Main Clause TAM in Cariban

Main Clause TAM Spike Gildea University of Oregon & Collegium de Lyon 1. Introduction  Tense-Aspect-Modality o Semantic categories, lots of debate about what they are o In the Cariban family, lots of nonstandard terminology, translation-based analysis o Mood may be more important important than we know  Each inflectional TAM morpheme is associated with a particular construction (called “verbal system” in Gildea 1998). o Specific personal prefixes  Indexing specific grammatical roles, sometimes depending on verb class o Specific number suffixes/enclitics indexing specific grammatical roles o Optional or obligatory auxiliaries, which may also index grammatical roles  This presentation is organized according to CONSTRUCTION (perhaps sometimes conflating two or more constructions with slightly different origins)  This all builds on Gildea (1998), Gildea (2008), Gildea (2012), and will play a major role in the chapter I have agreed to write for Handbook of Amazonian Languages (ed. by Michael & Epps)  Here, I will point out etymologies for the various TAM suffixes, but I will not specifically argue for historical reconstructions — this is intended to be primarily descriptive.  The Types are: o The Set I Construction (Proto-Cariban): Split-S / Hierarchical o The Ergative Constructions  Set II  *t-V-tjô (t-V-se)  Nominative-Absolutive o The Nominative-Accusative Constructions  Negative  Progressive  Habitual1  Habitual2 2. The Set I Construction For many, many full-sentence examples, see Gildea 1998, Chapter 5, and for even more, see the sources he cites there.  Alignment patterns o Hierarchical Prefixation on transitive verbs (Table 1) o Split-S prefixation on two classes of intransitive verbs (Table 1) o Number suffix: any core argument or SAP core argument (Tables 2, 3) o Number enclitic: third person core argument (Table 3) o No case-marking of core arguments o No auxiliaries 1 (1) Some intransitive sentences V S a. n-eweh-yatxhe worɨs-komo komo Hixkaryana SA 3S-bathe-TAM woman-COLL COLL ‘The women are taking a bath.’ (Derbyshire 1985: 31) V S b. yöötö-mma kün-öötüma-i tüwü yaawö Ye’kwana there-EXCL 3.DIS-get.angry-TAM 3SG then ‘Right there, at that moment, he got angry.’ (TigMor.037) (Cáceres 2011: 282) c. aekono kɨ-hɨtxi-ta-wɨ fine 1SP-wife-VZR-REC.PAST ‘(this is) fine, I just got a wife!’ (lit. ‘got wifed’)(C.1994.4.A.175.2) [[ NP ] P]PP S-V [[ NP P ]PP S-V d. wïkapau=ja wï-tën e. tï-pipi akëërë n-emamina-n deer=ALL 1SA-go:TAM 3R-oldr.brthr:PSN with 3SO-play-TAM ‘I went to Deer’s (village).’ ‘He is playing with his older brother.’ (Meira 1999: 548) (2) Some transitive sentences A [ P V ]VP a. molojinë emna i-kanawa-Ø-komo ene-ne then 1+3.EXCL.PRO 3-canoe-PSN-COLL see-DIST.PST ‘Then, we saw their canoe.’ (Tavares 2005.217) V A P b. nɨ-karka-yah yutakon kamicha 1+2A3P-tear-TAM 1+2.COLL shirt ‘we tore the shirt.’ (Gildea 1998: 72) A [ P ] V c. a:wu mohko a-yu:mï s-uku:tï-i I he 2-father I.him-know-TAM ‘I have known your father.’ (Hoff 1995: 352) (3) A Ditransitive sentence [ P V ]VP A R a. yawaka y-ɨm-yako bɨryekomo ro-wya axe REL-give-TAM boy 1-DAT ‘The boy gave the axe to me.’ (Derbyshire 1985: 35) Katxúyana Tiriyó Wayana Panare Kari’nja Hixkaryana 2  The semantics of the TAM suffixes o Nearly always there is a CERTAIN/UNCERTAIN contrast in the nonpast o *ja-te Nonpast, certainty  Perhaps direct evidentiality AND immediacy (Hoff in progress)  Sometimes limited to 1S/A, 2S/A, 1+2S/A — i.e. not allowed with 3S/A (Wayana, Tiriyó) o *ja-nô Nonpast, question / uncertain form  Perhaps either indirect evidentiality OR lack of immediacy (Hoff)  Sometimes with 3S/A loses ‘uncertain’ value  Loses contrast with *-ja-te in Wayana, Tiriyó  Gains additional morpheme kï- ‘CERTAINTY’ in Kari’nja (Hoff) o *-i Past, Past question, Optative (‘May he V’)  This semantic range was one interesting topic at 2005 meeting  I remember Panare, Kari’nja, Akawaio — were there others? o Often there is a CONTINUATIVE-COMPLETIVE contrast in the past  Why not just call it PERFECTIVE/IMPERFECTIVE? 3. Ergative Constructions There are at least 3 different constructions that have ergative patterns — since each has different modern argument structure (the grammar of subject and object), we consider them separately. 3.1 The Set II Construction       Absolutive personal prefixes (1a-b, 2a, 3a-b, 4b-c,e-f) S-V O-V Absolutive number suffixes (2a, 4c-d) S-V-TAM-S O-V-TAM-A-ERG-O Absolutive prefixes are in alternation with preverbal absolutive NP (2b, 4a, d, 5) S-V ~ [S V] O-V ~ [O V] Ergative personal suffixes/enclitics (1b, 2b, 3a, 4d-f) O-V-TAM-A-ERG The A NP is marked ergative (5) (A-ERG] O-V [A-ERG] Postverbal particle (1, 3) auxiliary (5) is optional o In Makushi, the particle seems to indicate personal deixis o In Akawaio, the particle seems to indicate temporal deixis o In both, the auxiliary can create a complex tense-aspect (e.g. past perfect) o In both, the auxiliary can indicate some kind of “immediate relevance” 3  Summary: {S/S-}V-TAM (PRTCL/AUX) {O/O-}V-TAM{=ERG/A=ERG} (PRTCL/AUX) Makushi (Abbott 1991) S-V PRTCL (1) a. a-tɨ-Ø mɨrɨrɨ 3-go-UNIV Addressee.Involvement ‘He is going now’ or ‘He will go soon’ or ‘He goes.’ (of interest to you) ADV O-V-A b. penane Ø-eporɨ-Ø-i-ya tomorrow 3-find-UNIV-3-ERG ‘He will find it tomorrow.’ (Abbott 1991.123) ADV S-V-S (2) a. aminke a-ttɨ-'pɨ-kon far 2-go-PAST-COLL ‘You all went far.’ (Abbott 1991.116) O V-A b. pemonkon yanumɨ-'pɨ-i-ya person pick.up-PAST-3-ERG ‘He picked up the man.’ (Abbott 1991.116) Akawaio (Caesar-Fox 2003) (3) [[O-V-A ] P ], O-V-A PRTCL e-ene-zak -i -ya a'tai a-ma'tanɨgɨ-Ø -i-ya rə mərə 2-see-PERF-3-ERG if 2-destroy -PRES-3-ERG EMPH FUT 'If it sees you it will certainly destroy you.' (EW Kanaimə 082) S V (4) a. kone'o e' -pədɨ -'pɨ rabbit be-FREQUENTATIVE-PAST ‘Kone’o used to be...’ s-V-s c. a-də-bədɨ-'pɨ-gong 2-go-PAST-PL.ABS ‘you-all used to go.’ o-V A e. i-pɨrɨ'sɨ'ka-Ø u-ya 3-detach-PRESENT 1-ERG ‘I pulled it out (with one swipe).' s-V b. y- e' -podɨ -'pɨ 3-be-FREQUENTATIVE-PAST ‘S/he used to be.’ d. O V A t- are'na pɨrɨ'sɨ'ka-'pɨ i-ya 3REFL-tail detach-PAST 3-ERG ‘He pulled his own tail out.’ o-V A=o f. a-wənə-'pɨ i- ya ='nogong 2- hit -PAST -3 -ERG =COLLECTIVE ‘He hit you-all.’ o So what are the semantics of the suffixes? (see Table 4) 4 3.2 The *t-V-tjô (t-V-se) Construction (5) Sample t-V-ce clauses in Wayana (Gildea 1997) a. b. (6) V AUX.S tɨtəy (way) t-tə-he way PAST-go-PAST 1COP 'I went.' O-Ø V (AUX.O) kuraʃi tɨpanaŋmay (man) kuraʃi t-panaŋma-he man roosteri PAST-hear -PAST 3i.COP 'I heard the rooster (crow).' A-ERG ɨya ɨ-ya 1-ERG Tiriyó S V a. wəri tɨɨtə -e tɨ-pataa=pona woman RM.PST:SA-go-RM.PST 3R-village:POS=DIR ‘The womani went to heri village.’ O V A-ERG b. irënpë=pëe joi tɨwë -e wɨja after.that lizard.sp RM.PST-shoot-RM.PST 1:ERG ‘After that I shot a joi (lizard species).’ (7) Katxúyana a. b.    Adv S-Ø V soro ana tehɨ -so today 1.PL.EXCL PAST-come-PAST ‘Today we (excl) arrived.’ [ A Erg ] O-Ø V suriana wɨya sesu t- emoʔka-ʃe Juliana ERG Sérgio PAST-teach -PAST ‘Juliana taught Sérgio’ The auxiliary is usually possible, but very rarely occurs in texts (<5%) in all three languages. The agent is always present, and controls coreference with the reflexive possessive prefix (the most — only — reliable syntactic “subject property” of the family). In Tiriyó, new coreference constructions have appeared. 5 Oj t-V-se [A-Erg ]i [3Ri- Loc ] yi-pawana t-əne-Ø pahko ya tɨ-pakoro-htao 1-friend t-see-se father Agt 3R-house-LOC 'My fatheri saw my friendj in hisi house' (8) (9) With an etymologically active main clause: nominative A controls coreference 3i-V while // Ai V Oj [n-urakanun-ya-n ahtao] pahko n-ene yi-pawana 3i-walk:around-Prog-Evid while 1:fatheri 3i-see 1-friendj 'While (hei was) walking around, my fatheri saw my friendj' *'While (hejwas) walking around, my friendi was seen by my fatherj'  What is the semantic value of the circumfix? (see Table 5) o Past or Distant Past (Tiriyó, Apalaí, Katxuyana) o Lack of direct evidence (Tiriyó — Carlin 2004) o Theticity (Trio — Carlin 2004, 2012) o Unknown (Wayana, Kuhikuru) 3.3 The Nominative-Absolutive    No case-marking on S, A, or O The verb indexes the absolutive (S or O) The auxiliary indexes the nominative (S or A) (10) Panare Desiderative S-V S-AUX a. Ø-w-të-jtë-pa w-a’-sɨn 1S-SA-go-DESID-DUR 1S-AUX.PAST-REL ‘I wanted to go.’ (M 1994.76) S-V S.AUX S b. y-w-të-jtë këj kën karaka pana 3S-SA-go-DESID 3.ANIM.COP 3.ANIM Caracas to ‘He wants to go to Caracas.’ (MM 1994.101) O-V A.AUX A c. a-tya-jté-pe këj kën 2O-hear-DESID-TEMP 3.ANIM.COP 3.ANIM ‘He wants to hear you (right now)’ (PP 1999.123) O-V A-AUX A O d. y-inkë-jté-pe w-aj yu Ø-po 3O-put.on-DESID-TEMP 1-AUX.PAST 1SG 1-clothes ‘I wanted to put on my clothes.’ (PP 1999.124) 6 (11) Panare Nonspecific Aspect S-V S.AUX S a. yutën këj kën y-w-të-n këj kën 3S-SA-go-NZR 3.COP 3.ANIM ‘he goes / is going / will go’ O V A.AUX A b. osowantënë yaarɨkañe kë' i'yan as-awantë-në y-aarɨka-ñe kë' piyan DETR-make.ill-INF RP-remove-A.Nzr 3.COP shaman ‘The shaman removes / is removing/ will remove the illness’ (12) Katxuyana Imperfective S-V S.AUX a. “owohɨrkum tahaye etxko,” kamotɨ o-wɨ-ohɨ-rɨ-kumu tahaye etxi-ko ka-mo-tɨ 2-SA-come-IMPRF.I-COL always COP-IMPER say-DIST.PAST-HSY ‘ “Be always coming,” he said.’ O-V A-AUX b. onooroko ahkɨmɨ Ø-ono-rhoko Ø-ah-kɨmɨ 3O-eat.meat-IMPERF.T 3A-COP-DISTANT.PAST lit. ‘Hei was eating (meat food).’ • What is the semantic value of these suffixes? See o Panare: Future, Desiderative, “Nonspecific Aspect” (just nonpast?) o Katxúyana: Imperfective 4. Nominative-Accusative Constructions 4.1 The Negative Proto-Carib: (13) *i-VINTR-pɨra s-COP *O-VTR-pɨra A-COP The Negative in Hixkaryana (Derbyshire 1985:46-47) [ O V ] A-AUX a. oroke Waraka y-onye-hɨra w-eh-xako yesterday W. RP-see-NEG 1-be-REC.PAST.COMPLETIVE ʼI didnʼt see Waraka yesterday.ʼ (lit. ‘I was without seeing W. yesterday.’) V S-AUX b. oroke ɨ-to-hra w-eh-xako yesterday GEN-go-NEG 1-be-REC.PAST.COMPLETIVE ‘I didn’t go yesterday.’ (lit. ‘I was without going yesterday.’) 7 4.2 The Progressive Construction  The verb bears a suppletive suffix (based on transitivity in all except Apalaí, cf. Table 7) Proto-Carib Pan. Pem. Kap. Mak. Tam. Apa. Yuk. -nõõko PROG.INTR *-nô pôkô COP -nëpë’ -nëpëk -nöbök -nîpî’ -ne pa’ -po - ko -nõõko PROG.TR *-rɨ pôkô COP -mpë’ -pëk -bök -pî’ -r pa’ - ko -po -to-r -poko Table 7. The Progressive Construction    (14) Verbal prefixes index only transitive O (accusative) Auxiliary indexes S/A (nominative) No case-marking on nouns The Panare Progressive a. V S.AUX S a- t-nph kh kn NEU-go-PROG.INTR 3.COP 3SG ‘S/he is going.’ O=V b. (15) A.AUX y- anɨ -mp kh 3-eat.meat-PROG.TR 3.COP ‘S/he is eating meat.’ A kn 3SG The Akawaio (Kapóng) progressive [S AUX ] V a. kɨrə rə eji-'pɨ kuaramɨ-nəbək mərə kaza 3SG.ANIM EMPH COP-PAST cry -PROG.INTR that like 'He was crying, like that' (EW Kanaimə 106) O=V A=AUX b. i- ki'nədambɨ -bək sa'ne Ø- eji -aik də 3-make.paste-PROG.TR EMPH 1S-COP-PRES EMPH 'I am mixing it into a paste myself' (RK Tareng1 007) (16) The Taurepan (Pemón) Progressive a. V [ S AUX ] pərətuukuu eechii-pə manuumɨ-nəpək dance -PROG.INTR frog COP-PAST 8 ‘Frog was dancing.’ (Edwards 1972.51) b. [ O V ] A=AUX Ø-esi-'pə u-po -n koka-pə' 1-clothes-PSSN wash-PROG.TR 1-COP-PAST ‘I was washing / washed my clothes.’ (Tuggy 1989) The argument about reanalysis  (17) The meaning of the source is quite close to the meaning of the new form a. Akuriyó ətɨ pə' manae? what occ.with 2.be ‘Whatcha doin’?’ (lit. ‘with what are you (occupied)?’) b. Hixkaryana kuraha hoko w- eh -xaha bow occ.with 1SA-COP-TAM ‘I am working at making a bow’ (Derbyshire 1985.207) c. Ikpén ikpeŋ mɨɨra -n pok ug- ro -ŋmo ikpén language-PSSD occ.with 1+2-COP-COLL ‘We are occupied with the Txikão language’ d. Waiwai maraɨ ɸoko nasɨ amna field occ.with 3.COP 1+3 ‘We (excl) are working on a field.’ (Hawkins 1991a.49) e. Wayana ɨ-pakoro -n pəg way 1-house-PSSN occ.with 1.COP ‘I am occupied with / working on / building my house.’ 9 • • (18) The same construction is also attested with intransitives in Wayana [ S=V-NZR]NP POSTP S.COP wai y-eremi-Ø pə k 1- sing -NMLZR occ.with 1.COP ‘I am (occupied with) singing.’ (lit. ‘I am occupied with my singing’) • (20) The Transitive Progressive: Possessed Action Nominalization as object of the postposition *pôkô in the predicate locative construction [ O V-NZR ]NP POSTP A.COP ɨ-pakoro-n iri -Ø pək wai 1- house-PSSN make-NMLZR occ.with 1.COP ‘I’m (occupied with) making my house.’ (lit. ‘my house’s making’) • (19) Nominalizations give the desired patterns (both phonological and argument structure) o *-rɨ 'ACTION NOMINALIZER’  Possessed by its absolutive argument (cf. the Full Set II system)  Modern reflexes match part of the Transitive Progressive suffix  Panare -n; Pemón Group -Ø; Problem: Apalaí -rɨ has disappeared o *-nô ‘INFINITIVE / UNPOSSESSED ACTION NOMINALIZER’  Is never possessed, hence never has a personal prefix  Occurs preferentially on intransitive verbs  Modern reflexes largely match part of the Intransitive Progressive suffix  Panare, Pemóng Group -nə; Apalaí -no The infinitive is found in a parallel construction with intransitives in Wayana eremi-nə pək wai sing -INF occ.with 1.COP ‘I am (occupied with) singing.’ The reanalysis • • Parallel to English, the locative constructions begin to be used more frequently, the number of verbs expands, and the progressive meaning begins to dominate. Unlike English, there are two different constructions available, as illustrated with the following Makushi data 10 (21)   a. [NP NP ] P ]PP NP COP [POSSR V-NZR] LOC ]PP SUBJ COP  O V-PROG.TR A AUX Makushi: *-rɨ > -Ø ; *pôkô —> pî’ source: ‘Hisi brotherj remained occupied with hisj house’s making.’ koneka-Ø pî' it- akon ko'mamî-'pî b. t-ewî' 3REFL-house make-ACTION.NZR LOC 3-brother remain-PAST    b’. t-ewî' koneka-Ø-pî' it- akon ko'mamî-'pî 3REFL-house make-PROG.TR 3-brother remain-PAST new: ‘Hisi brotherj continued making hisj house.’ • (22)   The Intransitive Progressive: Unpossessible Infinitive as object of the postposition *pôkô in the predicate locative construction a. [ NP ] P ]PP NP COP [V-INF] LOC ]PP SUBJ COP  V-PROG.INTR S AUX Makushi: *-nô > -nɨ ; *pôkô > pɨ’ source: ‘your mother is at coming behind.’  b. a-san yɨ'-nɨ pɨ' man ikɨnɨ'pɨ 2-mother come-INF LOC 3.AUX last   yɨ'-nɨpɨ' man ikɨnɨ'pɨ b’. a-san 2-mother come-PROG.INTR 3.AUX last ‘your mother comes [lit. ‘is coming’; SG] behind.’ • The other half of each lineage is no longer possible as a construction Etymologically, all four possibilities in Table 1 exist, and are attested synchronically in one or more Cariban languages (cf. Gildea 1998.136, 201-202). But in the five languages discussed here, the shaded cells are not accepted by speakers: the two halves have combined to make a singe new construction (indicated in the bottom row). 11 INFINITIVE IN PRED LOC ACTION NZN IN PRED LOC VINTR [VINTR-INF *pôkô] NPS COP [[NPS VINTR-NZR] *pôkô] NPS COP VTR [VTR-INF *pôkô] NPA COP [[NPO VTR-NZR] *pôkô] NPA COP THE NEW CONSTRUCTION [VINTR-INF *pôkô] NPS COP [[NPO VTR-NZR] *pôkô] NPA COP TABLE 1. LOSS OF ETYMOLOGICAL LINEAGES • (23) Two additional data points from Apalaí: o The two suffixes have collapsed into a single phonologically-conditioned suppletive suffix The Apalaí progressive a. V S.AUX otu'-nõko akene eat-CONT 1.COP.PAST ‘I was eating.’ (Koehn and Koehn 1986.105) [O b. c. V ] A A-AUX wɨi ekei - ko to' n- exi -ase pitiko rokee pɨra manioc bake-CONT 3PL 3SA-COP-TAM little just NEG ‘They were making a lot of manioc bread.’ (K and K 1986.105) A O=V A.AUX eropa' kotano u-muku-ru kɨ- nomo -õko mana let’s.go rather 1-son -PSSN 1+2-leave-CONT 3.COP ‘Let’s go faster or my son will leave us behind.’ (K and K 1986.54) o The Set I number suffix now co-occurs with this inflection! (24)  a. o-ere'-nõõko ase 2-startle-Imprf 1.be ‘I’m gonna startle you.’ b. ase o-ere'-to-r ko 2-startle-Coll-Imprf 3.be ‘I’m gonna startle you-all.’ What are the smenatics of this construction? o Progressive (the earliest semantics): all but Apalaí? o Imperfective (the later expansion of meaning): Apalaí 12 4.3 Habitual1: The *V-tjô (-se) > Past Habitual     No case-marking on argument nouns Verbal prefix indexes only O of transitive verbs Suffix is identical to -se ‘PURPOSE OF MOTION’ (Table 8) No auxiliary or other main verb PAST.HABITUAL Proto-Carib Apalaí Wayana *V-tjô V-se V-he/-i Table 8. The Past Habitual Construction Tiriyó V-se/-je/-e/-Ø (19) Examples from Tiriyó (Meira 1999:332) O-V A a. pena ahtao, ji-tuuka-e ëmë long.ago when 1O-hit-Hab 2 ‘Long ago, you used to hit me.’ V S b. pena_marë koeri_me të-e anja pata wararë long.ago_too stroll_Attr go-Hab 1+3 village every ‘Long ago, we used to go walking around, (to visit) every village.’ 4.4 Habitual2: The new *t-V-tjô Construction in Ye’kwana (Cáceres 2011:239)  No case-marking of core arguments  No verbal indexation of coure arguments  Copular auxiliary indexes S/A  Verb has suppletive prefixes (conditioned by transitivity, cf. Table 9) Proto-Carib *t-VSO-tjô > tüw-VINTR-e *t-w-VSA-tjô > tüw-VINTR-e ?? > tün-VTR-e Ye’kwana COP ‘PAST.DURATIVE.INTR’ COP ‘PAST.DURATIVE.INTR’ COP ‘PAST.DURATIVE.TR’ (*t-VTR-tjô > t-VTR-e COP ‘PASSIVE’) Table 9. The new Past Durative in Ye’kwana (20)a. Iyö iyö tünannö'e tün-annöjü-e DEMin PTCP .TR-ramasser-PTCPe küna'ja'to kün-a'ja-akö=to sotto sotto 3.DIS-COP-PDI=COLL humain ‘Les gens ramassaient cela.’ (Mdwk.059) b. Ñöödö chö-wansiñükomo tünnüe ñöödö chö-öwansi-dü=komo tün-üdü-e DEMan 3-repas-POS=PL PTCP.TR-faire-PTCPe ‘Elle préparait leur nourriture.’ (Mnwn.092) yaawö. yaawö alors küna'jaakö yaawö. kün-a'ja-akö yaawö 3.DIS-COP-PDI alors 13 (21)a. Seenütonkomo t-nü-Ø-tomo=komo kanaawaijüdü kanaawa-i-jüdü 3.REFL-mère-POS-PL.ANIM=PL canöe-POS-PAS.POS de'wö tüwö'sikija de'wö tüw-ö'shikija-e sur PTCP.INTR-jouer-PTCPe küna'ja'to. kün-a'ja-akö=to 3.DIS-COP-PDI=COLL ‘[Ils] jouaient sur l'ancien canoë de leur mère.’ (Mnwn.082) b. Tüwö'düe tüw-ö'dü-e PTCP .INTR küna'jaakö, kün-a'ja-akö wayamü uwö, wayamü=uwö wa'shadi: [...]. wa'shadi -dire-PTCP e 3.DIS -COP -PDI tortue=DAT tapir ‘Le tapir disait à la tortue : [...]’ 14