Teach Yourself Norwegian

Academia Quantum, 2024

In their 2022 study, Kuang et al. introduced the Multivariable Polynomial Public Key (MPPK) cryptography, a quantum-safe public key cryptosystem leveraging the inversion relationship between multiplication and division. MPPK uses multiplication for key pair construction and division for decryption, generating public multivariate polynomials. Kuang and Perepechaenko expanded this into the Homomorphic Polynomial Public Key (HPPK), transforming product polynomials over large hidden rings using homomorphic encryption. Initially designed for key encapsulation mechanism (KEM), HPPK ensures security through homomorphic encryption of public polynomials over concealed rings.This paper extends HPPK KEM to a digital signature scheme. To adapt HPPK KEM for digital signatures, we introduce an extension of the Barrett reduction algorithm, which transforms modular multiplications over hidden rings into divisions in the verification equation. This extension non-linearly embeds the signature into public polynomial coefficients, employing the floor function of large integer divisions.Our proposed scheme addresses forgery attacks observed in previous MPPK/DS schemes by leveraging dual hidden rings and the Barrett reduction algorithm. This method provides non-linear encryption for the HPPK public key, preventing shortcuts other than brute-force searches. Integrating signature elements into public polynomial coefficients adds complexity to forged signature attacks, with the non-linear Barrett transformation significantly enhancing security. A toy example illustrates the functionality of the HPPK DS scheme, and security analysis indicates it achieves exponential complexity for both private key recovery and forged signature attacks. Future research will benchmark performance and compare it with NIST-standardized algorithms.

In: Deutsch, R. and Lemaire, A. eds. Gabriel Tell this Man the Meaning of his Vision: Studies in Archaeology, Epigraphy, Iconography and the Biblical World in Honor of Gabriel Barkay, 2024

Autonomy in Weapon Systems. The Military Application of Artificial Intelligence as a Litmus Test for Germany’s New Foreign and Security Policy A Report by Daniele Amoroso, Frank Sauer, Noel Sharkey, Lucy Suchman and Guglielmo Tamburrini. Volume 49 of the Publication Series on Democracy Edited by the Heinrich Böll Foundation. ISBN 978-3-86928-173-5 Published under the following Creative Commons License: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0

Center for Security, Race and Rights, 2023

A bastion of free speech, individual liberty, and equality. This is the mantra our government repeats across the world and teaches nationwide in American schools. Rarely stated, however, are the varying limitations imposed on persons seeking to exercise such rights according to their identity. Protection of fundamental rights is at its zenith when exercised by white, Judeo-Christian communities, while exceptions are frequently invoked when racial or ethnic minorities exercise the same rights to challenge policies and laws harmful to their communities. Members of the majority engaged in dissent are treated as patriots with different political views. Minorities who dissent are treated as security and cultural threats deserving of social stigma at best or criminalization at worst. This racialized double standard is most acute for Muslim or Arab Americans when they exercise their free speech rights to criticize the U.S. government’s failure to hold Israel accountable for its systematic violations of Palestinians’ human rights. Often repeated statements in support of Israel across U.S. administrations stand as a reminder of Israel’s central place in U.S. foreign policy. Among the countless analyses expounding on the strong bond between the U.S. and Israel in policy terms, few examine the relationship between Islamophobia and U.S. policy on Palestine-Israel. Specifically, when Muslims and Arabs in America defend the rights of Palestinians or criticize Israeli state policy, they are often baselessly presumed to be motivated by a hatred for Jews rather than support for human rights, freedom, and consistent enforcement of international law. The resulting harm occurs at the individual and systemic level. Systemically, informed and critical debate about U.S. foreign policy is hampered by censorship campaigns targeting college students, faculty, human rights organizations, journalists, and elected officials. Individually, Muslim and Arab Americans are defamed and effectively excluded from critical public debates pertaining to U.S. policies executed in their names and with their tax funds. Should Arabs and Muslims exercise their constitutional rights of free speech and assembly in defense of Palestinian human rights, they frequently become targets of aggressive intimidation, harassment, and blacklisting campaigns in their workplaces, towns, and universities. This report examines how Islamophobia shapes American foreign policy in the three following ways: 1) restricting open debate about unconditional U.S. support for Israel notwithstanding documented and systematic violations of international law by the Israeli government, 2) perpetuating racist tropes that Muslims and Arabs innately hate Jews, and 3) discrediting the Palestinian people from realizing their full civil, political, national, and human rights.

The method of manuscript writing in Ancient South Arabia is unique in the Ancient World. In contrast to other societies in the Ancient Near East, the Sabaeans and their neighbors used pieces of wood to write down their everyday correspondence. Wooden sticks, cut off from any kind of tree, form in fact the most easily prepared writing material one can imagine. Thousands of such sticks have come to light—most of them at a single place. They are inscribed with a particular cursive script that developed separately from the well-known lapidary script used for representativepublicly displayed monumental inscriptions. Among these texts are, first of all, business accounts such as contracts and settlements, as well as letters on business and private matters, but also oracular decisions and other records of religious practice. Numerous writing exercises testify to a developed curriculum in school education. As it seems, the present hoard is the residue of a large public archive in the city of Naššān, a local center in the Wadi al-Ǧawf in northern Yemen, covering the entire history of that region from the early 1st millennium BCE up to the 6th century CE. Since their discovery in the 1970s, the sticks have been dispersed in several collections in Yemen and abroad, with about 400 of them housed by the Bavarian State Library in Munich and another 340 by the Oosters Instituut in Leiden. Though examination of this type of document is still in its infancy, present research on this and other collections has already yielded rich and partly unexpected data about economic, social, and religious life in pre-Islamic Arabia. It testifies to a well-established tradition of manuscript writing that flourished in the southern part of the Arabian Peninsula for more than 1,500 years—contemporary to the cuneiform culture of the Neo-Assyrian Empire as well as to the early Arabic tradition at the time of the Prophet of Islam.

eHumanista/Conversos 8, Santa Barbara, Department of Spanish and Portuguese University of California Santa Barbara, 2020

A malha administrativa do reino passa, na Baixa Idade Média, como nos demais territórios da Península Ibérica, pelas comunas de muçulmanos e judeus. Estruturas administrativas, com os seus órgãos e leis próprias (se bem que subordinadas à legislação geral), as comunas enquadram a alteridade étnico-religiosa, projetando-a para o plano político. Pelo menos ao longo do século XV, estas estruturas apresentam uma reprodução quase exata dos parâmetros concelhios, deles se diferenciando apenas pela respetiva autoridade máxima - o rabi, no caso dos judeus e o alcaide, no dos muçulmanos - e por um conjunto de oficiais estritamente conectados ao foro confessional. Os demais, cabalmente reproduzem os da municipalidade, estando sujeitos a similares processos de eleição e/ou nomeação.

De la comprensión a la práctica del estoicismo: Diálogo entre académicos, el Proyecto Internacional BOECIO y la UNAD, 2023

Dada la importancia fundamental del deseo a la hora de alcanzar o no la eudaimonía, el propósito del presente escrito es explicar en qué consiste, según la filosofía estoica, el desear de manera correcta (p. ej. de manera que nos conduzca a la generación y conservación de nuestra felicidad), concretamente de cara a aquello que existe y sucede donde nuestra injerencia es nula o prácticamente nula. En respuesta a esto, explicaremos al lector la teoría del deseo reflejante y su relación directa con la piedad, virtud a la cual le dedicaremos cierto espacio por tratarse de algo bastante diferente de la piedad a la que nos hemos familiarizado gracias a la cultura judeocristiana.

Frontier, Vol 57, No. 25, Dec 15 - 21, 2024

This article is divided into a) Subjugated Past and the Free Present; b) Legitimacy of the states and the ‘unexpected’ behaviour of the exploited classes; c) Expedient Land Reform; d) Nationalist Movement and the Peasantry; e) General and Specific Dynamics of Domain; f) State and the Post-colonial Sub-continental Agrarian Resistance: India, Pakistan and Bangladesh; g) Concluding Remarks.