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HEAVEN ON EARTH
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Heaven on Earth
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HEAVEN ON EARTH
TEMPLES, RITUAL, AND
COSMIC SYMBOLISM IN THE
ANCIENT WORLD
edited by
DEENA RAGAVAN
with contributions by
Claus Ambos, John Baines, Gary Beckman, Matthew Canepa,
Davíd Carrasco, Elizabeth Frood, Uri Gabbay, Susanne Görke,
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Papers from the Oriental Institute Seminar
Heaven on Earth
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2–3 March 2012
THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE OF THE UNIvERSITY OF CHICAGO
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CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
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THE UNIvERSITY OF CHICAGO
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Series Editors
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TAblE Of CONTENTs
PREFACE
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INTRODUCTION
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Ancient World
Deena Ragavan, The Oriental Institute
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The Case of the Yicihui Pillar
Tracy Miller, Vanderbilt University
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Susanne Görke, Mainz University
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Architecture in India
Julia A. B. Hegewald, University of Bonn
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in Ancient Mesoamerica
Karl Taube, University of California, Riverside
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Michael W. Meister, University of Pennsylvania
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Gary Beckman, University of Michigan
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Betsey A. Robinson, Vanderbilt University
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Sources
Deena Ragavan, The Oriental Institute
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Uri Gabbay, Hebrew University, Jerusalem
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Ancient Mesopotamia
Claus Ambos, Heidelberg University
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Southern Levant
Yorke M. Rowan, The Oriental Institute
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Heaven on Earth
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Elizabeth Frood, University of Oxford
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Persia and the Ancient Iranian World
Matthew P. Canepa, University of Minnesota, Twin Cities
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in Ancient Mesopotamia
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Performer
John Baines, University of Oxford
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Clemente Marconi, New York University
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Davíd Carrasco, Harvard University
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Richard Neer, University of Chicago
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PREfACE
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enthusiasm in the academic community, both at the Oriental Institute and more broadly across the
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Cosmos and Discipline
457
19
cosmos and discipline
Richard Neer, University of Chicago
It is an irony of the respondent’s lot that, often as not, the more a paper prompts sustained engagement, the less feasible it is to do justice to its complexities — such are the
exigencies of time and space. With eight very substantial papers in Parts 4–6 to discuss, and
limited space in which to do it, I am not able to address each contribution in detail. I hope
merely to pull out some generalities and point to some larger conceptual questions that the
papers raise in aggregate, and I beg the pardon of those colleagues whose works I do not address with the fullness they deserve. I would, however, like to underscore what a pleasure it
has been both to hear and to read such a rich and broad array of work — and to be reminded,
again, of how much one does not know, and how much remains to be done.
Turning to business, the basic terms under discussion in these sessions were architecture,
ritual practice, and cosmic symbolism. To each term there corresponds an academic discipline
— archaeology, the history of religion, and philology — each with its own particular methods
for producing and classifying knowledge. It is one of the points of a conference such as this
one to juxtapose these methods and, in so doing, to reveal incompatibilities, blind spots, or
tacit assumptions. My brief is to juxtapose the ancient, cosmic orders that have constituted
the content of these papers, with the modern, disciplinary orders — the ways of ordering evidence — that have determined their form.
Architecture and kosmos
To begin with the notion of cosmic symbolism — the idea that, to quote the conference
program, “ritual practice and temple topography provide evidence for the conception of the
temple as a reflection, or embodiment, of the cosmos” (italics added). So we have the cosmos
and we have the temple, and we use ritual and topography to show how the temple is a reflex
or incarnation — what idealist historiography would have called “the sensuous presentation”
— of the larger abstract conceptualization. The cardinal question here is, how do we order
these concepts and these pieces of evidence in chains of inference?
I start with the Greek situation, not just because I know it best but because it is rather
straightforward. In the Greek context, a tempting way to think about cosmic symbolism in
the context of temple architecture is, literally, as the creation of the kosmos, that is, of the
upper portion of a temple. As Clemente Marconi reminded us a few years back, everything
above the architrave of a Greek temple could be called the kosmos in Greece, and this applied
particularly to the décor.1 To speak of cosmic symbolism in this context involves putting two
kinds of evidence, the philological and the archaeological, words and temples, into some
1
Marconi 2004, pp. 211–24.
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kind of productive relation. Which term will have logical priority? One arrangement of the
evidence will see the temple as a reflection or embodiment the cosmos. But one might also
urge the opposite view: that orderly architecture might provide a model for at least some
Greek conceptions of a cosmically ordered universe. In other words, it may not be that architecture symbolizes, reflects, embodies the kosmos, so much as that the kosmos is like architecture, perhaps an extrapolation from, or a mystification of, an untheorized practice. In
the Greek case, at any rate, there is some justification for this suggestion. Aryeh Finkelberg
has argued convincingly that the use of the Greek word kosmos in an abstract and speculative
sense, as a universal system or theodicy, is a late Classical and Hellenistic development, only
anachronistically retrojected onto earlier periods.2 Down to Xenophon’s time, on this view,
kosmos primarily meant any orderly arrangement or adornment, anything kata kosmon, like
a well-laid table or a well-appointed coiffure. There simply was no Greek kosmos in the sixth
century ᄽᅐ. But there was architecture.
The example that immediately comes to mind is the Presocratic philosopher Anaximander, who modeled the earth in the image of a column drum, with a diameter three times
its height.3 We do not know enough about Anaximander to speak very intelligently about
him, but one thing we can say is that architecture seems to have provided at least some of
the terminology in which he thought his kosmos — and that is enough for my purposes. For
Anaximander, the kosmos is like architecture, not the other way around; the column is not
the symbol of some antecedent notion of the cosmic, so much as the paradigm from which
the kosmos is theorized ex post facto.
The Builder or Demiurge of Plato’s Timaeus might be thought to represent both the climax and the final defeat of this tradition — defeat, in that least part of Plato’s point was to
abstract philosophical knowledge from the worldly know-how of the builder. But the larger
point is that we need to be careful about simply assuming that cosmic symbolism will run
from base material culture to abstract ideas, like a sort of anagogical progression. Maybe
religion is the epiphenomenal category. At an extreme, as the case of Anaximander might
suggest, perhaps the cosmic symbolism is itself a reflex of architectural practice, not the
other way around.
This raises my first pair of questions: to what extent can we see temples producing a
kosmos, as opposed to reflecting one? And, by what specific strategies might a material or
ritual generalize itself into something of universal or “cosmic” significance?
It is at this point, obviously, that ritual comes in, but once again the problem consists in
how to prioritize the evidence. The Parthenon frieze is as good an example as any (leaving
aside the whole question of whether the Parthenon functioned as a temple or a treasury). I
was especially glad that Clemente Marconi put paid to the old canard that the iconography of
the frieze is somehow unique or unprecedented. I am also happy to go along, broadly speaking, with his idea that “inherent to these images, because of their subject and location, was
their function as mirror and memory: mirror, at the time of the festival, for the community
of worshippers celebrating the gods; and memory, for the rest of the time, until the next
festival was performed, and beyond.” But the Parthenon frieze presents at least two specific problems, both germane. First, the ritual procession on the frieze does not correspond
in many of its details to the written accounts; notoriously, it shows men carrying a type of
2
Finkelberg 1998, pp. 103–36.
3
Texts conveniently available in Graham 2010, pp.
56–59, frags. 19–20.
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Cosmos and Discipline
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vessel that we are told was carried by a special class of women, it gives the cavalry a wildly
exaggerated role, and in general it seems to do its best to give the iconographers headaches.4
Second, the frieze is a continuous band that shows the beginning of a procession in one part
of the city and the end of the procession in another part. That is to say, it shows multiple
moments and multiple spaces along its length. So if it is a mirror, then there is no one place
or time that the frieze as a whole may be said to reflect or represent; if it is a memory, then
we have to come to grips with it as a memory of something that never happened. Marconi’s
remarks about the construction of the sanctuary as a liminal space, a sort of non-site, seem
quite apt to this curious artifact — for the time and space of the Parthenon frieze are themselves non-times and non-spaces.
What all this points to, for present purposes, is the constitutive role of the frieze in the
manufacture of both kosmos and ritual. The Parthenon frieze is not quite a reflection of ritual
practice, not quite a symbol of some antecedent set of beliefs, so much as it is generative of
both.
Plan and Elevation
More generally, architecture, kosmos, and ritual coincide in the notion of space. So how
are we to think of archaeological space? This question seemed to motivate many of the papers, in one way or another, and rather than proposing an answer of my own, I merely suggest
a way to think of the various responses.
I feel that our authors might be divided into two camps depending on the conception of
space — ritual, architectural, political — that subtends their research. One model of space
takes it to be an abstract metric for establishing mathematically determinate relations between points. Think of a map or a site plan. Within this demarcated space we can, by means
of grids, specify sacred and non-sacred “zones,” or points, the criteria of which are first and
foremost architectural, that is, archaeologically visible in the form of artifacts such as walls
and foundations that articulate and divide space on site plans (Yorke Rowan’s paper shows
this beautifully). This conception seems closely aligned to surveying practices — specifically,
practices like gridding out sites preparatory to excavation and the subsequent production
of site plans. If our fundamental model is the grid and our fundamental technologies are
the surveyor’s transit and the site plan, then we might be apt to think of space in terms of
exactly these articulating features and to emphasize relations between these determinate
zones in our research programs.
For example, Matt Canepa’s magisterial survey of a thousand-plus years of sacred architecture across tens of thousands of square miles of real estate would be literally inconceivable
without this conception of space and its attendant technologies, from transits and tripods
to GPS. Here we have discrete cultural and political units (Greek, Achaemenid, Sasanian, and
so on) articulated spatially into territories, and temporally in chronological succession, that
are immediately “visualizable” in the familiar format of a historical atlas. These units provide what I am calling articulating features — within which there are determinate types of
architecture, like the fire temple — and the daunting task of the scholar is to show how these
units and types relate to one another within a larger cultural history. An example is when
Canepa observes that “the largest and most important structures [at Ai Khanum] utilized an
4
On these issues, see Neils 2001.
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Richard Neer
official architecture that deliberately and harmoniously incorporated Greek, Babylonian,
and Persian architectural features to create something quite new.”
Zooming in from macro to micro, there is something similar on offer, I feel, in Uri Gabbay’s account of propitiatory ritual. Here the operative terms are inside versus outside, and
east versus west: exactly the terms for which a site plan is particularly apt. Orientation, here,
is to the cardinal points and to the passage of the sun across the sky; within this system,
instead of tracking the peregrinations of motifs, styles, and architectural types, we track
the peregrinations of a statue from one zone to another. Yorke Rowan, similarly, performs
something close to a miracle in employing minimal criteria for the identification of what he
calls “clearly defined” ritual spaces, which in turn cashes out to mean clearly defined in plan.
This way of approaching space has obvious benefits, above and beyond the production of site plans that help us to keep track of our finds. In each of these cases, the specific
conception of space enables a research agenda. That conception of space is one that I am
associating — speculatively but not, I hope, implausibly — with technologies of mapping
and survey, and ultimately with the gridded site plan. This is, I emphasize, no bad thing, nor
is it even particularly surprising that something like this approach should loom so large in
our disiciplines. In observing, for instance, that Matt Canepa’s paper involves a particular
conception of space and particular technological infrastructure, I do not mean to suggest
that it is anything less than dazzling. My goal is to defamiliarize something, which is not to
criticize it; I want to be very clear on this score. The only thing I would want to resist is the
idea that there is only one right way to talk about space.
Because of course there are other ways to think about it, and this takes me to my second
group of papers. In these cases, space is not locatory but body-based. Instead of mapping
space cartographically, or orienting it to fixed compass points or celestial bodies, one might,
for instance, orient it relationally, to entities — in front, behind, underneath, and so on. When
it comes to architecture, plans of course are important, but elevations are surely important
as well, certainly if what we are interested in is anything to do with actual lived experience:
users of buildings come to know plans (if they do) through elevations both interior and
exterior. Examples of a more bodily, “elevation-friendly” approach would include Elizabeth
Frood’s fascinating study of the ways in which Egyptian temple personnel gave meaning to
the spaces through which they passed, ÖmüU+DUPDQߞDK·VDFFRXQWRIWKHPHWDSKRULFVRI
space and power in Mesopotamia, and John Baines’s description of the production of nonexistent spaces for the gods in Egyptian architecture. Of course, some papers in other sessions
also exemplified this tendency, like Betsey Robinson’s wonderful discussion of Parnassus, but
these are beyond the scope of the present discussion.
At the risk of oversimplification, then, one might contrast a mode of research based on
plans to a mode based on elevations. The one will define space absolutely, as a grid, and track
movements or events within that space. The other will be inclined to define it relationally
and — this is important — to show how practices or events constitute or posit sites, locations,
or places. In the one case, the space is a given, and the scholar’s job is to track movements in
it and to describe the meanings — symbolic, historical, or otherwise — of those movements.
In the other, space not a given. It is a function of ritual, or of politics, and the scholar’s job is
to track the process of its emergence, of spatialization or localization or what Edward Casey
rather barbarously calls “placialization,” the constitution of meaningful places.5
5
See, for instance, Casey 2001, pp. 683–93.
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Cosmos and Discipline
461
There is a reason, of course, why archaeologists tend not to talk about elevations: they
rarely survive intact. We deal with foundations, which cry out to be seen in plan. But that
fact only proves my point, which is that the material constraints of our discipline determine
our conception of space, which in turn determines our research agendas and what counts as
serious scholarship. The result is a fine example of our old friend the “hermeneutic circle.”
Yet this formulation is too simple, for the circle does not remain unbroken. Elizabeth Frood’s
paper demonstrates as much. Talking about writing on the vertical plane of walls — elevation
— she argues that the graffiti “delineate places of devotion for temple staff ” and “ritualize
their regular activities and movements in association with central cult rituals and performances,” thereby “reconfiguring … traditional hierarchical ordering of cult places.” Here the
temple area is taken as given — a more or less neutral spatial array — and Frood documents
a process of manipulation and transformation effected through secondary inscription on
the interior elevations.
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real topic here is the mapping of a lived, politico-religious geography — the way in which
power does not merely articulate space, as it were, by surveying it, but actually constitutes
locations, sites, and spaces as they are lived and experienced in an “everyday practice” that
need not entail any synoptic or cartographic schematization. “In the context of everyday
practice in early Mesopotamian cities, cattlepen and sheepfold appear as the perfect spatial
metaphors that speak of this very intimacy and care between the king and his subjects.” The
shift from a synoptic plan to something like the phenomenology of the everyday, hence of
politics, seems to me very important, and it exemplifies the second conception of space as
I have described it.
Having said as much, I am not sure why Harmanߞah characterizes JLߋKXU and me as
“abstract concepts … materially manifest or visually expressed in the architectural corpus, the
urban fabric of Mesopotamian cities” (italics added). Once again we are back to the question
of ordering evidence. This idealization of the discursive, as that which precedes material
manifestation in architecture, rather as the spirit precedes its Darstellung, is exactly the sort
of thing I hoped to put at issue with the example of Anaximander. Why not say the opposite:
that the “abstract concepts” were extrapolated from the “everyday practice” of shepherding and city life, indeed, that they order and rationalize everyday practice according to
an expressly political logic? Especially given that the overall thrust of Harmanߞah’s paper
leads us, very engagingly, away from transcendental concepts and toward a pragmatics of
everyday space.
There is, of course, an answer to this question as well. It is that we, as historians, tend to
use the texts to make sense of the artifacts, so it is the most natural thing in the world to give
logical priority to those texts. The result is a view of architecture and space as the symbolization of a discursive content extracted from texts, which makes archaeology and art history
into the handmaidens of philology. But the path of our inferences need not correspond to
the actual order, or kosmos, of the historical situation. We need the texts to make sense of the
ruins, but that does not mean that the ruins were, historically, symbols of the “cosmic” ideas
found in those texts. I cannot help feeling that in some cases the purely forensic ordering of
the evidence may have taken on a life of its own, that the kosmos being symbolized is that of
the scholarly disciplines and a well-ordered argument.
So this leads to my second question or proposition: if, inspired by Anaximander, we try
the experiment of flipping our hierarchy and take “cosmic symbolism” to imply a kosmos
reflecting architecture, and not architecture reflecting a kosmos, then what happens to the
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notion of architecture and ritual space? The seminar broached this question, and I certainly
am not in a position to answer it; but I suggest that we will tend to move from plans to elevations in our agendas of research, and from assuming architecture to be a function of belief
and liturgy to at least taking seriously the possibility that belief and liturgy are functions of
architecture, or at any rate stand in a dynamic and reciprocal relation to same.
Other Senses
If all this seems rather too schematic, then that may be because we have reduced the
number of variables in play perhaps a bit too much. Plan versus elevation, locatory space
versus bodily space, this is all a bit Manichean. With this thought in mind, I have one more
question, which I can state more succinctly. Ömür Harmanߞah’s emphasis on what he calls
“visual metaphors” seems extremely promising, but it raises a point that may be a bit odd to
hear from a historian of art. It is simply this: whether interested in tracing cartographies or
in mapping metaphors, all these papers have strongly emphasized vision as the prime means
of access to ancient spatialities and also as the prime means by which the ancients themselves
articulated space. Space is now, and was in antiquity, something to see or read. This special
place for vision holds true even when discussing ritual practices that were extremely rich
sensorially, involving song and food and smoke and drums and lowing beasts and drinks
and sweaty crowds. I do not mean to suggest that there is anything particularly wrong with
this emphasis on the visual, but it is worth noting that there are at least four other senses,
and we probably should not assume that vision was the most important — certainly when
it comes to ritual space, and at least potentially in the case of temple architecture as well.
In the case of, say, a nocturnal procession accompanied by song and fire, smell and hearing
may be equally if not more important in spatial orientation.
Recalling the other four senses can suggest potentially fruitful lines for future research:
what happens if we think of a ritual landscape as something experienced other than visually? This question is not necessarily any more challenging than the more familiar visual
ones. We extrapolate visual experience from site plans, and there is no reason in principle
why we could not extrapolate other sensoria as well. Ritual landscapes are a fascinating
topic, but what about ritual soundscapes and “smellscapes”? 6 Anybody who has ever heard
the muezzin’s call as the sun goes down, or been woken by it at the crack of dawn — or, for
that matter, anybody who has even heard a churchbell ring on Sunday morning — knows the
importance of sound in establishing a ritual topography. Smell, touch, and taste have their
places as well. A sweaty, jostling crowd; the sound of a victim’s demise; the stink of its blood,
or of incense or smoke; a thirsty procession ending in a drink — these too are integral to the
spatialization of ritual. To be sure, there are significant practical difficulties to mounting
arguments about the full range of the ancient sensorium. Yet it may be helpful merely to
raise the question, if only because it is a reminder of how incomplete our evidence is, hence
how theory-laden our conclusions are. Even to talk about space in bodily terms, near and far,
before and behind, will be reductive and impoverished if we conceive those spatial relations
exclusively in visual terms.
6
See, e.g., Hung 2005, ch. 4; Drobnick 2006.
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We need the transit and the grid, and we need the ancient texts. Yet if we do not attend
to the phenomenology of sacred space, but constitute it from the outset in the absolute
terms of the measured site plan, then we risk begging the question of cosmic symbolism.
Exactly because we will have based our research from the outset on an abstract structuring
principle — will have made it cosmic, so to speak — the results will inevitably be the symbol
of our own disciplinary kosmos.
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