second represented the market without
the financial firms and the third represented the market of shariacompliant equities. After rigorous analysis, they concluded that shariacompliant equities ended up outperforming the other two portfolios in
most arenas. Other sophisticated analyses conducted to evaluate Islamic
finance include the use of non-parametric statistical techniques to compare the performance of international and Islamic mutual funds (Rubio et
al., 2012). Some theorists have used financial simulations to stress-test
Islamic finance modules (Arouri et al., 2013). Others have used probabilistic evolutionary models to track the survival rates of Islamic finance
funds and compare them with the mainstream (Masudul and Hossain,
2013). Overall, one can conclude that, like the entire project of Islamic
finance, academic research on the subject is a work in progress with a lot
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238 Islamic ethics and financial conduct
of promise and much left to deliver. The overall results indicate that
Islamic funds are at the very least on par with traditional funds when
measured against traditional measures of performance.
THE EGALITARIAN FOUNDATIONS OF ISLAMIC
FINANCE
Islamic finance should be linked, of course, to issues of Islamic economics in general, which are in turn closely linked to issues of Islamic
political science and Islamic philosophy. The broad question that needs to
be asked of Islamic finance is whether it has contributed to social
development in the Islamic world. Arguing for the integration of social
maslaha into Islamic finance, Ismail Cebeci argues that the provision of
public benefits is a significant yardstick against which Islamic finance
must be judged (Cebeci, 2012). Cebeci further argues that, at the current
moment, Islamic banking has failed to provide such social benefits. This
is partially related to the institutional context in which Islamic banks are
imbedded, but also because they have been excessively eager to use the
capitalist model as their default ideal.2 In that regard, Cebeci is on the
same page as other scholars of Islamic finance who have invoked
the holistic traditions of Islam and concluded that investments are
required to play an important role in poverty alleviation (Kayed and
Hassan, 2011). Why have scholars and researchers of Islamic finance
ignored its social dimensions? One reason, of course, is the tyranny of
disciplinarity. Modern social sciences discourage interdisciplinarity;
finance scholars are encouraged to stay away from sociologists, political
economists, organizational scholars and such. Thus, in the mainstream
academy, the interdisciplinarity of Islamic finance has tended to ignore
the softer dimensions of performance and used the data available to
benchmark the performance of Islamic funds based on secular criteria
alone.
Among the disciplines that Islamic finance needs to consider is
management. It is extremely relevant to note that management theorists
have developed sophisticated analyses of stakeholder theories that are of
great significance to Islamic finance. Moreover, the vessels through
which Islamic finance is enacted are themselves firms, subject to the
pressures of coordination that organizational theorists study. To that
extent, this volume is a welcome intervention in the discussion on how
Islamic commerce and modern management theory interact. The editor of
this volume, Abbas Ali, has been an early and significant researcher
whose findings have been used to inform Islamic finance researchers and
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Islamic finance and social justice: a reappraisal 239
theorists. For example, he and his co-authors have recently argued that
profit maximization is incompatible with Islamic values (Ali et al., 2013).
It goes without saying that such an analysis will have a significant impact
on our understanding of Islamic finance. If we were to use a statistical
model to analyze the performance of an Islamic fund and compare it with
a more traditional capitalist fund, we would have to find a more
innovative and comprehensive dependent variable than mere financial
performance. Islamic economic traditions are also deemed to be essential
for Islamic organizational practices, such as human resource management
(Ali, 2010) in order to play a proactive role in the world. This
understanding also has significant impact on Islamic finance. It suggests
that Islamic funds, which are run by organizations, have to look inward
as well and ask if their staffing practices follow the philosophical
strictures of Islam.
It bears repetition here that Islamic economics informs Islamic finance
very critically in one aspect. The performance of Islamic finance must be
judged only on the criteria of whether it alleviates the sufferings of
citizens and produces routines of social welfare. To that extent, all the
studies that compare the performance of Islamic funds against traditional
funds (and often find them overperforming) miss the point. The fact that
an Islamic fund provides a greater return on an investment to an investor
should not be a relevant criterion to evaluate it. On the contrary, an
Islamic fund that provides very high returns should be viewed with
suspicion, because excessive profiteering has been identified in Islam as
both usurious and conspicuous consumption. It is at this stage that
Islamic theology and Islamic finance must necessarily be combined. For
such a process to unfold, we need to examine the highest written
authority in Islam, the Qur’an, to provide a textual and hermeneutical
solution to this problem. Fortunately, on this matter, the Qur’an is quite
unambiguous. For instance, Khan (1999) has identified 60 verses in the
Qur’an that extol charity and social justice, compared to merely 7 that
prohibit interest.3 It stands to reason, therefore, that Islamic finance needs
to focus much more on issues of reduction of inequality and achievement
of social welfare than it is currently set up to do. Of course, this is not to
say that there has not been vigorous debate on this matter among
theorists of Islamic finance. In fact, the debate has been quite significant
and many disciplines have become involved. For example, theorists of
Islamic law (for example Oseni, 2013; Ismail and Tohirin, 2010) have
taken great pains to discuss which financial contracts are admissible
according to the principles of Islamic jurisprudence and which are
prohibited. Their arguments predictably link Islamic finance to social
issues. The move in the global economy from a regime of trust to one of
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Islamic ethics and financial conduct
contracts puts a lot of strain on the Islamic legal system, but one from
which it emerges stronger and with greater clarity (Trakic, 2013).
Closely related to the issue of equality is the matter of conspicuous
consumption. Indeed, even when the issue of social welfare has been
sorted out, the religion continues to caution against excess.4 Theorists of
Islamic finance have no option but to take that into account as well. In
modern terms, a progressive taxation on capital gains has been seen as
the greatest deterrent of conspicuous consumption. To that end, a regime
of progressive taxation must be considered as being consistent with
Islamic principles.
The conclusion to be drawn from this section is that of interdisciplinarity. Theorists and researchers of Islamic finance ignore the findings from
other related and seemingly disparate disciplines at their own peril. In the
end, an exclusive focus on financial performance should be considered
flawed research. True analyses of Islamic finance are by definition and by
compulsion based on multiple disciplines and traditions.
GEOPOLITICAL REALITIES AND ISLAMIC FINANCE
In 1999, Khan argued that the tremendous growth rates in the per capita
GDP of East Asian economies constituted a benchmark for Islamic
economists to emulate. This raises an interesting question: if a country
has a policy that is more oriented toward its suffering masses and strives
to reduce inequality, is it not more Islamic than a Muslim-identified
nation whose society is characterized by vast wealth disparities and the
suffering of the lower rungs of society? The question of course is moot,
but perhaps it is useful to produce what might be a set of Islamic
principles and benchmarks against which to evaluate all societies. Some
scholars have attempted that. For example, Anto (2009) attempted to
develop an Islamic Human Development Index that could be used to
evaluate all nations.
Islamic economics, and by extension Islamic finance, can be predicated upon a variety of parameters. These include higher GDP growth
rate, lowered inequality, higher savings rate (indicative of low israf) and
higher participation in global relief (indicative of charity and sadaqa).
The persistence and growth of intra-population inequalities should be
considered a contravention of Islamic values. If we develop a composite
measure of economic performance as desired by Islam, the topperforming nations not only include traditional European powerhouses,
such as Sweden and Germany, but smaller European nations, such as
Slovenia and Hungary.
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Islamic finance and social justice: a reappraisal 241
To that extent, researchers who study Islamic finance and use nations
as their unit of analysis need to deploy these criteria to evaluate the
success of such regimes. Given the institutional heterogeneity that exists
across nations practicing Islamic finance, it might be an effective
research exercise to compare Islamic finance practices qua Islamic
finance practices (rather than benchmarking them against traditional
capitalist enterprises). In other words, how do Islamic finance practices in
Kuwait differ from those in Indonesia? How do Islamic banking routines
in Oman differ from those in the UK? Can we produce and develop
metrics that scale financial practices in these contexts and eventually help
us to rank individual nations and firms according to desirability from
Islamic criteria? This would even help Muslim investors to produce
financial portfolios that they are most comfortable with. One could even
benchmark more traditional capitalist firms and secular portfolio according to Islamic characteristics. For example, socially responsible funds,
such as TIAA-CREF’s ‘social choice’ portfolio,5 share much in common
with an Islamic investment practice. The task at hand for a principled
organizational researcher, therefore, is to distil Islamic principles based
on which a variety of secular financial products may be evaluated. Many
financial products are reprehensibly un-Islamic, based on predatory
investments and beggaring the dispossessed. They are the easiest to
evaluate. Equally easy to evaluate are pure Islamic products that hew to
the traditions of Islam, come with religious sanction and simultaneously
aspire toward social welfare and upliftment of the poorest. It is the
middle ground that deserves the interest of the researcher to tease out a
band of acceptability within the capitalist system for Islamic financial
practice.
TOWARD A NEW RESEARCH AGENDA FOR ISLAMIC
FINANCE
In this chapter, we have attempted to make two interrelated points. The
first, a critical intervention, attempts to unpack the overreliance on
procedural concepts such as riba in defining Islamic finance. We have
contended that Islamic finance is predicated on a broad understanding of
social justice and reduced inequalities. Riba, or any form of interest, is
forbidden precisely because it is a tool to produce injustice and inequality. Thus, any attempt to formulate an infrastructure of Islamic finance by
focusing on eliminating riba without addressing unjust practices and
economic inequalities is at best missing the broader Islamic point and, at
worst, is a cynical way to get past Islamic strictures and guidelines. Our
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second, more constructive point, has been to visualize a process whereby
an Islamic system of finance can address the concerns articulated in the
critique. Since our primary professional affiliation is as academics, we
have also attempted to frame the problem as a research challenge and
engage theorists and academics as they move forward in their efforts to
tackle the challenges faced by Islamic finance.
In order to do that, one must place the problem in context; this is a
problem produced by success rather than failure. As already mentioned,
the ‘World Islamic Banking Competitive Report of 2012–2013,’ developed by Ernst & Young, concluded that ‘Islamic banking assets with
commercial banks globally grew to $1.3 trillion in 2011, suggesting an
average annual growth of 19% over the past four years.’ This is a
phenomenal growth rate, suggesting that Islamic finance is no longer a
nascent boutique investment practice but is firmly integrated into the
global financial system. To the extent that some fundamental incommensurability between Islam and capitalism exists, it behooves us to treat this
growth of Islamic finance with some degree of theoretical carefulness
and to evaluate it with academic and spiritual integrity. In this chapter,
we have suggested that research on Islamic finance proceeds according to
four sequential steps. Two of those steps have been better performed than
the other two. The first step is to develop qualitatively rich case studies
that analyze different instruments of Islamic finance and track their
implementation, the obstacles they face, the way they negotiate those
obstacles and proceed toward maturity. The case study of tawarruq
outlined in this chapter is a good case in point. The second step is to
develop more sophisticated methods to evaluate and compare the
performance of Islamic finance against traditional instruments. Sophisticated statistical techniques need to be applied to check various instruments of Islamic finance for viability in the mainstreams of global
finance. This approach is also ongoing and we have seen sophisticated
analytics (simulations, non-parametric methods) being deployed, often
providing promising information about the long-term viability and competitive power of instruments of Islamic finance (such as funds) as well
as institutions (as in banks) that practice them.
Our contention has been that while the above two approaches have
been well used, the next two need a lot more work and attention. Our
chapter may be construed as a call to develop the following two methods.
The first is to change the dependent variable in assessing the performance
of Islamic finance practices from a return-based metric to a more
complex understanding of performance that is based on social justice and
the mitigation of inequalities. In other words, the success of an Islamic
fund should be predicated not upon how much return it gives to its equity
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Islamic finance and social justice: a reappraisal 243
investors, but its role in producing a society that is characterized by
social justice, reduced inequality and a chance of spiritual renewal. The
final step is to develop a metric whereby all financial instruments can be
evaluated according to Islamic criteria. That would allow us to evaluate
all investment practices, be they Islamic or not, and see how closely they
reach an Islamic ideal. This practice constitutes ‘integration in reverse’
whereby the mainstream financial institutions are integrated with Islamic
ideals, rather than vice versa.
NOTES
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
http://www.djindexes.com/islamicmarket/.
Such an approach can be seen as constituting a form of mimicry (see Bassens at al.,
2013). An assertive approach to Islamic finance can perhaps mitigate this issue.
According to Khan (1999), ‘While there are only seven verses in The Quran that
prohibit interest (2:275, 2:276, 2:278, 2:279, 3:130, 4:161, 30:39), there are 60 verses
that stipulate, mandate, encourage charity, discuss its virtues and rewards, warn of
punishment to those who eschew charity and also warn against hoarding (9:34, 2:261,
2:265, 2:276, 2:280, 30:39, 34:39, 35:29, 57:11, 57:18, 64:17, 2:271, 2:245, 5:12,
57:11, 57:18, 64:17, 73:20, 2:273, 2:83, 19:31, 19:55, 9:91, 17:29, 2:3, 2:43, 2:110,
2:177, 2:195, 2:254, 2:267, 2:227, 5:55, 9:71, 13:22, 14:31, 21:73, 22:41, 22:78,
24:37, 24:55, 24:56, 27:3, 30:38, 31:4, 33:33, 47:38, 57:7, 57:10, 58:12, 58:13, 63:10,
64:16, 2: 264, 2:266, 16:75, 4:38, 2:3, 3:180, 2:215). It is astounding how Islamic
economists have overlooked the significance of charity, welfare, redistribution of
wealth and prevention of income inequalities and wealth disparities. If anything, the
sheer weight of Allah’s interest in charity and distributive justice should have made
Islamic economics synonymous with “charitable/welfare/distributive just” economics
rather than interest free banking!’
‘O children of Adam (…) be not excessive. Indeed, He likes not those who commit
excess’ (Qur’an, 7:31).
http://www1.tiaa-cref.org/public/performance/retirement/profiles/1005.html.
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