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"‘Are not all ethnographies rhetorical performances determined by the need to tell an effective story?’ Clifford & Marcus, 1986. A few yards away from my house a boy (James Kamara) was shot dead in the street, and others injured . The drive-by shooting took place at approximately six-thirty in the evening, at a time I am often walking along the same street with my seven-year-old son. This event in Brunswick Street follows months of gang warfare in the local area between Somali boys and Afro-Caribbean boys, and young men. This particular fatal shooting was a result of tit-for-tat gang activity between Pitsmoor and Burngreave gangs which spilled into the area, but local gang warfare has been fairly continuous over several months (Townsend 2009; Lewis 2009). The fatal shooting has heightened interest in the area. This paper will describe a walking interview with a local community activist, which also employed photography. "
Contention: The Multidisciplinary Journal of Social Protest, 2015
This article explores the social dynamics in the city of Salford at the time of the Pendleton riot, which took place amidst the four days of national rioting that began with the killing of Mark Duggan in Tottenham by the Metropolitan Police Service. Attempting to counter what we see as a dominant narrative of the riots as 'shopping with violence', this article explores the development of the significant disorder in Salford through a triangulation of accounts, including an extensive review of journalistic accounts, alongside interviews from a dozen people who witnessed the riots as police officers, residents and spectators. Beginning with an overview of the events of August 9th 2011, we argue that the deployment of officers in riots gear in the vicinity of Salford Precinct proved provocative, and created a focal point for the widespread antagonism felt towards the police. Furthermore, we suggest that an understanding of local contextual factors is critical both in terms of answering the question ‘why Salford?’, but also in terms of explaining the ferocity of the violence targeted towards officers of Greater Manchester Police (in contrast to the focus on looting in nearby Manchester city-centre). Interpreting the riots as a response to punitive policing policies that have accompanied state-directed policies of large-scale gentrification, we highlight the degree to which the 'contestations over space' that characterised the riot pointed to an underlying politics of resistance (despite lacking 'formal' political articulation).
The media are highly influential on the development of public discourse regarding topical issues such as ethnic diversity. Their freedom of speech is a pillar of democracy, but this entails rights as well as responsibilities. When charged with racial bias, the media tend to refute accusations that they excite passions, invoking assault on the said freedom. 'The Blitz of Handsworth', 'Nightmare of 1981 Returns', i 'Now Handsworth Burns', ii 'Tories v Mob Rule', iii 'Suddenly it all Goes Wrong Again', iv 'Enoch: Pay Blacks to Leave Britain', v 'Law and Disorder in Handsworth' vi … still countless analogous titles were published by the press during that new rising tide of discontent which loomed in the Birmingham borough (inhabited by a large West Indian community) in September 1985. The then Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher, claimed that 'all the resources and dedication of the police' would be needed. vii In the aftermath of the August 2011 riots in England, Prime Minister David Cameron declared 'a concerted, all-out war on gangs and gang culture'. This 'major criminal disease', as he averred, has been a current concern in Britain for a few years indeed. viii The media have extensively covered stories of socalled 'postcode' murders ix involving black youths with banner headlines: '18-Year-Old Dies After Gang Brawl', x 'Knife Tragedy of the Boy Who Had Given Up Gang Violence', xi 'Stab Victim Walked Into Ambush by Girl Gang', xii 'Gang Kills Teen in Knife Frenzy'. xiii Even if 'gangs' have been around for countless centuries in one form or another, the media and political leaders have suggested that Britain is now plagued by a traditional feature of American culture 2 which had not so far besmirched Britain. In both cases, it has been argued that new forms of crime emerged in the past decades, and that apparently extremely vicious young black males living in urban areas blighted by poverty and social alienation, are to be blamed. Precisely, there seems to be a consensus about the existence of an alleged natural nexus between rioters and race, just as there is one with 'gangs' and race. After the first 1985 riots, in Handsworth, Thatcher explained that 'natural authority starts in the home. In the family and beyond the family it runs through school, church, work and our many institutions. But some parents opt out of their duty to their children…', xiv explicitly establishing a link between the collapse of family values and disturbances, and, given the context, implicitly suggesting that the problem was predominantly a black problem. xv Back in 2007, Prime Minister Tony Blair, referring to the wave of gun and knife murders in London, declared that political correctness should be dropped and that 'we won't stop this by pretending it isn't young black kids doing it'. xvi Likewise, on Newsnight in 2011, xvii after the most recent riots, historian and broadcaster David Starkey also controversially asserted that black culture (which has become a euphemism for 'race') was criminogenic. In fact, the media and politicians seem to have been in collaboration regarding both phenomena. The latter constitute an intersectional issue questioning the functioning of society. As discourse is not carefully controlled, the already weak minority communities notably, are further stigmatized through verbal assaults. Their casual labeling as criminals is likely to exacerbate exclusion and discrimination, which allegedly precipitate to rioting and 'gang' involvement. My study is clearly in line with Feagin's framework theory. His paradigm entails that Western societies follow a fully integrated and unquestioned frame which is positively-oriented to white males ('the white racial frame') which oppresses, subordinates and marginalizes
Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space, 2010
The majority of studies on young people, race, and racism have focused upon multiethnic inner-city areas. This can have the unintended effect of locating the ‘problem’ of race within the sites where ethnic minorities reside and upon their racially marked bodies. To disrupt this way of looking I attempt to turn the geography of racism ‘inside out’ by recognising the predominantly white English suburbs as a complex site of emotion where racist graffiti, violence, and social deprivation may preside. Here, it is suggested that a ‘global sense of place’ can be evoked through a postcolonial reading of the suburbs and used to unsettle the familiar emotional-laden landscapes of whiteness. Secondly, through ethnography with young people who self-identify as a Skinhead gang, I seek to provide a meaningful geography of racism that engages with emotion, bodily encounters, and events as they become charged with feeling and affect. Thirdly, the ethnography considers the practice of whiteness and ...
SAGE, 2015
On April 9, 2014 the media reported that the court had found one of the alleged murderers of PC Keith Blakelock, Nicholas Jacobs, not guilty of murder and manslaughter. The police officer in question had died from multiple stab wounds during the 1985 Broadwater Farm Estate riots. 1 As the story hit the headlines, the stormy relationship between the youth and the police, racial tensions, urban decay and urban riots surfaced yet again. This paper examines what many perceive as a recurrent problem in urban Britain: so-called "race riots." Indeed, these eruptions of street violence and protest generally take place in inner city neighborhoods-deprived areas with poor ethnic minorities. The last riots spread across England in August 2011. The final report, compiled by the independent Riots Communities and Victims Panel, pointed to a number of issues to explain the level of violence: such as few opportunities for young people, a lack of confidence in policing, racial discrimination, the feeling that the government was not doing enough to address systemic problems, and that decision-making at both the state and neighborhood levels did not involve a large section of the citizenry. 2 The first real riots of this type in postwar Britain occurred in Notting Hill (a West London borough) in 1958, that is to say during the first great wave of non-white immigration. For almost a week young neo-fascists and West Indians clashed. 3 Similar disturbances were observed
originally published as: Lea J (2004) From Brixton to Bradford: Ideology and Discourse on Race and Urban Violence in the United Kingdom. In: Gilligan G and Pratt J (eds), Crime, Truth and Justice, Cullompton: Willan Publishing.
2016
This article tells the hitherto untold story of how different Pakistani organisations mobilised in response to racist violence and harassment in the east London Borough of Tower Hamlets (1968-1970). In telling this story, the authors analyse the problematic nature of official and public understandings of, and responses to, racist violence, and how it distorted the lives of racialised minorities. Drawing on original archival research carried out in 2014, this piece identifies the emergence of two distinct political repertoires from within the Pakistani community: the integrationist approach and the autonomous approach. The integrationist approach involving the Pakistani Welfare Association (PWA) and the National Federation of Pakistani Associations (NFPA) tried to address the problem through existing local state ‘race relations’ apparatuses and mainstream political channels, while at the same time re-establishing consent for the police as the agents of law and order. In contrast, a network of Black Power groups, anti-imperialists and socialists led by the Pakistani Progressive Party (PPP) and the Pakistani Workers’ Union (PWU) challenged both the local political leadership and the authority of the police in Tower Hamlets, while also undermining the stereotype of Asian people as ‘weak’ and ‘passive’. In recovering this lost episode of resistance to ‘Paki-bashing’, unleashed in the aftermath of Enoch Powell’s inflammatory speeches, this essay makes a contribution to the history of autonomous anti-racist collective action undertaken by racialised minorities in Britain.
2011
The deputy Mayor in charge of London's police authority and Scotland Yard's high command have both repeatedly claimed that nobody could have foreseen that an initial protest over the shooting dead of a black suspect in Tottenham would mushroom into a riot situation. However, Chris Gilson finds that recent history should have provided plenty of pointers to how deaths at police hands or in police custody can often act as triggers for wider outbreaks of lawlessness.
Criminal Justice Matters, 2012
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