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Current …, 1998
versity of Washington Press, in press).
in Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C: Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences, 2015
The growth of a prehistoric timescale was one of the most dramatic developments in nineteenth-century ideas of humanity, massively extending the assumed course of human development and placing it within the deep chronologies of geological time. A dominant motif linking prehistory with wider studies of humanity and notions of historical change was the ‘comparative method’ – the idea that modern ‘savages’ were analogous to prehistoric Europeans, and that the two sets of peoples could explain one another. The importance of this mode of reasoning has been well-studied, and shown to have had great significance for concepts of progress and social evolution. What has been less investigated are cases when the comparative method broke down, and instances where ‘modern savages’ and ‘prehistoric man’ seemed to be dissimilar and analogies hard to make. This paper examines how a series of authors engaged with problems in the comparative method when they attempted to place human development within this deep prehistoric past. In doing so, it highlights the changing interactions between the Victorian deep time sciences and the ‘sciences of man,’ and how notions of European prehistory and modern ‘primitives’ often rested on a notion of variability in the ‘savage’ condition.
1997
As is the case with all scholarly endeavors, there are individuals who played a major role in helping make Rediscovering Darwin a reality, but who-for one reason or another-are not listed in any bibliography. My own realization of the applicability of neo-Darwinian evolutionary theory was inspired by a lecture I attended as a graduate student at the University of Arizona in the Fall of 1978. Given jointly by Robert Netting and Keith Basso, the lecture was an assessment of the state of anthropology as a unified discipline. Their conclusion was a rather disheartening prognostication of the potential fragmentation of the field due to the diverse interests of its practitioners and the lack of a general theory of human behavior. Unwilling to accept this pronouncement, it came to me later that evening that Darwinian evolution might provide a much more robust and satisfactory explanatory framework than the 'evolutionary' (i.e., Spencer's, Tylor's, White's, Service's) and other theories Netting and Basso so effectively critiqued. As is so often the case with personal revelations, however, none of my colleagues seemed to appreciate this 'flash of insight'. Several years later, after listening to one of my occasional tirades about the unappreciated potential of Darwinian theory for understanding human behavior, my wife Margaret (also an archaeology graduate student, but at a different university) suggested that I read a book by Robert Dunnell. However, with a title of Systematic* in Prehistory , it didn't seem to have much to do with evolutionary theory nor did it seem relevant to my interests in paleolithic prehistory and Pleistocene environments. As I have long since learned, however, I should have heeded her advice. As it was, I finally read an article by Dunnell in 1987 and realized (with a mixture of disappointment, relief, and a little embarrassment) that I was neither the only one nor the first to recognize the potential of Darwinian theory in archaeology.
This afternoon I am going to present what I take to be the major issues and problems confronting American archeology at the turn of the century. I do this as an outsider, since I am an Old World prehistorian and paleo-anthropologist. However, I am also a product of the American university system. I teach in a six-fields department with a large and nationally-ranked graduate program, and thus, interact daily with American archaeologists of all kinds, of which we have more than a dozen (including Keith Kintigh, the current president of the Society for American Archeology-SAA).
2009
This paper presents a short history of the influence evolutionary thinking has had on anthropology and archaeology. The focus is on four major "schools" in evolutionist thought: the classical evolutionism of the 19 century, Neo-evolutionism, social biology (sociobiology) and Neo-Darwinian archaeology. The basic conclusion of this text is that the idea of socio-cultural evolution, understood in the broadest sense, has left a lasting impression on anthropological and archeological theory, and that it still represents a useful theoretical framework for new research.
Preconceptions often stand in the way of new discoveries. This article discusses the problems with widely held assumptions and then provides examples of assumptions that were recently overturned and which have now led to a possible new understanding of human evolution. Drs Sonia Harmand & Jason Lewis found stone tools much older than the generally accepted earliest Oldowan tools in a wooded terrain rather than the generally accepted savanna environment. They also hypothesized that the tools were made by an earlier hominid, Australopithecus, who had not been considered a likely candidate for stone tool making. And finally, they proposed a new understanding relating to the evolution of the human brain. Instead of assuming that it was a larger brain that kick-started human tool making, it may, instead, have been the prefrontal cortex.
Notes and Records of the Royal Society, 2011
Palaeoanthropology, the study of the evolution of humanity, arose in the nineteenth century. Excavations in Europe uncovered a series of archaeological sediments which provided proof that the antiquity of human life on Earth was far longer than the biblical six thousand years, and by the 1880s authors had constructed a basic paradigm of what 'primitive' human life was like. Here we examine the development of Victorian palaeoanthropology for what it reveals of the development of notions of cognitive evolution. It seems that Victorian specialists rarely addressed cognitive evolution explicitly, although several assumptions were generally made that arose from preconceptions derived from contemporary 'primitive' peoples. We identify three main phases of development of notions of the primitive mind in the period.
Rediscovering Darwin: Evolutionary Theory in Archaeological Explanation, 1997
Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology, 2008
This paper presents a short history of the influence evolutionary thinking has had on anthropology and archaeology. The focus is on four major "schools" in evolutionist thought: the classical evolutionism of the 19th century, Neo-evolutionism, social biology (sociobiology) and Neo-Darwinian archaeology. The basic conclusion of this text is that the idea of socio-cultural evolution, understood in the broadest sense, has left a lasting impression on anthropological and archeological theory, and that it still represents a useful theoretical framework for new research.
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