Journal of Global
Analysis
Journal of Global Analysis
Edito -i -Chief:
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Vol. | No. - | Jul
Table of Contents
Research Note
What do we know about the emerging markets?
By Tevfik Murat Yildirim
Research Articles
Understanding the Nature of Local-Global Interactions in Istanbul’s Retail Property
Market
By Dr. Fatih Eren
Women Labour in Call Centres: Understanding Characteristics of Work
By Assist. Prof. Gulten Dursun & Assist. Prof. Hale Butun Bayram
Book Re6ie7s
Adrian Van Deemen and Agnieszka Rusinowska (eds.)
Collective Decision Making: Views from Social Choice and Game Theory,
By Martino Bianchi
Taylan Ozgur Kaya
The Middle East Peace Process and the EU:
Foreign Policy and Security Strategy in International Politics
By Ozgun Tursun
Brink Lindsey
Human Capitalism:
How Economic Growth Has Made Us Smarter--and More Unequal
By Assoc. Prof. Garett Jones
Phoebe Moore
Globalisation and Labour Struggle in Asia:
A Neo-Gramscian Critique of South Korea’s Political Economy
By Assoc. Prof. Sezai Ozcelik
Daanish Mustafa,
Water Resource Management in a Vulnerable World:
The Hydro-hazardscapes of climate change
By Dr. Christine McCulloch
Michael L. Ross
The Oil Curse:
How Petroleum Wealth Shapes the Development of Nations
By Tevfik Murat Yildirim
Jenny White
Muslim Nationalism and the New Turks
By J. Paul Barker
ISSN: 2041-1944
ISSN: 2041-1944
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July
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Journal of
Global Analysis
RESEARCH NOTE:
WHAT DO WE KNOW ABOUT THE EMERGING MARKETS?
By Tevfik Murat Yildirim
University of Missouri
What do we know about the emerging markets? Do they follow different trends than
any other country in the West? Is what scholars found in the Western cases
compatible with the emerging markets? And finally, is it the economy what makes
them ‘emerging’? It is no easy task to answer all these questions since there are
different approaches point of views, most of which have yet to provide any consensus
over multiple issues such as political economy of development, democratization and
growth. Yet, optimistically, increasing attention is currently being paid to the emerging
markets particularly under the field of international political economy.
Scholars from the developing world, especially those who took part in graduate
research in the developed world, have taken the lead in this increasing trend of the
study on the emerging markets. One study shows that there is a sharp increase in the
number of doctoral dissertations on China, Russia, Korea and Mexico in the United
States in the last two decades, with the most popular topics being transition to a
market economy, democratization and economic reforms. 1 The same study also points
out that roughly 25% of the dissertations in the field of comparative politics focus on
political economy, which is an important fact showing that political economy of the
developing world is widely studied by the students of comparative politics as well.
.
Maldo ado, Claudia, C. Guie ez a d E. U uha t, Disse taio s i Co pa ai e Polii s
, APSA,
.
www.cesran.org
Journal of Global Analysis
Vol. 4 | No. 1-2
July 2014
Journal of
Global Analysis
The political economy of the developing world has attracted increasing attention from many
disciplines including economics, political science, sociology and public policy. However, this
positive fact is not as positive as it sounds for a couple of reasons: methodological and
conceptual divide between and within the aforementioned disciplines. One branch of scholars,
for example, has looked at the macroeconomic performance of the emerging markets, more
specifically export and import, foreign direct investment, currency problems and technology
transfers.2 Excluding the social dimension, scholars strived to predict the economic future of
emerging markets where the development is assumed to be achieved through ‘macroeconomic
success’. Omitting the socioeconomic factors in these countries such as economic inequality,
extreme poverty, corruption, authoritarianism, 3 we will be left with a mistaken assumption:
The emerging markets will pass through a similar development process that the developed
world has passed a century ago. However, fixing these problems especially in China and India
probably will not be as easy as it was in the West, a continent where the countries have
positively influenced each other. Also, the establishment of the European Union has
contributed a lot to individual countries’ political and economic developments. Therefore, the
emerging markets are not likely to follow a similar development path unless they overcome
the problems that social cleavages and weak civil society may pose for political and economic
stability.
The scholars of international relations, especially international political economy, focused more
on geopolitics with a focus on the rise of the BRICS. The BRICS countries have received
particular attention since their economic activities have spread all over the world after the
globalization. For example, Brazil, India and China pursue particular policies in Africa to
maximize their influence over the continent and it is no exaggeration to expect the BRICS to
follow more aggressive foreign policy as their economies and export capacities grow very fast.
That said, we could expect to see more about foreign policy of the BRICS in the following
decades.
Another branch of international relations focused on the law and reforms especially in the
BRICS countries.4 For example, according to Lo and Tian, the private sector in China was able
to develop only after certain policies were adopted.5 Therefore, the development of the BRICS,
What do e k o a out the e e gi g
a kets?
and more generally the emerging markets, depends not only on the ‘international’ (such as
trade) but also on the ‘domestic’ (such as economic reforms and laws).
Perhaps comparative politics and public policy fields are the ones that most frequently ignore
the developing world due in part to the limited data on certain issues that help us better
understand how the decisions are made, how the electoral behaviour is shaped and how
.
.
.
.
So e e a ples i lude: Blalo k, G. a d Ge tle , P. J., Welfa e gai s f o Fo eig Di e t I est e t
th ough te h olog t a sfe to lo al supplie s , Jou al of I te aio al E o o i s, Vol. , No ,
Ma h
, p.
–
; F a kel, J. A. a d Rose, A. K., Cu e
ashes i e e gi g a kets: A
e pi i al t eat e t , Jou al of I te aio al E o o i s, Vol. , No – , No e e
, p.
–
; Sa hs, J., To ell, A. a d Velas o, A., Fi a ial C ises i E e gi g Ma kets: The Lesso s f o
, NBER Wo ki g Pape No
,
; Wa zia g, R. a d Wel h, K. H., T ade Li e alizaio a d
G o th: Ne E ide e, NBER Wo ki g Pape No
,
.
Be ke s edited o k o e s a of these o ited fa to s. Be ke , U. (ed. , The BRICS a d E e gi g
E o o ies i Co pa ai e Pe spe i e: Polii al E o o , Li e alizaio a d I situio al Cha ge,
Lo do , Routledge,
.
Lo, I. V. a d His o k, M., The Rise of the BRICS i the Glo al Polii al E o o : Cha gi g Pa adig s?,
Ed a d Elga Pu lishi g,
.
Lo, V. I. a d Tia , X., P ope t ights, p odu i it gai s a d e o o i g o th: The Chi ese
e pe ie e , Post-Co
u ist E o o ies, Vol. , No ,
, p.
- .
Journal of
Global Analysis
responsive is the government outside the West. For example, there is a good deal of research
on the policy agendas and the media,6 legislative and party behaviour. 7 However, the existing
research in comparative politics and public policy fields on the developing world has been
unable to present a comprehensive understanding of how the developing world is different
from or similar to the developed world in terms of political behaviour and communication,
which may well explain the macroeconomic outcomes.
It is imperative to also consider the impact of future research. Most studies 8 that have been
done on the developing world so far were either single case or few country-case studies in
which the main focus was often the country-specific features. This means that we know a
great deal of the emerging markets; particularly China, Russia, India, Brazil, Mexico and
Turkey, without having the opportunity to quantitatively test how the emerging markets
resemble to and differ from the developed world. For example, how decisions are made and
what determines particular policy choices in the emerging markets are the questions that
social scientists have long been ignoring to ask. Institutional features such as reforms, and
perhaps more radically, constitutional changes regarding economy and politics newly received
attention from scholars, while most of these studies adopted a single-case method. It is just as
important to explore the idiosyncratic features of countries as to test whether particular
theories hold also true in other emerging markets. Generalizability of the findings is a
necessary condition that we have to take into account.
The emerging markets will doubtless receive much more attention in the following decade,
with a particular focus on trade and production. This increasing importance of economic
activities of the developing world will probably lead us to do what we have been doing in the
last decades: ignoring the socioeconomic outcomes such as inequality. The largest emerging
markets, Russia and China, are still far from meeting the standards of a democratic state and
there is no sign of change in it. It would be unrealistic to assume that the emerging markets
will soon catch up with the major developed countries unless democratization and
modernization processes are completed and socioeconomic problems are alleviated. Strong
socioeconomic conditions and democracy will be the features that secure the stability and that
.
.
See Bau ga t e , F. a d Jo es, B., Age das a d I sta ilit i A e i a Polii s, Chi ago, U i e sit of
Chi ago P ess,
; Jo es, B a a d Bau ga t e , F., Polii s of Ate io , Chi ago, U i e sit of
Chi ago P ess,
; Joh , P., Be telli, A., Je i gs, W. a d Be a , S., Poli Age das i B iish Polii s,
Basi gstoke, Palg a e Ma illa ,
; Fa all, S. a d Je i gs, W., Poli Feed a k a d the
C i i al Jusi e Age da: a a al sis of the e o o , i e ates, polii s a d pu li opi io i posta B itai , Co te po a B iish Histo , Vol. , No ,
, p.
; Cha ués-Bo afo t, L. a d
Bau ga t e , F a k R., Ne spape ate io a d poli a i iies i Spai , Jou al of Pu li Poli ,
Vol. , No ,
, p. - .
See St at a , T. a d Bau , M., Plu alit Rule, P opo io al Rep ese taio , a d the Ge a
Bu destag: Ho I e i es to Po k Ba el Dife A oss Ele to al S ste s , A e i a Jou al of
Polii al S ie e, Vol. , No ,
, p.
; O deshook, P. C. a d Sh etso a, O. V., Eth i
Hete oge eit , Dist i t Mag itude, a d the Nu e of Pa ies , A e i a Jou al of Polii al S ie e,
Vol. , No ,
, p.
.
E epio s a e see i de o aizaio a d polii al de elop e t studies. So e of these o ks
i lude P ze o ski, A., Al a ez, M., Chei u , J. A., Li o gi, F., De o a a d De elop e t: Polii al
I situio s a d Well-Bei g i the Wo ld,
, Ca
idge, Ca
idge U i e sit P ess,
;
Chei u , J. A., Polii al Regi es a d the E t a i e Capa it of Go e
e ts: Ta aio i
De o a ies a d Di tato ships , Wo ld Polii s, Vol. , No ,
, p.
; Chei u , J. A. a d
Li o gi, F., De o ai I situio s a d Regi e Su i al: Pa lia e ta
a d P eside ial
De o a ies Re o side ed , A ual Re ie of Polii al S ie e, Vol. , No ,
, p.
;
A e oglu, D., Joh so , S., Ro i so , J., The Colo ial O igi s of Co pa ai e De elop e t: A
E pi i al I esigaio , The A e i a E o o i Re ie , Vol. , No ,
, p.
.
What do e k o a out the e e gi g
.
a kets?
make the emerging markets more resistant to political and economic shocks in the long run.
Journal of
Global Analysis
This omitted factor, the social dimension, points out a normative argument: scholars studying
on the developing world should capture the broad picture, by not only focusing on
macroeconomic facts. Cooperating with other disciplines, economists, political scientists and
sociologists will be more able to explore the facts about the developing world that economists
What do e k o a out the e e gi g
a kets?
have swept under the carpet for a long time.
Journal of
Global Analysis
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July
4
Journal of
Global Analysis
Understanding the Nature of Local-Global Interactions in Istanbul’s Retail
Property Market
By Dr. Fatih Eren*
Abstract
Today, capital, people and information flows have increased more than ever before
among different regions in the world. Every flow creates a different local-global
interaction in its own social environment. One of social environments in which this kind
of interactions occurs is property markets. There are some theories to explain the
nature of local and global interactions in social sciences literature. However, the
success of these theories in explaining the nature of local-global interactions in a
property market became subject to a research very few. This research aims to make a
contribution to this area. The study also intends to find general answers to some
important questions emerge in the internationalization process of property markets.
The study focuses on the three well-accepted interaction theories of social sciences,
which are imperialism, globalisation and glocalisation. The validity of the assumptions
of these theories in the case of Istanbul’s retail property market is questioned in this
research. The emergence of social structures and the specific behaviours of these
structures in local property markets may be understood better when true point of view
is found out about interactions. A qualitative methodology is followed; interview and
document analysis methods are used in the study. Findings show that the nature of
local-global interactions experienced in Istanbul’s retail property market is very unique
so it is not possible to explain this unique nature using the perspective of only one
settled theory.
Keywords: Istanbul, retail property market, imperialism, globalisation, glocalisation
Department of Town and Regional Planning
Selcuk University
Aleaddin Keykubat Campus, Selcuklu-Konya, TURKEY
e-mail:
[email protected]
* Dr Fatih Eren is Lecturer in Department of Town and Regional Planning at Selcuk University.
www.cesran.org
Journal of Global Analysis
Vol. 4 | No. 1-2
July 2014
Jou al
of
Glo al
A al sis
Understanding the Nature of
Local-Global Interactions
in Istanbul’s Retail Property Market
Introduction
The Turkish government embraced a liberal economic policy after 1980. The change in the
economic policy has started an internationalization process in the Turkish economic markets.
This process is strongly supported by Turkey’s membership process to the European Union.
The internationalization process required to redesign all laws and institutions which structure
the Turkish commercial life as a consequence of the entrance of global players to Turkey in
the new liberal period. One of the markets which became subject to a severe
internationalization was Istanbul’s retail property market (IRPM). International retail and
U de sta di g the Natu e of Lo al-Glo al I te a io s i Ista
ul s Retail P ope t Ma ket
property companies became involved into IRPM after 1980 and invested in many shopping
centre development projects in Istanbul. Although a wide range of interactions occurred in the
market, interactions were mainly experienced between local and international companies
during the process.
The internationalization process of IRPM became a highly controversial topic among local
market players. Some local players gave support to this process; some others not. Supporters
defended that internationalization is good for IRPM. They claimed that IRPM would solve its
chronic structural and cultural problems and would grow and modernize itself with the help of
global players. According to the supporters, local resources and local investment opportunities
in IRPM would not be exploited by foreign companies; in contrast, local players would turn the
growth of the market into their advantage. They asserted that the market would not be a
foreign-dependent market at the end. Some other local players stood up to the development
of IRPM into a western form. These players claimed that international retail and property
companies came to Istanbul to exploit local resources and to seize local investment
opportunities. According to them, local trade culture was also subject to an assimilation. IRPM
should rise over traditional cultural values and for this, local players had to have an affirmative
action in the Turkish retail property market. Opponents also wanted from the government to
bring some limitations to the activities and investments of foreign companies to make IRPM a
strong freestanding market. After long debates, the legal and institutional structure of IRPM
was changed by the Turkish government with the support of some local players and the
market then became an international market. In fact, similar debates were opened in the
property markets of many developing countries in the last 30 years. These debates are based
on some common assumptions and perspectives. It is possible to find these assumptions and
perspectives in certain stereotyped theories in social sciences literature. The most common
ones are imperialism, globalisation and glocalisation theories. These theories have some
different assumptions about the nature of local and global interactions. This study aims to
question the success of these theories in explaining the nature of local-global interactions in
IRPM and to find general answers to some important questions which emerged in the
internationalization process of the market.
Journal of
Global Analysis
Research Aim, Methods and Context
There are three settled theories in the literature which allow to understand the nature of localglobal interactions in open social systems: imperialism, globalisation and glocalisation theories.
These three theories have been examined in this study. Istanbul’s retail property market is
selected as the case study for this research. Interview and document analysis methods are
used to acquire an in-depth knowledge. Academic books and journals, property news portals,
national newspapers, sectoral association’s websites, ministerial websites, published books,
sectoral magazines and property market reports related to IRPM were scanned. A fieldwork
was carried out in Istanbul. Seventeen face-to-face interviews with the managers of the most
active companies and nine face-to-face interviews with the directors of the most important
public authorities and associations of IRPM were conducted.1
The study consists of seven sections. In Section 1 and Section 2, debates which came into the
agenda in the internationalization process of IRPM and the aim, context and method of this
research are provided. Section 3 explains how the institutional approach, which allows to
examine local-global interactions in a property market, defines a property market. Imperialism,
globalisation and glocalisation theories are introduced in Section 4. The different perspectives
of these theories towards local-global interactions are explored in this section. In Section 5,
actors during the internationalization process of the market. Section 6 considers debates in
IRPM’s internationalisation process and seeks convincing answers for the research questions.
The final section explores the nature of local-global interactions and discusses the success of
theories in explaining interactions’ nature in IRPM.
Local-global interactions occurred in a property market are examined in this study so the
conceptual definition of a property market should be given at the beginning of this research.
The institutional approach (the cultural economy version) allows researchers to examine local
and global interactions in a particular city’s specific property market so it is decided to use the
conceptual framework of this approach in this study. The next section explains what is a
property market from institutional approach’s perspective.
What is a Property Market: The Institutional Approach
The institutional approach sees a property market as a separate and independent entity from
other economic markets.2 It mentions the connection of a property market with other property
markets as well as with all social actors and institutions in an economy via varied social
relations.3 In this approach, social relations hold an important and large place. A property
market is perceived as a social construct. 4 As a social construct, a property market is identified
.
.
.
.
This pape has ee p odu ed f o the PhD thesis of the autho , hi h is itled: Lo al-Glo al
I te a io s I The E oluio of Ista ul s Retail P ope t Ma ket . Fo o e a d detailed i fo aio
a out the theo ei al f a e o k of the esea h, esea h desig , the sele ted ethod fo data
olle io a d a al sis, the list of i te ie ees a d the aio ale of i te ie
uesio s, please see
Chapte Si pages
i this thesis.
Sa uels, W.J., The P ese t State of I situio al E o o i s , Ca
idge Jou al of E o o i s, Vol.
, No ,
, p.
.
Keogh, G. & D'A , E. P ope t Ma ket Ei ie : a i situio al pe spe i e , U a Studies, Vol.
,
, p.
; Hodgso , G., E o o i s a d i situio s, Ca
idge, UK, Polit P ess,
.
Heale , P., A i situio al odel of the de elop e t p o ess , Jou al of P ope t Resea h, Vol. ,
, p. - .
U de sta di g the Natu e of Lo al-Glo al I te a io s i Ista
based on these assumptions. In fact, these are the most thought-provoking questions for local
ul s Retail P ope t Ma ket
the basic assumptions of selected interaction theories are summarized in a table and seven
research questions, which may offer an insight into debates emerged in IRPM, are formulated
Journal of
Global Analysis
and formed by the perceptions and activities of social agents. A property market is not a
product of automatic transaction activities but a social institution which is created by some
specialized and capable actors.5 According to this approach, a property market is part of a
social relations network, broadly defined. A property market also includes an internal social
relations network in itself. Many institutions which display activity on local, regional or
international level for varied purposes may be effective in a local property market. 6 This
perspective that social relations (and also social institutions) can be established at all level
from global to local acknowledges that global players may involve in local property markets
and moreover they may move together with local players. Since the institutional approach
focuses on local-global actors, on local-global institutions and on social relations between all
actors and institutions, it allows the examination of local and global interactions in a property
market.
The involvement of global players into a local property market inevitably causes a change in
the legal, institutional and industrial structure of that market. The institutional approach is
closely interested in structural changes in property markets. Changes in a property market are
considered as a process which is dependent on various temporal and spacial factors. 7 It
provides a sophisticated and a detailed perspective on the change processes of property
U de sta di g the Natu e of Lo al-Glo al I te a io s i Ista
ul s Retail P ope t Ma ket
markets. This was the only approach to consider ‘the fact of change’ in a property market in
industrial, legal and institutional terms. It considers market changes as evolutionary and it
gives a special importance to the timing and order of developments or events in a market. 8
The institutional approach has a sophisticated and rich analysis of market changes. This
feature also allows the examination of global and local interactions and the analysis of the
process of change in a property market.
After the specification of the conceptual framework regarding property markets, it is now time
to examine local-global interaction theories in social sciences literature. The next section
introduces three conventional interaction theories, which are imperialism, globalisation and
glocalisation. This introduction is necessary to find out the assumptions of these theories
associated with the research subject.
Theories of Local and Global Interactions
Local and global interaction ideas have been evolved in time developing cumulatively. During
this process, definitions of local and global concepts and the nature of relations between them
have been changed. Theories of local and global interaction may be grouped under three
general titles – ‘Imperialism’, ‘Globalisation’ and ‘Glocalisation’ – in the social science literature.
Each theory emerged taking nourishment from the one before so these three theories should
be considered as the historical development of ideas of local-global interaction like sequencing
series. These three theories are reviewed in turn in this section.
.
.
.
.
Sa e , A., Realis a d So ial S ie e, Lo do , Sage,
; A olaia, M. Y., Maki g a kets:
Oppo tu is a d est ai t o Wall St eet, Ca
idge, MA, Ha a d U i e sit P ess,
.
A i , A., A i situio alist pe spe i e o egio al e o o i de elop e t , I te aio al Jou al
of U a a d Regio al Resea h, Vol. ,
, p.
.
Ed a ds, M., Age ts a d fu io s i u a de elop e t , Mate iali di La o ato io di P ogetazio e
E ologi a degli I sedia e i, Fa olta di A hitetu a, U i e sita di Fi e ze, Vol. , No ,
, p.
; Heale , op. it.
He e e , J. & Ro e ts, C., Cal ulated I e ualit ? Po folio Be h a ki g a d Regio al Oi e
P ope t I est e t , U a Studies, Vol.
, No - ,
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; De Magalhaes, C.,
E o o i i sta ilit , st u tu al ha ge a d the p ope t
a kets: the late
s oi e oo i Sao
Paulo , E i o e t a d Pla i g A, Vol. ,
, p.
.
Journal of
Global Analysis
Imperialism Theory
This is the earliest theory about local - global interactions in the social science literature. Some
other theories in the literature such as ‘Westernization’, ‘Americanization’, ‘Cultural
Synchronization’ and ‘Colonization’ may be considered in the context of the imperialism theory
because of their similar theoretical origins. All the theories mentioned are based on the idea of
the hegemony of the Western world over other societies or countries. 9 In other words, local
and global interactions are seen as a hegemonic issue in all these theories.
The West is now everywhere, within theWest and outside; in structures and in minds. 10
The imperialism theory can be defined as the spread of modern America’s social structures
(capitalism, rationalism, industrialism and bureaucratism) all over the world. This spread is an
imperialist spread; so sub-cultures and local identities are destroyed slowly and gradually
during this expansion.11 This expansion process has also been described as ‘the McDonald/
Hollywood/CNN Imperialism’ by some scholars.12 According to this theory, global and local
interactions will, in time, bring a universal synchronization and homogenization to the world; in
other words, everywhere (countries) and everything (cultures) will gradually become the same
and a single structure and culture will then emerge in the world. 13 The creation of this single
pessimistic perspective and therefore evaluates an interaction process as an absolute
imperialist process. According to this theory, imperialism blocks the emergence of new and
alternative structures and cultures in the world. As a consequence of this blockage, humankind
will not find effective and creative solutions in the face of future political and economic
challenges because of the destruction of cultural diversity and local resources. 14
The imperialism theory assumes that countries, cities and markets are managed remotely from
one imperial centre. Some scholars assert that Western countries still carry on a global
imperialist process in independent developing countries through international investments and
trade relations.15 Transnational corporations are very effective tools in this process. Westernbased transnational companies’ commercial activities on a global scale play a key role in the
transfer of Western practices, objects and ideas to new regions. In this way, local landscapes,
identities and ideas are developed into Western forms. 16 The theory assumes that imperialistic
.
.
.
.
.
.
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Ta lo , P., Izaio s of the Wo ld: A e i a izaio , Mode izaio a d Glo alizaio , C. Ha & D.
Ma sh, (eds. De sif i g Glo alizaio , Basi gstoke, Palg a e Ma illa ,
, p. - ; Sp e , T.,
Glo alizaio a d Wo ld So iet , Ca
idge, Polit P ess,
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Na d , A., Colo izaio of the i d , The Postde elop e t eade , Lo do , )ed Books,
, p.
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Ritze , G., The M Do aldizaio of So iet : A I esigaio i to the Cha gi g Cha a te of
Co te po a So ial Life, Thousa d Oaks, CA, Pi e Fo ge P ess,
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Go a , P., The Glo al Ga le: Washi gto 's Fausia Bid fo Wo ld Do i a e, Lo do , Ve so,
; Ba e , B., Jihad s. M Wo ld, Ne Yo k, Ballai e,
; S hille , H., Not Yet the PostI pe ialist E a , C ii al Studies i Mass Co
u i aio , Ma h, Vol. , No ,
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No e g-Hodge, H., Shiti g di e io : f o glo al depe de e to lo al i te depe de e , J. Ma de
& E. Golds ith, (eds. The Case agai st the Glo al E o o
a d Fo a Tu To a ds the lo al, Sa
F a is o, CA, Sie a Clu Books,
, p.
; To li so , J., Ho oge isaio a d
Glo alisaio , Histo of Eu opea Ideas, Fe ua , Vol. , No. - ,
, p.
; Ha eli k, C.,
Cultu al Auto o i Glo al Co
u i aio s, Ne Yo k, Lo g a s,
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Goldi g, P. & Ha is, P. (eds. , Be o d Cultu al I pe ialis : Glo alizaio , Co
u i aio a d the
Ne I te aio al O de , Lo do , Sage,
; Pet as, J., Cultu al I pe ialis i the Late th
Ce tu , Jou al of Co te po a Asia, Vol. , No ,
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; To li so , J., Cultu al
I pe ialis : A C ii al I t odu io , Lo do , Pi te ,
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Ha e , D., The e i pe ialis , O fo d, O fo d U i e sit P ess,
; You g, R., Post olo ialis :
A Histo i al I t odu io , O fo d, Bla k ell,
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U de sta di g the Natu e of Lo al-Glo al I te a io s i Ista
media and the English language. The theory looks at local-global interactions from a negative/
ul s Retail P ope t Ma ket
world structure and culture will be carried out through the medium of consumerism, mass
Journal of
Global Analysis
attempts can be made anywhere at anytime. Lester states that imperialism may have one
single form or many different forms.17
This theory’s one-way and subjective perspective (hegemonic and imperialist) towards local -
global interactions was criticized strongly by many scholars in the 1980s and the 1990s. 18 As a
consequence of these criticisms, it started to lose its popularity in social sciences at the end of
the 1990s. In those years, the globalisation theory, which takes the basic assumptions of the
imperialism theory into consideration while approaching local - global interactions in a more
realistic way, started to gain power in social sciences.
Globalisation Theory
Globalisation is a concept which is often used and discussed by social science scholars today.
The word ‘global’ has been used for more than 400 years in the literature. However, the
‘globalisation theory’ in social sciences emerged after the 1960s; it started to be used
frequently after the 1980s. Globalisation is defined as a process which emerges as a result of
the increasing flows of capital, commodities, services, people, information and culture among
different regions in the world (Held, 1999; Giddens, 1991). 19 This process gains power in
U de sta di g the Natu e of Lo al-Glo al I te a io s i Ista
ul s Retail P ope t Ma ket
proportion to the degree of mobility of these elements. In parallel to Held 20, Albrow21 defines
globalisation as the spread of technologies, practices and values all over the world, which may
affect the everyday life of humankind. This process is also described as the over-development
of world-wide social relations. In this context, the theory is defined as the geographical
extension of social processes. The integration of national economies with other world
economies in terms of trade, finance and macro-economic policies is also defined by some
scholars as a process of globalisation. 22 In fact, the globalisation process can be defined as a
comprehensive change in the nature of social space. 23 In sum, it may be said that the basic
feature of globalisation processes is that they have a transnational character.
The globalisation theory perceives the world on a very large scale, which is a ‘global scale’.24
. Og o , M. I dia i k: s ipt a d p i t i the aki g of the E glish East I dia Co pa , Chi ago, The
U i e sit of Chi ago P ess,
; Legg, S. Spa es of olo ialis : Delhi s u a go e
e taliies,
O fo d, Bla k ell,
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a oliio , Ca
idge, UK, Ca
idge U i e sit P ess,
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fashio i g of Va ou e Isla d, Va ou e , U i e sit of B iish Colu ia P ess,
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Gil e t, D., I pe ial iies: la ds ape, displa a d ide it , Ma heste , Ma heste U i e sit P ess,
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Lo do , Routledge,
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. Pet a , R., A i-Glo alisaio Dis ou es i Asia , C. Es hle & B. Maiguash a, (eds. C ii al
Theo ies, I te aio al Relaio s a d the A i-Glo alisaio Mo e e t, Lo do , Routledge,
, p.
- ; K aid , M. M., Glo alisaio : A i te aio al o
u i aio f a e o k? , Jou al of
I te aio al Co
u i aio , Vol. , N ,
, p. - ; Castells, M. & Hi a e , P., The I fo aio
So iet a d the Welfa e State: the Fi ish Model, O fo d, O fo d U i e sit P ess,
; Co i, S. &
Gia a ia, P., Glo alizaio a d Geog aph , GeoJou al, Vol. , No - ,
, p. - .
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idge, Polit ,
; Gidde s,
A., Mode it a d Self-Ide it : Self a d So iet i the Late Mode Age, Ca
idge, Polit P ess,
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. Held, op. it.
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idge, Polit P ess,
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. Gilpi , R., Glo al Polii al E o o : U de sta di g the I te aio al E o o i O de , P i eto ,
P i eto U i e sit P ess,
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. Walke , G., Co e i g the aio al to the glo al , M. Ha de & J. Tho pso , (eds. , I te aio al
s hools a d i te aio al edu aio , Lo do , Koga Page,
.
Journal of
Global Analysis
The ‘global’ is a well-defined concept but the ‘local’ is not a concept which is defined
specifically and clearly in this theory.25 The idea of globalisation is based on the hegemony of
global homogenization versus heterogenization; so this theory looks at the ‘local’ from above
and outside and assesses the ‘global’ and the ‘local’ as two opposite facts. In line with this, the
theory argues that the global assimilates the local in time. 26 The dualism of universalism and
particularism does not have a place in this theory. In other words, the globalisation theory
accepts that there is only a one-way flow in a local -global interaction process, from the global
to the local; it ignores possible flows from the local to the global.27
The globalisation theory claims that local entities are assimilated by global entities, and, as a
result, a homogenized global structure and culture emerge at the end of this process.
However, some globalisation scholars have recently noticed the fact that heterogenized
(hybrid) structures are emerging together with homogenized structures in local - global
interaction processes. These scholars then started to consider that ‘globalisation’ is a process
running between heterogeneous cultures, and globalisation processes emerge as a result of
interactions between different cultures. This new consideration stresses the fact of ‘locality’ in
interaction processes, and this is an important breakthrough in the globalisation concept.
The emphasis on localities in the globalisation theory entails the re-interrogation of the
claimed that ‘time’ and ‘space’ have become meaningless, so geography has come to an end in
this new global age. They assert that a flat, limitless, transnational and supra-territorial global
landscape has emerged in the world; this situation is named ‘flat world’.28 Some other
globalisation scholars have not shared these views.29 These scholars have focused on the
American Empire’s global place-making attempts and the dynamics of this work; they have
mainly explored how American companies and institutions use space. In this context, they
have analysed some global institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary
Fund to discover the geopolitics of America’s global governance.30 Studies on how product
chains re-organize geographies and on how production, trade, allocation and consumption
. S
gedou , E., Neithe Glo al o Lo al. K. Co , (ed. Glo alizaio a d the polii s of s ale, Ne
Yo k, The Guilfo d P ess,
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tholog a out glo alizaio , Eu opea Jou al of Co
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idge, Polit P ess,
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Foot all Suppo te s i No th A e i a , I te aio al So iolog , Vol. , No ,
, p.
; Said, E.
W., O ietalis : Weste
o epio s of the o ie t, Lo do , Pe gui ,
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a d its Theo ei al Lega ies , L. G oss e g, (ed. Cultu al Studies. Lo do , Routledge,
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. F ied a , T. L., The o ld is lat: a ief histo of the t e t -i st e tu , Ne Yo k, Fa a , St auss
a d Gi ou ,
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; Ha dt,
M. & Neg i, A., E pi e, Ca
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a d dife e e i the glo al ultu al e o o
, Appadu ai, A. (Eds . Mode it at La ge: Cultu al
Di e sio s of Glo alizaio , Mi eapolis U i e sit of Mi esota P ess,
, p. - ; Oh ae, K.,
The e d of the aio state: the ise of egio al e o o ies, Ne Yo k, The F ee P ess,
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; Ha e , D., The e i pe ialis , O fo d, O fo d
U i e sit P ess,
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spa es , A als of the Asso iaio of A e i a Geog aphe s, Vol. , No ,
, p.
- ; Peet, R.
U hol t i it : The IMF, Wo ld Ba k a d WTO, Lo do , )ed Books,
; Piete se, J. N., Glo alizaio
o e pi e?, Ne Yo k, Routledge,
; S ith, A., Regio s, spa es of e o o i p a i e a d di e se
e o o ies i the e Eu ope , Eu opea U a a d Regio al Studies, Vol. ,
, p. - ;
Spa ke, M., I the spa e of theo : posfou daio al geog aphies of the aio -state, Mi eapolis,
U i e sit of Mi esota P ess,
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of glo alizaio , D. Co a & N. He e , (Eds. Glo alizaio s o t adi io s: geog aphies of
dis ipli e, dest u io a d t a sfo aio , Ne Yo k, Routledge,
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understand how the globalisation theory perceives ‘space’. Some globalisation scholars have
ul s Retail P ope t Ma ket
importance of space in global and local interaction processes. At this stage, it is necessary to
Journal of
Global Analysis
businesses operate on the global economic stage have increased in the last decade. 31 The
exploration of the existence of an unstable and irregular economic map of the world has
shifted the interest of globalisation scholars to global and local relations. Because of this shift,
globalisation scholars have moved away from ideas like ‘the end of states’ or ‘the end of
geography’.32 The global capitalism perspective suggests that global capitalists enter every
country and region easily and give a global structural shape to these countries and regions,
removing all local character from these areas. However, Eric Swyngedouw states that this
process does not progress as simply as stated in the common ‘global capitalism’ perspective.
He asserts that local actors play an active role in global processes and give a direction to these
processes. He also asserts that local geographies are re-created and re-scaled because of the
involvement of local actors in these processes. 33 Some other social theorists who are
interested in the development of contemporary cultural hybrids 34 have conducted some
studies on the different forms of global cultural differences. New findings in globalisation
studies have recently brought popularity to a new local -global interaction theory in social
sciences. This is ‘glocalisation theory’, which approaches local and global interaction processes
as two-sided and which takes local elements (actors, identities, culture and so on) into
U de sta di g the Natu e of Lo al-Glo al I te a io s i Ista
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consideration much more than any other theory.
Glocalisation Theory
The ‘glocalisation’ theory is used in social sciences for explaining several social phenomena as
being dependent on local-global interactions. It should be stated here that ‘hybridization’ and
‘creolization’ theories may be considered in the same context as the glocalisation theory
because all these theories approach local and global interaction processes as two-sided and
they believe that hybrid (heterogenized) products may emerge at the end of these processes.
‘Glocalisation’ is defined as the interpenetration of global and local cultures, resulting in unique
outcomes in different geographic areas.35 This theory is used in the literature for
understanding and explaining complex relations and connections between global and local
entities.36 Glocal theorists claim that global and local structures and cultures benefit from each
other. According to them, a glocalisation process starts after a global activity meets a local
activity. This theory assumes that global and local facts are interpenetrated at a specific time
in a particular space. A third culture is born from the blending and interpenetration of global
and local cultures under suitable conditions. This third culture is not described as the
equalization of global and local cultures. It is characterized as a different, independent and
new cultural form.37
In opposition to the ideas of globalisation theorists, glocal theorists do not regard the global
and the local as two competing notions. Robertson points out that the global and the local
. Di ke , P., Glo al Shit: Reshapi g the Glo al E o o i Map i the st Ce tu , Thousa d Oaks, CA,
Sage Pu li aio s,
; Mitel a , J., The glo alizaio s d o e: t a sfo aio a d esista e,
P i eto , NJ P i eto U i e sit P ess,
.
. S
gedou , E., Glo alisaio o glo alisaio ? Net o ks, te ito ies a d e-s ali g , Ca
idge
Re ie of I te aio al Afai s, Vol. , No ,
, p. - .
. S
gedou , op. it.
. Fo e a ple, Feathe sto e, M., U doi g ultu e: glo alizaio , post ode is a d ide it . Thousa d
Oaks, CA, Sage,
.
. Ro e tso , R., Glo alizaio : So ial Theo a d Glo al Cultu e, Lo do , Sage,
.
. Ro e tso , R., Glo alizaio : Ti e–Spa e a d Ho oge eit –Hete oge eit , M. Feathe sto e, S.
Lash & R. Ro e tso , (eds. Glo al Mode iies, Lo do , Sage,
, p. - .
. I id.
Journal of
Global Analysis
may include some complementary processes. 38 The glocalisation theory looks at interaction
processes from an optimistic and positive perspective. It mentions mutual cooperation
between local and global entities. According to the glocalisation theory, both local and global
entities undergo a change, and, as a result, hybrid structures and cultures emerge in the
world. The glocalisation theory argues that sub-cultures and local identities will increase, be
diversified and gain power at the end of interaction processes. 39 The theory talks about flows
from local to global and vice versa and it focuses on gradually empowered and interconnected
social relations at both local and global levels. The description of both local and global entities
are a requirement in this theory. It looks at local entities closely from inside and a special
emphasis on space and time exists in the glocalisation theory. 40
So far, imperialism, globalisation and glocalisation theories have been reviewed. The next
section summarizes the assumptions of these theories associated with the research subject in
a table and develops research questions starting from these assumptions. These are the most
engaging questions for local actors during the internationalization process of the market.
The Assumptions of Interaction Theories and The Most Debated Questions in The
Table 1: The assum ptions of the interaction theories associated w ith the research
subject
Starting from these assumptions, seven research questions have been developed. These are
Lo al-glo al
i te a io
theo ies
The I pe ialis
Theo
The
Glo alisaio
Theo
The
Glo alisaio
Theo
Assu pio s
The so ial st u tu es of este
ode it ( apitalis , aio alis , i dust ialis a d
u eau ais
ill sp ead all o e the o ld.
Cou t ies, iies a d a kets i i depe de t de elopi g ou t ies a e a aged e otel
f o o e este i pe ial e t e.
I est e t oppo tu iies i de elopi g ou t ies a e e ploited
este - ased
t a s aio al o pa ies.
Naio -states ha e i ei ie t ole a d fu io i lo al-glo al i te a io p o esses.
A s
o izaio p o ess ill e e pe ie ed depe de t o the assi ilaio of lo al
ele e ts
glo al a to s a d a si gle ho oge ized glo al st u tu e ill the e e ge i
the o ld.
Flo s i lo al a d glo al i te a io s a e o e- a , that is o l f o glo al to lo al.
Glo al a d lo al i te a io s a e t o- sided; lo al a d glo al e iies a
o ea d ok
togethe u de fai te s.
The glo al a d the lo al a i lude so e o ple e ta p o esses; oth lo al a d glo al
e iies a e a i el i ol ed i a i te a io p o ess a d the e eit f o / o t i ute to
ea h othe du i g the p o ess.
Glo al a d lo al fa ts a e i te pe et ated ate a i te a io has sta ted so a sepe aio
like lo al a d glo al is ea i gless i i te a io p o esses.
. I id.
. Feathe sto e, op. it.
. S
gedou , op. it.
U de sta di g the Natu e of Lo al-Glo al I te a io s i Ista
The assumptions of the interaction theories are presented in the table below.
ul s Retail P ope t Ma ket
Internationalization Process of IRPM
Journal of
Global Analysis
also the most debated questions in the internationalization process of IRPM so the answers of
them have a character to shed light on debates in the market.
Have the social structures of western modernity been embraced and internalized by
IRPM’s local players? (an assumption of the imperialism theory)
Has the Turkish Government had an efficient role in the start and progress of localglobal interactions in IRPM? (an assumption of the globalisation theory)
Has a structural homogenization and syncronization been experienced in IRPM? (an
assumption of both the imperialism and the globalisation theories)
Is IRPM controlled by western-based transnational companies? Are investment
opportunities seized by foreign companies in the market? (an assumption of the
U de sta di g the Natu e of Lo al-Glo al I te a io s i Ista
ul s Retail P ope t Ma ket
imperialism theory)
Do flows in interactions progress only one-way which is from global to local? (an
assumption of the globalisation theory)
Are there cooperation more than conflicts between local and global players in IRPM? (an
assumption of the glocalisation theory)
Does a seperation like local and global in the market meaningless? (an assumption of
the glocalisation theory)
A specific theoretical framework and research design developed for this study helped to find
some general but convincing answers to these hard research questions. 41 A summary of
answers to these questions is sought in the next section.
Discussions
Have the social structures of western modernity been embraced and internalized by
IRPM’s local players?
The Turkish government has gradually brought Turkish retail and property laws into
conformity with European Union retail and property laws in line with Turkey’s vision of full
membership of the EU after 1980. As a consequence of the enactment of liberal laws in the
context of EU reforms and as a consequence of the preparation of a suitable working
environment for foreign companies in the country, many American and European companies
became involved in IRPM between 1980 and 2010. The involvement of Western companies in
the sector ensure that local market players have little difficulty in learning and internalizing
most of the social structures of Western modernity such as capitalism, rationalism,
industrialism and bureaucratism. First, the desire of local retailers to become a global brand by
opening chain stores and the desire of local property developers to develop chain shopping
centres all over the world are evidence that capitalist ideas have been embraced by local
market players. Second, in contrast to the pre-2004 period, the start of research activities and
the use of quantitative techniques for property developments and investments after 2004 are
evidence that local players have abandoned their intuitive-based approach and started to
display rational economic behaviour in the market. Third, in contrast to past experiences, the
. Fo
o e e ide e a d o p ehe si e dis ussio s o these uesio s, please see Chapte Se e ,
Eight a d Ni e pages
i autho s PhD thesis.
Journal of
Global Analysis
start of the development of a diverse range of shopping centre projects in series, the
emergence of a social and economic system which runs the shopping centre production cycle,
and the permanent employment of many people as constructors, developers, investors,
consultants or retailers in this system are evidence that industrialization has taken place in
IRPM. Finally, the existence of many laws, regulations and institutions which regulate market
operations is evidence that sectoral bureaucracy has increased in IRPM. These empirics show
that IRPM’s local players have embraced and internalized the social structures of western
modernity in the local-global interaction process.42
Has the Turkish Government had an efficient role in the start and progress of localglobal interactions in IRPM?
The issue of how a local - global interaction starts is discussed in the theories. It is found that
interactions do not begin suddenly and accidentally. Interactions in IRPM started after the
Turkish government, as the main authority in the country, gave permission for them to start.
In the case of IRPM, the decisions of 24 April 1980 were made by the government, and as a
result Turkey adopted a free market economic system. In line with these decisions, a legal and
(91) and the Capital Markets Law (2499), the establishment of the Capital Markets Board of
Turkey and the opening of the Istanbul Stock Exchange may be given as examples of the
preparation of a legal and institutional foundation for the start of free market mechanisms in
IRPM. The preparation and equipping of the interaction environment were time-consuming
and challenging for the government.
The government decided to introduce the liberal
economic system in 1980 but the start of the operation of free market mechanisms with
proper laws and institutions and without problems became possible in the country after 1994.
Therefore, the preparation of the interaction environment continued for about fourteen years.
This finding shows that interaction processes progress step by step under state control. 43
Some scholars also emphasize the role and function of states in the development of
interactions between local and global entities. 44 Indeed, liberal economic reforms and
regulations which were introduced by the Turkish government from the 1980s onward were
the basic reason for the start of interactions between global and local companies in IRPM.
Every legal arrangement started a different global trend and process in the market. For
example, Turkey passed to a free market economy through the enactment of new liberal laws
and through the establishment of new public institutions in 1988. Just after these
developments, the first international hypermarket chains became involved in the property
market. Partnerships between local property companies and international retail chains started
. Fo
o e a d detailed i fo aio a out the o p ehe si e e aluaio of the p e a d post
de egulaio status of the p ope t
a ket a d the e tal ha ges of lo al a to s i IRPM s
i te aio alizaio p o ess, please see Chapte Th ee pages - i autho s PhD thesis.
. Fo
o e a d detailed i fo aio a out oles u de take du i g the i te aio alizaio p o ess
a d legal/i situio al ha ges do e
the Tu kish go e
e t i o de to sta t a d p og ess this
p o ess, please see Chapte Se e pages
i autho s PhD thesis.
. B e e , N., Ne State Spa es: U a Go e e e a d the Res ali g of Statehood, O fo d, O fo d
U i e sit P ess,
a; B e e , N., U a go e a e a d the p odu io of e state spa es i
Weste Eu ope:
, Re ie of I te aio al Polii al E o o , Vol. ,
, p.
;
Jessop, B., The isis of spaio-te po al i a d the te de ial e ologi al do i a e of glo alizi g
apitalis , Jou al of U a a d Regio al Resea h, Vol. ,
, p.
.
U de sta di g the Natu e of Lo al-Glo al I te a io s i Ista
might run was prepared by the government. The enactment of the Securities Exchange Act
ul s Retail P ope t Ma ket
an institutional foundation on which interactions might occur and free market mechanisms
Journal of
Global Analysis
and continued increasingly in the next years. The Turkish government revised the FDI Law in
2003 to allow foreign companies and foreign capital to enter the Turkish property market. The
government then started negotiations with the European Union for full membership. These
developments caused foreign investors to enter IRPM in large numbers after 2005. Looking at
these facts, it is easy to say that the Turkish government has played a very important role in
the progress of local - global interactions in IRPM.
Has a structural homogenization and syncronization been experienced in IRPM?
Global theorists claim that a universal structural homogenization and synchronization is
experienced gradually in the world, whilst glocal theorists claim that a universal structural
heterogenization and diversification is experienced gradually in the world. Findings show that
global theorists’ claim is true for IRPM because laws and institutions which are very similar to
Western countries’ laws and institutions emerged as a result of thirty years of intensive local global interactions in the market. Most of the laws and institutions emerged as a result of the
examination of Western laws and institutions [especially European laws and institutions] by
Turkish legislators and policy-makers in the market. In other words, American and European
U de sta di g the Natu e of Lo al-Glo al I te a io s i Ista
ul s Retail P ope t Ma ket
laws and institutions became a model for Turkish laws and institutions. For example, the Real
Estate Investment Trusts (REITs) Law, Foreign Direct Investments Law and Mortgage Law
were inspired by Western laws, so their aims and content are very similar to related Western
laws. Again, it is possible to find institutions similar to the Investment Support and Promotion
Agency (ISPAT), which was established by the government to attract foreign capital in Turkey,
in most countries; or Urban Land Institute (ULI), which display non-governmental
organizational activities using the same name, in many countries. Even though some laws (for
example, 4926-The Law for fighting illegal trade) and institutions (for example, Registered
Brands of Association) emerged because of particular conditions in Turkey, they all played a
role in bringing market actors in Turkey into line with Western practice. These examples are
evidence that a strong structural homogenization and synchronization process is experienced
in IRPM. Even though Turkey has long-standing relations with some other international
organisations like OECD, UN, NATO, WTO, IMF and World Bank, Turkey’s EU vision mainly lies
at the bottom of this structural homogenization and synchronization because the membership
of Turkey to EU is a process which directly changes Turkey’s laws and institutions and forces
Turkish people into adapting new legal and institutional environment.
Is IRPM controlled by western-based transnational companies? Are investment
opportunities seized by foreign companies in the market?
The imperialism theory assumes that states or markets and their globalisation processes are
controlled and managed either remotely from a Western country or from inside by Western
companies. Indeed, findings show that Turkey’s restructuring and internationalization process
is directly managed and monitored by the European Council in the context of Turkey’s full
membership negotiations with the EU. However, IRPM is a market which is controlled and
managed directly by local professionals from the beginning to the end; the management of
the market and its internationalization process have never passed to the control of any
Western state or any Western company.The government’s EU vision and governmental
initiatives towards the realisation of this vision stimulated IRPM’s first retail and property
professionals; local professionals considered EU reforms as an opportunity to grow and
Journal of
Global Analysis
restructure the Turkish property market with new modern laws and institutions. That’s why all
associations which were established by these professionals fully supported the government’s
EU vision. Local professionals gained a strong and a clear opinion about the future possible
structure of the Turkish property market because of the EU vision. Thanks to this strong and
clear opinion, local professionals who know the sophisticated structure of European property
markets very well found a chance to manage the internationalization process of IRPM. From
the beginning of the internationalization process, local professionals moved consciously,
knowing what they were doing and knowing the future final structure of IRPM. Associations
which were established by these professionals worked for the removal of IRPM’s traditional
legal and institutional structure and then for the installation of an efficient and organized
structure in IRPM. Local professionals considered that IRPM’s new structure might be very
similar to the structure of European cities’ property markets inevitably when Turkey became a
member of the EU. Through the attraction of foreign capital into IRPM, local professionals
aimed to realize the large-scale property development projects which they were planning in
Istanbul and Anatolia; aimed to be the first people to seize all investment opportunities in
IRPM; aimed to benefit as much as possible from the growth of the market; and more
importantly aimed to develop into global players.It is seen that local professionals managed
are much higher than the numbers of global players and their projects in Istanbul. In the last
thirty years, 90 of 116 shopping centres in Istanbul were developed by local companies.
Similarly, today, 113 local property companies display activity in the market while only 76
foreign property companies are active in IRPM. In short, the number of local property
companies is much higher than the number of foreign companies today in the market. Not
only in IRPM but in the Turkish property market, local players are more dominant than global
[foreign] players; global players could not achieve dominance over the market. Until today,
$35 billion has been invested in shopping centres in Turkey; $12 billion of this is foreign direct
investment (AYD, 2008). These numbers show that local players seized investment
opportunities much more than global players in the Turkish retail property market during the
internationalization process. More importantly, most of global companies which display activity
in IRPM have a local partner company with local finance capital. Local professionals
predominantly undertake managerial roles in the management of these both local-/globalcapital joint venture companies. In addition, local professionals work as managers in most of
global companies in Istanbul whose capital is solely foreign. This fact firstly shows that almost
all property development and investment decisions are still taken by local professionals in
IRPM even today. Thanks to local professionals’ active and organized behaviour, the control of
IRPM has remained in the hands of local players and the internationalization process has
resulted in local players’ favour. In other words, local players benefited from the growth of
IRPM much more than global players in the process.45
Global property companies that expect to seize all investment opportunities everywhere in the
world came to Istanbul. They seized shopping centre investment opportunities in this city,
sometimes alone and sometimes with the help of a local partner, and became sharers of
profitability in the market. This attitude of global players may be considered as ‘an imperialist
. Fo o e a d detailed i fo aio a out ho lo al a to s a aged the i te aio alizaio p o ess
of IRPM a d hat the gai ed at the e d, the list of lo al a d glo al a to s i IRPM, the t pes of lo alglo al elaio ships a d esou e t a sfe s et ee these a to s, please see Chapte Eight pages
i autho s PhD thesis.
U de sta di g the Natu e of Lo al-Glo al I te a io s i Ista
players over IRPM are felt strongly even today. The numbers of local players and their projects
ul s Retail P ope t Ma ket
this process in a planned and programmed way. The dominance and hegemony of local
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attempt’ from this perspective. However, findings show that the local -global interaction
process in IRPM may not easily be named ‘an absolute imperialist process’. Imperialists simply
consider that outsiders go to a locality, exploit local resources there and take profits to
another place (to their homeland); imperialists believe in a one-way utilization. However, in
the case of Istanbul, while Western companies were seizing shopping centre investment
opportunities and taking a share of the profitability of IRPM, at the same time they brought
some necessary resources to Istanbul. For example, global companies provided investment
capital, international shopping centre know-how, corporate management and research
systems as resources to the local players of IRPM. These were very necessary and important
resources for the growth and development of the sector, according to local players. Global
companies transferred their international experience to local market players through localglobal partnerships. More importantly, thanks to resource transfers from global to local, many
local companies expanded overseas and developed into global players in this process. In
summary, local players also benefited from global players and IRPM’s investment opportunities
have been exploited by both local and foreign companies in the process.
U de sta di g the Natu e of Lo al-Glo al I te a io s i Ista
ul s Retail P ope t Ma ket
Do flows in interactions progress as one-way which is only from global to local?
IRPM’s experience cannot easily be named a one-way globalisation process which is only from
global to local. The transition of Turkey’s economy from planned to liberal was a decision
taken by the Turkish government in order to make Turkey a part of the world economic
system. Turkey’s economic liberalization process was not started under external coercion by
the initiatives of Western states. Again, Turkey’s application to the European Union (EU) was
not enforced by the EU; this application was made as a consequence of the Turkish
government’s intensive initiatives and strong desire. Next, the involvement of the first global
companies in IRPM also occurred as a result of the intensive initiatives and strong desire of
local market players [For example, the involvement of the first hypermarket chain (Carrefour)
and the first supermarket chain (Swiss Migros); the involvement of the first property service
companies (Healey&Baker, DTZ); the involvement of the first property development and
investment companies (Corio N.V., Multi Corporation)]. Finally, most of associations associated
with IRPM were established by local players who wanted to modernize the market in a
Western style. It is clear that the Turkish government and local market players were actively
involved in the internationalization process of Turkey. This empiric shows that local players
have power to route the interaction process as much as global players.
Are there cooperation more than conflicts between local and global players in IRPM?
Some scholars assert that local and global entities conflict with each other, whilst some others
assert that they cooperate with each other. Findings show that local and global companies
cooperated with each other during IRPM’s internationalization process so partnerships rather
than conflicts were seen between local and global players in IRPM. For example, local
companies have established industrial partnerships with global companies, local associations
have admitted global players to membership, and local associations have established many
institutional partnerships with international associations. Most of local players saw the
existence of global players in the market as very valuable; so they invited them to Istanbul
through their associations with great insistence.Local companies expected to cooperate with
Journal of
Global Analysis
global companies under fair terms or wanted to compete with them in a fair and balanced way
in a free and well-structured market environment.
Does a separation like local and global in the market meaningless?
Findings show that after the beginning of interactions between local and global companies in a
property market, ‘local’ and ‘global’ concepts lose their meaning because global companies
have a potential to develop into local companies and local companies have a potential to
develop into global companies easily in a market. In other words, transformations from global
company to local and from local company to global are possible and very common in property
markets. For example, the establishment of new local companies by international companies
and the partial/full acquisition of local companies by international companies are examples of
the fast development of global companies into local companies in IRPM. Even though their
capital is foreign, these kinds of global companies are perceived as local companies in IRPM
because of their local partner companies or because of their local managers. Again, when a
local property service company starts to use the name of a global company as a franchise, this
local company with local capital is perceived as a foreign company. This study shows that local
advantages from looking like the other party. That effort is the main factor of the removal of
the local/global division in interaction processes.
Conclusion
This research shows that it is not possible to understand and explain the nature of local-global
interactions fully using only the perspective of one formulaic theory in IRPM because the
market has experienced a very unique internationalization process. It is found that interactions
began and progressed mainly from the hands of local actors more than global actors.
Nevertheless, a structural syncronization and homogenization has been experienced in IRPM.
Although western-based international companies were not very effective in the management
of the property market, the social structures of western modernity have strongly been
embraced by the local actors of IRPM. International companies were in an endeavour to seize
investment opportunities in the market but the Turkish government had power to control all
interactions occurring in its state boundaries. Findings also show that local actors preferred to
work and move together with global actors rather than being in conflict. This is because
cooperation provided varied benefits to both parties. Local-global partnerships between
property companies made local and global division meaningless in IRPM.
U de sta di g the Natu e of Lo al-Glo al I te a io s i Ista
local players in IRPM’s internationalization process. This is because both parties gain some
ul s Retail P ope t Ma ket
players had an effort to appear as global players and global players had an effort to appear as
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Global Analysis
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Norberg-Hodge, H., “Shifting direction: from global dependence to local interdependence”, J.
Mander & E. Goldsmith, (eds.) The Case against the Global Economy and For a Turn Towards
the local, San Francisco, CA, Sierra Club Books, 1996, p. 393-406.
Ogborn, M. Indian ink: script and print in the making of the English East India Company,
Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, 2007.
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U de sta di g the Natu e of Lo al-Glo al I te a io s i Ista
ul s Retail P ope t Ma ket
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Peet, R. Unholy trinity: The IMF, World Bank and WTO, London, Zed Books, 2003.
Petras, J., “Cultural Imperialism in the Late 20th Century”, Journal of Contemporary Asia,
Vol.23, No 2, 1993, p.139-148.
Pettman, R., “Anti-Globalisation Discources in Asia”, C. Eschle & B. Maiguashca, (eds.) Critical
Theories, International Relations and the Anti-Globalisation Movement, London, Routledge,
2005, p. 77-86.
Pieterse, J. N., Globalization or empire?, New York, Routledge, 2004.
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Robertson, R., Globalization: Social Theory and Global Culture, London, Sage, 1992.
Robertson, R., “Glocalization: Time–Space and Homogeneity–Heterogeneity”, M. Featherstone,
S. Lash & R. Robertson, (eds.) Global Modernities, London, Sage, 1995, p. 25-44.
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ul s Retail P ope t Ma ket
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July
4
Journal of
Global Analysis
Women Labour in Call Centres:
Understanding Characteristics of Work
By Gulten Dursun* & Hale Butun Bayram**
Abstract
This paper is concerned with the work experiences of women employees in infoservice-based offices as telephone call centres. Call centres have grown rapidly in
Turkey in recent years, creating a large number of new jobs. In particular, it is
concerned with the question of whether call centre jobs are offering women new
opportunities for career progression, or whether a more common bias is taking place
in which women are being drawn into highly routinized jobs. The collection of data
was carried out sourcing a heterogeneous plurality of instruments. Our research
confirms that work processes in call centres are close association of surveillance
technologies (technologic panoptican), exploitation and high levels of discipline, highly
repetitive and heavily monitored, and that the association with the assembly line and
Taylorism have dominated much of the rhetoric on call centres. In addition, we have
observed that, the structure of women’s employment in the call centre industry tends
to polarise.
Keywords:
Call
centres,
women
labour,
electronic
panopticon,
Taylorism,
characteristics of work
JEL: J81
Kocaeli University,
Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences, Turkey
E-mail:
[email protected]
Kocaeli University,
Golcuk Vocational School, Turkey
E-mail:
[email protected]
www.cesran.org
*
**
Gülten DURSUN is an Assistant Professor at Kocaeli University, Turkey focusing on economic growth
and foreign direct investment in Turkey. Her articles appeared in various journals, including
Marmara Journal of European Studies and The Journal of Knowledge Economy and Knowledge
Management.
Hale BUTUN BAYRAM is an Assistant Professor at Kocaeli University, Turkey focusing on statistical
analyses and management sciences. Her articles are published in various journals. His research
interests and publications are in the fields of critical studies in management. She is a Director of The
Department of Vehicle and Transportation Technologies.
Journal of Global Analysis
Vol. 4 | No. 1-2
July 2014
Jou al
of
Glo al
A al sis
Women Labour in Call Centres:
Understanding Characteristics of Work
Introduction
Call centres in Turkey have developed rapidly over the last fifteen years compared to many
other countries. Call centres provide an important source of employment for women in most of
the countries. They are defined as offices providing remote Telesales, telemarketing and
information services.1 At the beginning, the feminization of increasing employment with the
manufacturing industry has gradually expanded in the fields requiring mainly call centres and
A Case Stud of Chi a s Me
e ship of the Wo ld T ade O ga izaio : I pli aio s o So e eig t
data input along with the internationalization of the service sector. 2 The call centre business is
one that provides the services offered face to face in the past through telephone and
computer systems with the development of information and communication technologies since
the mid-1980s. The studies revealed that 70% of the total number of employees working in
call centres are women. This is because women have high social and emotional skills and they
work at low wages and have flexible hours, more women are employed in this field.
The lack of studies conducted in Turkey regarding the role and position of women in this
rapidly-growing sector is remarkable. This new service sector draws attention since it is seen
to focus on the “Taylorist” work method on one hand and “technological panopticon” on the
other hand, because of women’s status as “modern slaves”, their working conditions and their
being unorganized. This study aims to find evidence supporting this hypothesis. The basis of
study is to investigate characteristics of work for women call centre workers. More specifically,
this study addresses four main questions: Are call centres a new job process offering a career
opportunity to women? Or is it one of the highly routinized businesses? How does the
continuous supervision mechanism affect call centre employees? Do call centre employees
develop any type of resistance during this process? All these questions will be provided with
probable answers and some directions for future research will also be proposed.
The study has three parts. Following the discussion about “Taylorism”, and “Technological
Panopticon” work methods presented after the introduction part; the changing situation of the
service sector taking examples from call centre activities and women labour will be discussed,
and the analysis conducted will be presented. The findings will be evaluated in the concluding
part.
Approaches Towards Understanding Labour Processes in Call Centres
Call centres began to take place in the centre of the discussions related to economical
geography, labour markets, business organization and women studies in academic literature.
. Ra ald Ri ha dso a d J. Neill Ma shall, The G o th of Telepho e Call Ce t es i Pe iphe al A eas of
B itai : E ide e f o T e a d Wea , A ea, Vol. , No ,
, p.
.
. Ma ela Miozzo a d Lu Soete, I te aio alizaio of Se i es: A Te h ologi al Pe spe i e ,
Te h ologi al Fo e asi g a d So ial Cha ge, Vol. , No - ,
, p.
–
.
Journal of
Global Analysis
The Call centre sector is defined as one of the labour intensive sectors, of which most of its
employees are not qualified; also at the same time have low wages. Call centres mainly reflect
the approach of mass production to its customer services. 3 The main distinctive property of
such a study is that call activities of employees are monitored by a means of Automatic Call
Distributer (ACD) system during their working hours. This system determines the time at
which employees are included in the system and whether they make any calls when they are
in the system. It then allows for inbound calls or outbound calls to be routed to the first free
agent. Therefore, employees do not have a time break between two calls. All employees,
except those having a break are on the phone during their 8 hours of work. When this
situation tagged “low discretion, high commitment” is considered in terms of management
strategies, it indicates tension arising from a conflict between service quality and efficiency
provided for customers. This tension between control and loyalty has been the issue of various
studies regarding call centre practices.
the labour processes evident in call centres. 5 Panopticon, which was suggested as an ideal
prison model by Jeremy Bentham, a philosopher, 200 years ago, was then named by Foucault,
a historian/philosopher as “a cruel, ingenious cage”.6 Foucault defines it as an instrument of
disciplinary application and a means of defining power relations in daily life. According to
Fernie and Metcalf, Bentham’s Panopticon model showed by Foucault for the workplace
application is an archetypical organization for call centres.7 With regard to these authors, the
employees under continuous surveillance in call centres carry out their duty without external
pressure even if they are not monitored after a while, since they think they are being
monitored.8
Electronic panopticon is the internalization of power relations and the fulfilment of behavioural
rules determined by employers without any pressure. Employees know that they are
continuously monitored just as it is in panopticon type prison. All transactions carried out
through the ACD system can be electronically observed in details and recorded. Fernie and
Metcalf argue that perfection in the management processes will be provided and performance
evaluation can be carried out via computer surveillance monitors. 9 Electronic panopticon
provides call centre managers with “full control”.10 Such a full control mechanism is important
. Rose a Bat, Wo k O ga izaio , Te h olog , a d Pe fo a e i Custo e Se i e a d Sales ,
I dust ial a d La o Relaio s Re ie , Vol , No ,
, p.
; Mae e Houliha , Te sio s a d
Va iaio s i Call Ce t e Ma age e t St ategies , Hu a Resou e Ma age e t Jou al, Vol. , No
,
, p. - .
. Be tha e isio ed the Pa opi o as o sisi g of a e t al at hto e su ou ded
a i ula
o of ells pe a e tl e posed to the u see i spe to i his lodge Af ouz Ya i a d Shah a
Af ougheh, F a z Kaka s The Castle: A Fou aulia Readi g , I te aio al Jou al of Lite atu e a d
A ts, Vol. , No ,
, p. - ; a d fo a detailed des ipio of the Pa opi o , see Ja et Se ple,
Be tha s P iso : A Stud of the Pa opi o Pe ite ia , Cla e do P ess,
.
. Sue Fe ie a d Da id Met alf, (Not Ha gi g o the Telepho e: Pa e t S ste s i the Ne
S eatshops , Ce t e fo E o o i Pe fo a e Lo do S hool of E o o i s a d Polii al S ie e WP,
No
,
, p. .
. Mi hel Fou ault, Dis ipli e a d Pu ish: The Bi th of the P iso , Ha o ds o th, Pe gui ,
.
. Sue Fe ie a d Da id Met alf, op. it.
. I id.
. Sue Fe ie a d Da id Met alf, op. it., p. .
. Sue Fe ie a d Da id Met alf, Ri k Do t Lose That Nu e ….Pa e t S ste s, Mo ito i g S ste s,
Mo ito i g a d Pe fo a e i Call Ce t es , Ce t e fo E o o i Pe fo a e, Lo do S hool of
E o o i s WP, No
,
, p. .
A Case Stud of Chi a s Me
The concept of “Electronic Panopticon”4 was first used by Fernie and Metcalf while evaluating
e ship of the Wo ld T ade O ga izaio : I pli aio s o So e eig t
“Electronic Panopticon” Approach to Call Centres
Journal of
Global Analysis
in terms of economical performance of these call centres. Bain and Taylor criticize the
approach of “electronic panopticon” from two aspects.11 Firstly, this approach suggests an
insufficient framework with regard to the simplification of labour processes in call centres.
Secondly, this approach underestimates a possible potential to resist and even make a
possible resistance impossible due to “full control”.
“Taylorist” Approach to Call Centres
Taylorism resulted from the works of “scientific revolution” in the capitalist production
organization conducted by Frederick Taylor in USA in the early 20 th century. Taylor, with an
approach he developed in his work titled “Principles of Scientific Management” in 1911, had an
influence on the organization and control of capitalism during the labour process. Taylorism
provides a structure aiming to establish a performance-based wage system, and eliminate all
the elements causing loss of time by increasing work division in production and an increased
work performance. In other words, the basic factors of cognitive management include division
A Case Stud of Chi a s Me
e ship of the Wo ld T ade O ga izaio : I pli aio s o So e eig t
of work units, standardization and increasing productivity.
According to Taylor, an employee’s greatest obstacle is “natural laziness”. More importantly, it
is the process of “systematic soldiering” which is a conscious behaviour carried out by
employees, thereby trying to hide the actual duration of their work. 12 Taylor argues that what
lies behind these behaviours of employees is the thought of a conflicting interest with their
employers, but both parties would be able to gain the highest possible profit with the
implementation of the “principles of scientific management”.13 As for the control issue, it was
argued that a good management must be able to dictate to its employees the best possible
means of carrying out their tasks.
The call centre business in existing literatures is defined as a combination of Taylorism,
emotional labour and supervision mechanism.14 At the same time, call centres which includes
a new style in customer relations are known as stressful workplaces due to information
technology.15 Many researchers indicated that the thesis stating Taylorism as a type of
production organization had important resources which explain labour processes in call
centres.16 Accordingly, “labour processes in call centres represent a new development in the
Taylorisation process of the white collars”.17 When the nature of work type is properly
examined, the labour supervision style Taylorism describes to be valid. When a typical call
centre employee logs into the system, he/she is identified by the system and starts to work
and gets 30 calls per hour on average. An important point here is the control of employees’
. Pete Bai a d Phil Ta lo , E t apped
the Ele t o i Pa opi o Wo ke Resista e i the Call
Ce t e , Ne Te h olog , Wo k a d E plo e t, Vol , No ,
, p. - .
. F ede i k W. Ta lo , Shop Ma age e t, Ne Yo k a d Lo do : Ha pe &B othe s&Pu lishe s,
, p.
- .
. F ede i k W. Ta lo , The P i iples of S ie ii Ma age e t, Fi e Ediio , USA: G ee ood P ess,
, p. .
. J. Wi kha a d G. Colli s, The Call Ce t e: A Nu se fo Ne Fo s of Wo k O ga isaio ? , The
Se i es I dust Jou al, Vol. , No ,
, p. - .
. Fe ie a d Met alf,
, Op. it.
. Glo ia La kshea et al., Call Ce t e E plo ees Respo ses to Ele t o i Mo ito i g: So e Resea h
Fi di gs , Wo k, E plo e t a d So iet , Vol. , No ,
, p.
; Mi hael Fishe , The C isis
of Ci il Se i e T ade U io is : A Case Stud of Call Ce t e De elop e t , Wo k, E plo e t a d
So iet , Vol. , No ,
, p.
; Phil Ta lo a d Pete Bai , A Asse l Li e i the Head :
Wo k a d E plo ee Relaio s i the Call Ce t e , I dust ial Relaio s Jou al, Vol. , No ,
, p.
; Pete Bai et al., Ta lo is , Ta gets a d the Pu suit of Qua it a d Qualit
Call Ce t e
Ma age e t , Ne Te h olog , Wo k a d E plo e t, Vol. , No ,
, p.
- .
. Pete Bai at al. Op. it., p.
.
Journal of
Global Analysis
work rhythms, the people they talk to, the words they use during the calls and their break
times by the ACD system. In this sense, call centres “with major reference to management in
the past, explains the final point of efforts casted while separating work units.”18 The ACD
System allows for inbound or outbound calls to be routed to the first free agent. Employees do
not have a time of rest between two calls. Therefore, they are on the phone during their 8
hours of work all thanks to the ACD system. Another characteristic of the ACD system is the
standardization of the content of the phone calls. When the employees have a call or make a
call, they enter the necessary information found on their screen in the standardized phone
calls.
The division of job into small pieces, standardization of the procedures and supervision
process in the call centres provide an advantage. By making the procedures simpler, the
management eliminates the burdens such as qualified staff recruitments and in-service
trainings. However, high employment circulation is an acceptable situation due to difficult
One of the issues reflecting the basic characteristic of today’s knowledge-based society is the
feminization of labour force. Capitalist production needs more cognitive capacity and brain
power (mass intelligence) when compared to the past. Money, information and people move
around the world very fast.19 Harvey expresses this situation as “time and place compression”
whereas McDowell20 says “factories, goods and labour seemed to have melted into air or,
more prosaically, into the glass fiber cables of telecommunication.” The nature of Post-Fordist
study prefers a big skill pool (non-manual skills) and women labour flexibility. In fact,
“workforces are offered up to the international capitalist as educated, liable and compliant
‘social capital”.21 For example, one reason for the feminization of labour in England in 1980s
was the belief that women had the social skills required by the employers in the service-based
economy.22 Particularly, “interactive services” are major fields that require face to face or voice
communication with people. The main point to be emphasized is that these services are the
ones that require expertise and the principles of the Taylorist method are used.
Call centres became feminized from the beginning as a new style of workplace during the
change in service processes. The evidence obtained by means of the qualitative method show
that most of the employees in this sector are women and this situation is not coincidental. 23 It
is due to a conscious recruitment strategy. It is assumed that social and communicative skills
women have can be used to manage the labour process. Behavioural characteristics such as
patience, empathy and emotional labour are more natural characteristics of women as against
that of men.24 De-skilled Tayloristic factory conditions of the business organization which is
. Ja es Wi kha a d G ái e Colli s (
, The Call Ce t e: A Nu se fo Ne Fo s of Wo k
O ga isaio ? , The Se i es I dust Jou al, Vol. , No , p. .
. Da id Ha e , The Co diio of Post ode it , Bla k ell Pu ,
, p.
.
. Li da M Do ell, Capital Cultu e, Ge de at Wo k i the Cit , Bla k ell Pu .,
, p. .
. Ro aldo Mu k, Glo alizaio a d La ou : The Ne G eat T a sfo aio , )ed Books,
, p. .
. Vi ki Belt et al., Wo e , So ial Skill a d I te a i e Se i e Wo k i Telepho e Call Ce t es , Ne
Te h olog , Wo k a d E plo e t, Vol. , No ,
, p. - .
. Vi ki Belt, A Fe ale Gheto? Wo e s Ca ee s i Call Ce t es , Hu a Resou e Ma age e t
Jou al, Vol. , No ,
, p. - .
A Case Stud of Chi a s Me
Call Centres and Gender
e ship of the Wo ld T ade O ga izaio : I pli aio s o So e eig t
working conditions.
Journal of
Global Analysis
fully monitored were first used conceptually by Stanworth.25 Labour turnover in this sector is
quite high and women are able to transfer the natural skills they have. Qualifications like time
management, multiple business order, international business experience, communication,
performances in mutual interviews are among the transferable experiences. Women face a lot
of obstacles in progressing in their careers except for being a team leader. Vicki Belt said that
call centres, one of the businesses using information and communication technologies in the
service sector, changed into a “female ghetto”.26 According to Kumar, “As far as Taylorism
remains the master principle, information technology has a greater
proletarianization rather than professionalization”.27
potential for
Call Centres Profile and Employment in Turkey
It is estimated that the number of call centres in Turkey in 2011 increased at a rate of 4%
approaching 1100 when compared to the previous year. 23% of this increase evolved from an
increase in the number of outsourcing service providers. The most important factor affecting
A Case Stud of Chi a s Me
e ship of the Wo ld T ade O ga izaio : I pli aio s o So e eig t
this increase apart from the company’s merger in outsourcing call centres is the newlyestablished outsourcing call centres’ growth rate (by increasing the number of seats and by
making investments).28 When the sectoral distribution is considered, it is seen that the biggest
share belongs to the sector of wholesale and retail sales. Additionally, one of the fields with
the most important increase is public services. The number of call centres in the public sector
showed an increase at a rate of 31% when compared to the total number of call centres, and
it is estimated that in 2012, it increased from 3.2% to 4.1%.29
When the gender distribution of call centres is considered, 70 % of its total employment is
constituted by women. A decrease is seen regarding the age distribution when compared to
the previous years. Accordingly, the number of employees aged between 25-29 and 30+ has
decreased, whereas there has been a 77% increase between the ages 18-24. Especially the
economic slowdown in the world caused a decrease in the age of young population to start
working.30
Research Methodology
The analyses are based on a field study of 38 call centre employees from various companies
located in İstanbul, Kocaeli and Erzincan. This research included face-to-face interviews with
call centre employees and one call centre manager in an insurance company. The interviews
focused on work organisation, skills and involved call centres in a range of industry sectors,
including financial services, banking, and telecommunications. Call centres in the public sector
. Vi ki Belt, Op it.; Vi ki Belt at al., Op. it.; Susa Du i , Ge de , Skills a d Ca ee s i UK Call Ce t es
pp.
i Bu gess, Joh a d Co ell, Julia (eds , De elop e ts i The Call Ce t e I dust :
A al sis, Cha ges a d Challe ges, Lo do : Routledge,
; Kate Mulholla d, Ge de , E oio al
La ou a d Tea
o ki g i a Call Ce t e , Pe so el Re ie , Vol. , No ,
, p.
.
. S. Sta o th, Wo e a d Wo k i the I fo aio Age , Ge de , Wo k a d O ga izaio , Vol. , No
,
, p. .
. Vi ki Belt, Op. it.
. K isha Ku a , F o Post-I dust ial to Post-Mode So iet : Ne Theo ies of the Co te po a
Wo ld, O fo d: Bla k ell,
, p. .
. NeT Resea h, Tu ke Call Ce t es Ma ket
, NeT Resea h Repo t,
.
. IMI Co fe e es,
Tu ke Call Ce t es Resea h Repo t, htp://
. all e t elife. o .t /?
p=
&la g=t (A essed Ja ua
. Vodasot, Tu ke Call Ce t es Su
a Repo t,
.
htp://
. odasot. o .t /spage.php?p
=
&p
=
&p
=
(A essed De e e
Journal of
Global Analysis
have also been studied. The data reported were collected over a period of three months
between October 2012 and December 2012. Each interview was scheduled for thirty-five
minutes with the longest interview exceeding sixty minutes.
The paper also draws on the results of a detailed study of the nature of work and women
employment in call centres. The collection of data was carried out by insourcing and
outsourcing a heterogeneous plurality of instruments. The case study organizations were
chosen to include examples of “good practice” in the employment of women (in terms of
training, working conditions and career opportunities), and were selected after a thorough
research of documentary evidence and interviews with industry agents. The case studies
involved a survey application and face-to-face interviews with call centre employees. Extensive
documentary evidence has also been collected, including literatures and publications by
industry specialists. Sample size is relatively low (38) because it is very difficult to come in
contact with call centre workers due to the working conditions in their workplace. For this
reason, this study was examined using known friends as a means of getting across to other
When we investigate the sectoral distribution of the people working in call centres, we see that
47.4 % work in finance, communication, banking and insurance companies; 28% in public
institutions, 7.9 % in communications, and 15.8 % in other sectors such as food, white goods,
etc. The demographic information of 38 participants is presented in Table 1. The average age
of the participant is 26.
Table 1: The dem ographic inform ation of participants
N
Se
Edu aio
Ma ital Status
Wo k E pe ie e
Fe ale
Male
Ele e ta
High S hool
G aduate
G aduate Stude t
.
.
.
.
.
.
Si gle
Ma ied
Di o ed
No e
ea <
- ea <
- ea <
.
.
Wo ki g Ti e i Call Ce t es
O upaio
%
ea <
ea <
ea <
ea <
I ou d
Out ou d
Othe
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
A Case Stud of Chi a s Me
The General Profile of Call Centres as Part of the Research
e ship of the Wo ld T ade O ga izaio : I pli aio s o So e eig t
call centre workers.
Journal of
Global Analysis
65.8 % of participants in this study were female. This rate is consistent with the fact that 70
% of call centre workers in Turkey are female and 47 % are university graduates. Also, that
18.4% of university students work in the call centre sector shows that there exists an increase
in the sector’s need for highly qualified staff. The boom in the call centre sector in recent
years also makes the sector highly competitive so it is understood that women and men
having a university degree are preferred. 50 % of the workers are single and 47.4 are
married. 63 % have a work experience of less than three years. It is also seen that most of
them have some work experience and this makes them preferred by the call centre managers.
It is a known fact that there is a really high amount of labour turnover in call centres. Our
survey results confirm this fact. 23.7 % of these call centre workers have worked or been
working in the sector for less than a year and 42.1 % between one or three years. The
percentage of people working for the sector for more than five years is 23.7 %. This rate
results from the public sector’s call centre workers included in our study. Almost all of the
people in this rate work for the public sector. In Turkey, people have more chance of security
in the public sector than in private ones. About 60% of call centre workers included in this
A Case Stud of Chi a s Me
e ship of the Wo ld T ade O ga izaio : I pli aio s o So e eig t
study handle inbound calls. The inbound customer service is a kind of support service where
the calls are handled, the scripts are followed and the length of speech is controlled strictly. 21
% of the participants chose the outbound customer service option and 21 % chose the other
option (post-sales services etc.) in the survey. Outbound customer service is a kind of service
making outbond calls where you don’t have to follow the script strictly, and there are more
flexible talking times.
When we look at the daily working hours, we see that 52% of the workers work for 6-8 hours
a day, 34 % work for 9 hours or more, 13% of them, especially the part-time workers, work
for 4-5 hours a day. It is understood that the wages of call centre employees, whose working
conditions are quite difficult, are not satisfying. Only 44.7% of the employees get $800 and
over, 47.7% of them get a salary varying between $400 - $800, 7.9% get less than $400.
When we look at the sector in general, more than half of them pay a salary of less than $800.
The wage system is usually based on performance. While she was evaluating the performance
system, a manager of a call centre in the insurance sector said these:
Telephone calls made by operators during the control period are evaluated as part of
the accepted call centre criteria. After these evaluations, they have the right to get
extra monthly or annual wages. The criteria such as the quality of the call, the number
of incoming/outgoing calls, the period of the calls, the period of answering a call, the
rate of missing calls are the basis of the salary (A female call centre manager).
Another finding is that 68.4% of call centre employees find their social rights adequate. 31.6%
of the employees think that their social rights are not adequate and their main reasons are
getting low salaries or wages and the limited coverage of their private health insurance. That
most of the participants find their social rights adequate results from the fact that most of
them work full time and at insourcing call centres. Especially the part-time employees of the
outsourcing call centre firms express that their rights are violated mostly because they do not
have social security. 92.1% of the participants work full time. It is a new phenomenon for call
centres to have full-time employees instead of part-time ones. Mitial Research puts forward
few reasons for the change in the nature of part-time labour.31 First of all, the labour market
. Miial, Eu opea Lo aio Stud : Call Ce t es i
Nethe la ds, Miial Resea h: Lo do ,
.
the UK, Repu li of I ela d, Belgiu
a d the
Journal of
Global Analysis
boom after 1990 meant that less number of people are ready for part-time jobs. Secondly, due
to the high rate of labour turnover in call centre industry, the employers have to pay more
wages per hour in order to keep their staff. Thirdly, education costs and other human capital
investments can become more effective with full time employment. It is also possible to add a
fourth reason. In an interview we had with a call centre manager, we realized that they think
“full time employees have a higher performance in terms of efficiency”. The outsourcing
service providers in Turkey are really new (23%), and especially when it is taken into
consideration that the employees in this sector work part-time, it seems quite reasonable that
this rate turns out to be low (7.9%).
Work environment in call centres can cause work-related stress. Possible risk factors for stress
can arise from either work content or work context. When we investigated the physical and
psychosocial risk factors in call centres, we couldn’t categorize them as most of them chose
more than one option. It is seen that they mostly complain of depression, gastritis,
straightening of cervical spine, and herniated discs. Physical problems such hearing loss, vocal
cords, dizziness, musculoskeletal disorders, obesity were also present. Psychological problems
respect to the survey and face-to-face interviews, we see that they are mostly women,
educated and they usually work for 8 hours or more. Except the ones in the public sector they
also have less than three years of work experience; they find their social rights adequate, but
generally have stress and physical illnesses and ask for better working conditions.
The Organization of Call Centre Work and Women Labour
In this study we have conducted about call centres, we have determined the fact that all the
organizational structure of business is based on increasing automation and monitoring.
Surveillance systems and technologies are the central parts of ‘late capitalism’ or information
age capitalism. ACDS (automated call distribution system), which is used in call centres, is
applied to all business processes. “At the heart of every call centre is the (ACDS). The ACDS
receives customer calls and automatically routes them to the appropriate agent, in line with a
set of programmed instructions. The ACDS is connected to a range of databases, in what is
known as Computer Telephony Integration (CTI). With CTI, not only is the call automatically
transmitted to the agent, but so too are the records of the customer, often along with a
flashing message instructing the agent to try and sell a particular product during the call,
based on a computer generated individual customer profile”.32
During our study, we realized that in general they are uncomfortable with this system. For
example, in the inbound service study done in a call centre in the white goods sector, the
computer gives just a five seconds break between two calls. A master’s degree student
working in this sector says that:
98 talks out of 100 should be positive. When you fall below this limit, they give you a
written warning. If this happens a second time, they make you redundant/lay you off.
The quality control specialists constantly record and then listen to your calls. There is a
very tight control. I have no career expectations in this sector (A male call centre
agent).
. R. Ri ha dso at al., Taki g Calls to Ne
Ce t es , Regio al Studies, Vol. , No ,
astle: The Regio al I pli aio
, p.
.
of the G o th i
Call
A Case Stud of Chi a s Me
As a result, when we look at the general profile of the employees working in the sector with
e ship of the Wo ld T ade O ga izaio : I pli aio s o So e eig t
included disruption in social life, sleep disturbances, mental stress and anxiety.
Journal of
Global Analysis
One of the issues they are most uncomfortable with is that the breaks are too short to even
meet their personal needs (10 minutes in every two hours or in some places only 20 minutes a
day). There are no breaks in between two calls and the job becomes a routine so the staffs
have the opinion that after some time they feel terribly fed up. On the other hand, it is in our
findings that the record of talks in call centres does not bother 94 % of the employees. We
think this situation shows that the employees are non-resistant to power without a request
from it. It is understood that the managers try hard to convince the employees that they have
control and monitoring not because they want to give harm to the employees but because
they use it for benefit, profits and efficiency. The employees see this situation as the necessity
of the job itself, but prefer more flexible working conditions where they can be more creative
about the frequency, time and content of the telephone calls and where there are breaks
between two calls. A university student carrying out a telephone survey on the control of talk
times says these:
One of the issues that really drove me crazy was our supervisor standing beside us
and constantly showing the time and putting pressure on us in order to make us
A Case Stud of Chi a s Me
e ship of the Wo ld T ade O ga izaio : I pli aio s o So e eig t
complete the survey while we were having extremely high-level conversations with the
finance managers of several companies. We were getting warnings from them, but
they also immediately came close to us when we exceeded the time limit of thirty
minutes, and this was a factor that really stressed me out. Throughout the day, we
had to fill in at least 20 questionnaires and the maximum time limit was 30 minutes.
...Once I encountered my ex-boyfriend, I had just started work and I had to do that
survey. Of course he realized that it was me from the tone of my voice and I felt
terrible. But still I think that this is a good job for students. Instead of doing surveys in
the street, despite all its negativities I prefer sitting in a warm office (A female call
centre agent).
As it is seen, both in inbound and outbound calls, besides recording calls in terms of security
or reliance of the customers, the application of a strict system such as dependence on the full
text and control of talk time puts pressure on the employees. According to a master’s degree
student who worked in a call centre for a very short time and quitted afterwards as she
couldn’t stand this stressful pace:
Knowing that you’re constantly being listened to causes so much stress as you try
hard not to make sentences other than the ones the management wants you to say.
Also, I haven’t encountered even one woman customer so far. Male employees had
women customers and women employees had male customers and although the
management tried hard to convince us that this was definitely coincidental, none of
the employees believed it. Some of us even got unprincipled offers. In such situations,
we had to say “If you continue to speak like this, I will have to end the call” three
times and we couldn’t do anything else. This situation was really not bearable (A
female call centre agent).
When it is evaluated from the point of the call centre management, according to the woman
manager we interviewed:
By means of this software used, both the performance of the call centre is measured
and these data are used while planning for the future. Also, through the reports taken
from this software, the defective parts are determined and some precautions can be
taken to improve them (A female call centre manager).
Journal of
Global Analysis
In conclusion, by means of ACD system, call centre employees, in the changing nature of call
centre work organization, do not have, in this new system, the “relative initiative” said to have
been given to the workers before. The main points such as the frequency, time and content of
the telephone calls, and when the breaks will be taken have been made automatic.
The Nature of Call Centre Work and Women
When the nature of call centre work is taken into consideration, it is seen that the main
problem of the working women is the workload and its being limited and repetitive. The
repetition of standard sentences is one of the internal control methods as it makes the
internalization of company values and creating a customer-oriented work environment easy. 33
Even though the education (based on repetition) they get sometimes provokes resistance,
generally it is not individual. Individual resistance was most commonly seen among the
workers in outsourcing companies. Some examples of this kind of resistance are “speaking
reluctantly” or “extending the break”. Also, the tension they feel during their talks with the
We are expected to be cheerful at all times; however, after a tense talk with a
customer, we have so much difficulty in continuing this way. We have to continue
working this way because the recordings are being listened to at the end of the day
and the number of calls we get an hour is calculated. This becomes a criterion in the
assessment of performance. …They even interfere with our personal lives just to make
sure our performance is not affected negatively. They contact the families of the
employees. It seems that the belief that the problems in our personal lives might in
the end affect both our patience and dialogue with the customers makes these
interventions necessary. However, this situation puts us under more pressure (A
female call centre agent).
As it is all around the world, the most common feature of employees working in call centres in
Turkey is that most of them are women. In the interviews we have had, it seemed that the
most important factor for this situation is women having a non-threatening tone of voice and
behaviour in customer services. The answer we got from a manager to the questions “Why are
there lots of women employees in this sector? Are you planning a career for them?” was as
follows:
The main reason why there are so many women employees in this sector is that they
express themselves more comfortably. Due to their gender, women customer agents
are more advantageous in complaint management issues than men. In career
planning, gender discrimination is out of the question. All our employees can equally
benefit from the career opportunities given to them (A female manager in the
insurance sector).
Nearly all of the participants have the opinion that women are preferred due to some reasons
such as their tone of voice, being patient, ability of persuasion and diction. Besides all of these
reasons, one participant voiced his criticism about the tone of voice by emphasizing that it is a
stereotyped idea. Another agent mentioned the fact that women are “more manageable”. In a
. Rafaella Valse hi, Visi le Mo es a d I isi le Bodies: The Case of Tele o ki g i a Italia Call
Ce t e , Ne Te h olog , Wo k a d E plo e t, Vol. , No ,
, p.
.
A Case Stud of Chi a s Me
expresses:
e ship of the Wo ld T ade O ga izaio : I pli aio s o So e eig t
customers has an important role in increasing their stress at work. As one of the agents
Journal of
Global Analysis
brief note, women are preferred because of their inborn characteristics. To Holman et al.,
women are more trustworthy and better at using the keyboard. 34 According to a call centre
employee:
Most of the employees at our workplace are women. It is believed that women have a
more effective tone of voice. Even if it is not clearly expressed, there is also the
opinion and presupposition that ‘men would rather talk to women agents’ (Male call
centre agent).
This situation shows that the women labourers in call centres are always subject to “control
devices based on gender”. In other words, with a gender mainstreaming approach, it comes
into question that some traits of women such as sentimentalism, passiveness, philanthropy,
servility and naivety can be used as a control device. Thus, it is quite obvious why women
agents are generally preferred mostly by the employers. Today the nature of call centre work
involves traits such as ‘knowledge and skills’, ‘not worrying about customer requests’, ‘service
friendliness’, ‘being hard-working’ and ‘embracing the job’. The personal feelings of the
A Case Stud of Chi a s Me
e ship of the Wo ld T ade O ga izaio : I pli aio s o So e eig t
employees have now become a part of the service they provide. 35 “Affective labour is labour
that produces or processes feelings such as well-being, sensation, excitement or passion, etc.
…. different from the traditional mental labour, this labour category is seen as a component of
capital”.36
Skill and Career Progression for Women
One of the issues we have dealt with in our research is whether women can progress in their
careers in call centres. Although call centres are technology intensive places, most call centre
employers have the opinion that their staffs don’t need to have detailed technological
knowledge or ability.37 There is only a need for agents specialized in after sales technical
support. What the others need to have is the ‘soft skills’ such as communication, customer
relations and teamwork.
In this regard, 55.3% of the participants said ‘No’, whereas 44.7% said ‘Yes’ when they were
asked if there had been any job, authority or level changes in their positions/duties. This
situation shows that there are limited opportunities for the employees who want to build a
career in the call centre sector. The call centre hierarchy has four levels: agents, team leaders,
supervisors and managers. According to the study we conducted, the vacant positions are
usually for the call centre agents. As a call centre employee says, for instance:
I have a good command of English. However, I cannot use it in any way. I am at the
complaint management department now. The only thing I want is to work in the sales
department. For now, it seems impossible. I already encountered much difficulty in
finding this job. I neither have time nor energy searching for another job (Female call
centre agent).
The few people who have career chances can become a team leader or a supervisor. And in
their career plan, they usually want to become a ‘manager’ or a ‘call centre instructor’. They
. Da id Hol a et al., The Glo al Call Ce t e Repo t: I te aio al Pe spe i es o Ma age e t a d
E plo e t, Repo t of the Glo al Ce t e Net o k,
.
.il . o ell.edu/glo al all e t e/.../GC
(A essed De e e
. A şe Akalı , Du gula ı e Du gula ı sal E ek Üze i e Notla , Bi iki , No.
,
, p.
.
. Haluk Yu tse e , Kapitaliz i Sı ı la ı e Toplu sal P olete a, İsta ul: Yo da Kitap,
, p.
.
. Ra ald Ri ha dso et al., Taki g Calls to Ne astle: The Regio al I pli aio of the G o th i Call
Ce t es , Regio al Studies, Vol. , No ,
, p.
.
Journal of
Global Analysis
also emphasized that the company itself needs to build a career plan for them. This situation
leads to a polarization between the ones working at the lowest level of the hierarchy and the
ones who are on a higher level with their status and income.
Conclusion
The call centres provide a lot of job opportunities for women. But the findings of this study
give support to studies indicating that call centres are the contemporary incarnation of the
principles of scientific management developed by Taylor. The study we have documented here
has several important implications on our understanding of women labour in call centres.
Consequently, women labour has become the predominant factor of call centres both in public
and private sectors. In other words, the call centres work has gained a sector character where
labour is popularised, has become unqualified and where women labour is predominant.
Especially, we realised that in lower-skilled call centres, part-time work plays a crucial part in
the gendering of flexibility. That is to say, women labour in the call centre industry are
contexts. Our first finding is about the full time insourcing labour. In sectors such as
insurance, finance and banking, the institutionalized company employees do not have any idea
or efforts towards individual or mass resistance at all. The biggest factor for this can be that,
on one hand, they have social security and on the other hand, they work full time and their
relative income is high. In outsourcing labour, however, we have observed that there are
individual and mass strike actions. Working relatively part time, insecurely, under too much
supervision and monitoring, and having a low relative income are the most important reasons
for this resistance. It is also remarkable that this resistance does not have the characteristics
of the ones claiming union rights. It is possible to say that the existing control and supervision
mechanisms in call centres obviously show the characteristics of the ‘panopticon’ approach
that Foucault expressed. However, the problem here is the assumption that the resistance is
impossible. As Callaghan and Thompson mentioned, despite the strict monitoring and
supervision mechanism coupled with the bureaucratic control style in call centres, it is possible
to have a resistance.38 Therefore, the ‘technological panoptican’ approach can be used as an
assisting metaphor in explaining the existing monitoring and control style in call centres. This
point of view seems important in appreciating the reality experienced.
In our study, monitoring, having face-to-face and thorough interviews instead of having a
survey greatly assisted in understanding the nature of women labour in call centres. It is
understood that ‘Taylorism’ is an important approach in explaining the nature of women labour
in call centres. It is seen that Taylorism is a dominant approach in the tendencies to simplify,
standardize the job and make it unqualified. Call centres, in this respect, are a modern symbol
of scientific management. As Alfred Sohn-Rethel expresses “Labour in Taylorism is the human
labour that has turned into a technological mass; it is homogeneous with machines, can
directly be applied to machines, a part of it can easily be or completely turned into a
machine.”39 Here, labour doesn’t only go under the dominance of capital in terms of the
. G. Callagha a d P. Tho pso , Ed a ds Re isited: Te h i al a d Call Ce t es , E o o i a d
I dust ial De o a , Vol. , No ,
, p. .
. Alf ed Soh -Rethel, )ihi E eği Kol E eği, Episte oloji Eleşi isi I telle tual a d Ma ual La ou A
C ii ue of Episte olog , İsta ul: Meis Ya .,
[
], p.
.
A Case Stud of Chi a s Me
Our finding gives the idea that the criticism of Bain and Taylor needs to be evaluated in two
e ship of the Wo ld T ade O ga izaio : I pli aio s o So e eig t
working longer hours, earning lower wages and are employed in a disorganized sector.
Journal of
Global Analysis
economy but it also becomes dependent on capital that is, physically and technologically.
According to Kumar, “as long as Taylorism remains the master principle, information
technology has a greater potential for proletarianization rather than professionalization.”40
Within this period, preferring a better educated woman labour in call centres is really only
consistent with their getting a limited career opportunity. Finally, in understanding the nature
of labour, especially women labour in call centres, the ‘electronic panopticon’ and ‘Taylorism’
approaches should be addressed together. It is hoped that this study can also enhance a
proper understanding of the work processes that produce patterns of stress.
Our results suggest that in order to improve working conditions, job demands should be
reduced and break at work lengthened. The responsibility of the call centres is to provide a
career opportunity, job security and job satisfaction in the workplace. Stress management
programmes can help to sustain a stress free workplace environment in call centres. Above all
A Case Stud of Chi a s Me
e ship of the Wo ld T ade O ga izaio : I pli aio s o So e eig t
we should recognize the fact that call centre workers are also a part of the working class.
. K isha Ku a , Op. it., p.
.
Journal of
Global Analysis
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Editorial Board
Prof. the Baroness Haleh Afshar, University of York , UK | Prof. Bruce Baker, Coventry University, UK |
Dr Richard Bowd, UN DP , Nepal | Prof. Ntuda Ebode, University of Yaounde II, Cameroon | Prof. Scott Gates,
PRIO, Norway | Dr Antonio Giustozzi, London School of Economics, UK | Dr Cathy Gormley-Heenan, University of
Ulster, UK | Prof. Paul Gready, University of York, UK | Prof. Fen Hampson, Carleton University, Canada | Prof.
Mohammed Hamza, Lund University, Sw eden | Prof. Alice Hills, University of Leeds | Dr Maria Holt,
University of Westminster, UK | Prof. Alan Hunter , Coventry University, UK | Dr Tim Jacoby, University of
Manchester, UK | Dr Khalid Khoser, Geneva Centre for Security Policy, Switzerland | Dr William Lume, South Bank
University, UK | Dr Roger Mac Ginty, St Andrews' University, UK | Mr Rae Mac Grath, Save the Children UK Somalia |
Prof. Mansoob Murshed, I SS, The N etherlands | Dr Wale Osofisan, Help Age I nternational, UK | Dr
Mark Pelling, K ing's College, UK | Prof. Mike Pugh, University of Bradford, UK | Mr Gianni Rufini,
Freelance Consultant, Italy | Dr Mark Sedra, Centre for Int. Governance Innovation, Canada | Dr Emanuele
Sommario, Scuola Superiore Sant’Anna, Italy | Dr Hans Skotte, Trondheim University, Norway | Dr Arne Strand,
CMI, Norway | Dr Shahrbanou Tadjbakhsh, University of Po, France | Dr. Mandy Turner, University of Bradford, UK |
Prof. Roger Zetter, University of Ox ford, UK
CESRAN Papers
CESRAN Papers | No: 6 | November 2011
FREE CORSICA! A Study of Contemporary Chinese Nationalism
By James Pearson
CESRAN Papers | No: 5 | July 2011
COMPETITIVE REGULATION: Stepping Outside the Public /Private Policy Debate
By Dr. Jean-Paul Gagnon
CESRAN Papers | No: 4 | May 2011
Turkey: The Elephant in the Room of Europe
By Hüseyin Selçuk Dönmez
CESRAN Papers | No: 3 | April 2011
"Whither Neoliberalism? Latin American Politics in the Twenty -first Century"
By Jewellord (Jojo) Nem Singh
CESRAN Papers | No: 2 | March 2011
"Civil-Military Relations in Marcos' Philippines"
By Richard Lim
CESRAN Papers | No: 1 | March 2011
"The Paradox of Turkish Civil Military Relations"
By Richard Lim
Jou al
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BOOK REVIEW
Adrian Van Deemen and Agnieszka Rusinowska (eds.)
Collective Decision Making: Views from Social Choice and Game Theory ,
(Milton Keynes: Springer, 2010, ISBN 978 3642028649, 266 pp., £90.00 hb.)
The study of decision-making processes lies at the heart of the social sciences, and political
sciences in particular. From Montesquieu to Condorcet, from the federalists, to the elitist
school, how decisions are taken was the leading question for scholars studying power and
human societies in the past centuries. In the second half of the 20 th century the seminal works
of Kenneth J. Arrow ( Social Choice and Individual Values, 1951) and Robert Dahl (Who
governs?, 1961) revived this field, and still represent the two opposite paradigms about the
study of decision-making – the logical-deductive and the empirical-inductive. This field then
reached its apogee in the ’70s and the ’80s, where authors like Theodore Lowi and Charles
Lindblom consolidated the field of public policy analysis, and, with it, the theoretical debate
about actors, decisions and decisions’ outcomes. In the ’90s and in the new millennium,
however, this kind of studies suddenly declined.
Since then political science has taken a different path: the current mainstream approach, in
fact, sees structural factors and institutions as the core elements of the analysis, and this led
in turn to a corresponding growth in the literature of econometric models based on regression
analysis. As a consequence, the study of decision-making –which is also and foremost the
study of the actual actors taking decisions– have been neglected and regarded as an
ideographic exercise, whose validity is questionable: the predominance in the analysis of
institutional determinants, imply the irrelevance of who is acting in a specific setting.
Game theorists and social choice theorists, though, continued studying the patterns of decision
-making, with an approach directly derived from the economic reasoning, following the path
trodden by Arrow. As a consequence utility-maximising players and their mutual interactions
became the foundations of a vast literature centred on decisions. Still, the shift operated by
these scholars from the classical approach to the study of decision-making is sharp.
First of all, the specificities of the actors involved tend to be overlooked in favour of more
abstract, but clearly quantifiable, pay-offs. Second, the institutional rules governing the
interaction are not a stake in the process, a core assumption of public policy analysis, but are
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exogenous to it. Third, the aim of this literature is highly normative, more than descriptive.
Finally, accepting the premises of the economic analysis, these scholars adopt a logicaldeductive approach, more than an empirical-inductive one. This results also in a predominantly
formalized literature, where the logic-mathematic notations oust the thickness of descriptions.
It is not questionable that game theory and social choice has given a priceless contribution to
the social sciences, but the more formal and abstract it became the less transferable are its
findings, since they lack an apparent and immediate link with empirical observations.
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Global Analysis
The book Collective Decision Making belongs to this latter stream of literature, and it consists
of 16 different articles covering social choice and game theory. This contribution is a collection
of papers written by members of the Social Choice Theory Group, a network of scholars,
predominantly based in The Netherlands, founded by the mathematician Harrie de Swart (to
whom the book is dedicated). The book is intended to celebrate the 10 th anniversary of the
formal creation of the Group.
The range of topic covered in the 16 chapters is impressive. Some chapters address the
classical issues of social choice literature: the Arrow’s Theorem is addressed in the first
chapter, one of the most interesting in the book, while chapter two and five deal with the
probabilities of having a Condorcet winner in different situations and chapter three covers an
aspect of spatial voting studies. Other chapters deal with more recent, yet crucial for modern
social sciences, topics: exceptionally fascinating are the discussion about networks in chapter
13 and 14. The former, in particular, is worth reading for all social scientists interested in
network analysis. In fact, it is not only an extensive overview of the influence among actors in
complex decision-making situations, but it also sets a number of future research plans.
Chapter 11, Voting Weights, Thresholds and Populations Size: Member State Representation in
the Council of the European Union, tries to link formal analysis and empirically observable
situations in a specific setting, while the following chapter, Stabilizing Power Sharing, tries to
give a highly abstract explanation of power sharing agreements adapting the mathematical
explanation of duels. Virtually all other relevant topic of social choice literature about collective
decision-making are covered in the remaining chapters. Yet, this is by no means a
comprehensive book about the topic, as it is a patchwork of advanced discussions about these
themes.
What can we say about this book? The first, general, annotation is that we hardly find a
reason to publish such kind of books. In fact, as it is increasingly popular, the chapters of the
book are loosely related one to the other. They are, indeed, very interesting and qualitatively
outstanding, but they do not consist of different views about one topic, which would make the
publication of an edited book more comprehensible: they simply cover different topic with a
similar approach. In this case, the reason to publish this book is the tenth anniversary of the
creation of a work group, as we have seen, but there is no compelling coherence in the
contributions collected. In the end it looks like a journal, more than a book.
On the other hand, the content of the book is particularly interesting on two respects: first, the
approach adopted links the elegance and thriftiness of logical-mathematical reasoning, to the
richness of social sciences. Second, it studies the mechanisms of social interactions, an
increasingly neglected field, which has been abandoned in favour of more simplistic causation
relations, as we tried to underline in the first paragraphs of this review.
However, for social scientists the critical point of this approach lies in its strong formal nature:
how much can we learn from this? Considering the premises, usually quite strict, of this
literature, can we really use these studies to investigate social reality? Or, on the contrary, do
research? Of course, there is no single answer to these questions.
Martino Bianchi
PhD Candidate – IMT Lucca
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we risk creating sterile logical-analytical exercises with no usable relation to empirical
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Global Analysis
Taylan Özgür Kaya,
The Middle East Peace Process and the EU: Foreign Policy and Security Strategy in
International Politics
(London: I.B.Tauris, 2013, ISBN: 978-1-84885-982-1, 266 pp., £59.50 hb.)
Since the nine members of the European Community issued the Venice Declaration in 1980,
the European Union (EU) has been actively involved in the Arab-Israeli conflict.
Venice
Declaration marks the shift in the political discourse of the European Community member
states as they tried to carry declaration policies of 1970s one step further for more active
involvement in the Middle East Peace Process (MEPP). Yet, despite the consistent and growing
efforts of European involvement in the region, the corruption of the Palestine Liberation
Organization (PLO) executives, political division of Palestinians, escalating violence, the US and
Israeli attempts to slide the EU in political arrangements concerning Israeli and Arab conflict
undermined the efforts of the EU in the Middle East. All these developments that weakened
the efforts of the EU in the MEPP requires extensive reflection on where EU political discourse
has met the objectives and expectations or fallen short.
In The Middle East Peace Process and the EU, Kaya highlights the complex historical
background of the European involvement in the Arab-Israeli conflict while attempting to
answer whether there is a congruity/incongruity between the EU’s self-identified role
conceptions and its actual role performance in the MEPP between 2001 and 2006. Unlike
many foreign policy analyses about the EU, Kaya used role theory in order to assess
‘effectiveness, efficiency and credibility’ (p. 25) of the EU as a foreign policy actor. The
selected period reflects the change in the international system and the response of the EU to
these changes.
Like the end of the Cold War, 9/11 incidents have had important
consequences on the EU’s role conception, as EU endeavored to react as a sole foreign and
security policy actor with their member states. Kaya highlighted the foreign policy speeches of
the principal EU executives, who were responsible for security and foreign policy matters, to
analyze the self-identified role conceptions of the EU. Moreover, Kaya evaluated the EU’s selfidentified role conceptions and its actual role within the framework of role theory. Even though
the book is concerned with the post 9/11 era, it also gives extensive information about the
EU’s stance on the MEPP before 9/11 era and provides strong analyses that were proven right
with the events in the post 2006 period.
In the first chapter, structure of the book is neatly explained. To make an analysis and
connection to the research questions that will follow up about the EU as a foreign and security
policy actor in the post 9/11 context, the author gives us a brief historical context.
In the second chapter, Kaya makes a detailed literature review to frame theoretical basis of
the book. Since the book is based on Kaya’s PhD thesis, the literature review on the role
theory is very rich and can be used as a reference for both undergraduate and postgraduate
students. In this detailed literature review, it had been suggested that role theory has great
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advantages in linking micro to the macro unit of analysis as content analysis based on the
speeches of executives that establishes role conception of the EU, a broader body. This
linkage provides readers a critical reading of what the EU committed and performed in the
context of the Middle East.
Chapter three starts with the definition of the ‘EU’s role set in the post-9/11 era’. Kaya
distinguishes seven roles for the EU from content analysis which are force for good, force for
international peace, security and stability, promoter of its values and norms, promoter of
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Global Analysis
effective multilateralism, partner of the UN, builder of effective partnership with key actors.
The most important finding of this chapter is the relation between the role conceptions, as
they are not separate from each other rather they are firmly intermingled.
Throughout the fourth chapter the author analyzes the involvement of the EU in the ArabIsraeli conflict and MEPP thoroughly to make sense of the EU’s foreign policy. The
chronological structure of the chapter helps readers to understand and evaluate the progress
of the EU’s foreign policy and the role performance in the peace process. During this historical
review Kaya aimed to uncover change and continuity in the EU’s foreign policy. After losing
their prominent role to the US and Soviet Union in the Middle East, major European powers
tried to form a united foreign policy as a joint entity in order to re-engage in the Arab-Israeli
conflict. European states chose declaratory policies towards the conflict from 1970s to 1990s,
and they took Israeli-Palestinian issue as the core of the regional conflicts and announced
multiple declarations to solve this issue. These early declarations form the basis of the EU’s
stance in the MEPP. These declarations show that the EU has a consistent and progressive
foreign policy towards the MEPP. Since then, in every declaration the EU had been highlighting
that the self-determination of the Palestinian people as the major problem in the region.
Finally, the critical point that can be implied from this chapter is the EU’s supplementary role
as they were sidelined from the major political talks by the US and Israel and the growing EU
influence in the economic and technical aspects in the MEPP after the 1990.
After 9/11 the EU became one of the pivotal actors together with the US, Russia and the UN
as part of the Quartet on the Middle East. With its huge financial assistance to the PLO and its
membership to the Quartet, the EU became a key actor and played more assertive role in the
every dimension of the peace process. In the first part of the chapter five, Kaya outlines the
involvement of the EU in the MEPP to analyze the congruity between the role conceptions and
actual role performance of the EU. In the second part of the chapter, he analyzes congruity/
incongruity between the role conceptions derived from the content analysis and the actual
political action in the MEPP context. Even author argued that there had not been an ‘apparent
conception-performance gap’ (p.228) in the EU’s foreign and security policy, he criticizes the
EU’s inability to ‘balance its material interest and ethical considerations, act as coherent actor
and speak with one voice’ (p.222-223).
Overall the book is clearly structured and in-depth searched piece that provides valuable
historical overview of the progress of the EU’s foreign policy stance in the Arab-Israeli conflict.
Özgün Tursun
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Zirve University, Turkey
Journal of
Global Analysis
Brink Lindsey
Human Capitalism: How Economic Growth Has Made Us Smarter--and More
Unequal
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2013, ISBN: 9780691157320, 144 pp., £10.95pb.)
Brink Lindsey's insightful new book Human Capitalism argues that the rich world's rise in
income inequality has been caused largely by a rise in productivity inequality: Workers are
getting paid in some kind of proportion to the value of their production, it's just that some of
us are becoming vastly more productive than others. The rise in productivity inequality is in
turn caused partly by changes in technology and in culture:
The sharpening of class differences in recent decades is driven by two different forms of
polarization... In the labor market, the progress of globalization and the information
revolution... In the cultural sphere, the material security of mass affluence has encouraged the
rise of a more permissive attitude toward sex and family life (p. 69).
The next sentence points toward Lindsey's key causal channel:
Both trends have worked to widen the divide between those who are fluent with abstraction
and those who aren't.
Technological change makes “fluency with abstraction” more important for productivity, while
mass affluence makes “fluency with abstraction” less appealing than a day of Snapchat and
Xbox. Clearly, much turns on this concept of “fluency with abstraction” and indeed Lindsey
spends quite some time discussing what he believes this fluency is and what it isn't, how this
fluency might be boosted and how it might be made less crucial.
First, what it is and isn't: It's partly the set of mental skills measured (imperfectly) by standard
intelligence tests. By Lindsey's own account, standard psychometric intelligence captures some
of the skill he calls “fluency with abstraction” and he devotes some time to discussing IQ's role
in this fluency, the (partial) genetic transmission of IQ-related skills from one generation to
the next, and the crucial role of a good environment in helping children to develop their full
cognitive potential. Like nearly all writers who discuss IQ for a popular audience, Lindsey
discusses the Flynn Effect, the well-documented long-term increase in IQ scores found in rich
countries over the past few decades. Discovered by the philosopher ( sic) James Flynn, the
Flynn Effect was given its name by Charles Murray and Richard Herrnstein in their book The
Bell Curve. Whether the Flynn Effect is a “real” increase in actual average cognitive skills, a
“nominal” increase in narrow test-taking ability, a “relative” skill change away from informal
thinking left off of IQ tests and toward the “fluency with abstraction” often emphasized by IQ
tests, or some combination of the three is still widely debated in the academic psychology
literature.
In Flynn's recent book on the topic (Beyond the Flynn Effect) the philosopher takes the
“relative skill change” position: Life has become more like the IQ test, and from childhood
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onward people in the rich countries tend to categorize and synthesize and abstract much more
than they used to. We've always been thinkers, collecting and using practical information, it's
just that people in the OECD tend to be more “fluent with abstraction” than before. Lindsey
embraces Flynn's position, but it's not clear whether he embraces it fully--and indeed there's
no need to take a strong position on a topic still widely debated in the academic literature.
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Global Analysis
But to balance the scales just slightly, let's note that people are, on average, taller, healthier,
and longer-lived today than they were in the mid-twentieth century, so it certainly appears
that on average our bodies are better functioning than they were a few decades ago. It would
be surprising to say the least if these improvements to overall health didn't also tend to
improve brain health: The brain is, after all, an organ of the human body. If the rise in public
health has improved average brain functioning in the rich countries, then at least some of the
Flynn Effect is likely a “real” rise in average cognitive skills. Testing this hypothesis would be
difficult since country-level, decades-long randomized experiments are (mercifully) difficult to
come by, but the nutrition hypothesis receives substantial attention in the academic literature,
and some micro-level randomized experiments and public health studies provide short run
evidence that in some settings better nutrition and healthier environments improve those brain
functions measured by standardized tests (G. Jones, “IQ and National Productivity”, New
Palgrave Dictionary of Economics). Lindsey places great weight on changing the culture of non
-elites in order to boost their average “fluency with abstraction” but the possibility of oldfashioned health interventions still can't be overlooked.
Lindsey's emphasis on “fluency with abstraction” isn't just limited to conventional mental tasks
--math problems, vocabulary tests, and the like. From the beginning, he notes that social
fluency (playing well with others, one might say) and fluency with the future (greater forwardlooking behavior, i.e., low rates of time preference) are also central to this overall fluency. It is
worth noting that according to mainstream psychologists both “social intelligence” (a measure
of social fluency) and low rates of time preference are correlated with a person's conventional
IQ score. So on average these forms of fluency with abstraction are positively correlated:
There are enough studies documenting the correlation between IQ and patience that there's
been a meta-study of the results (Shamosh and Gray, Intelligence), and since the 1930's
psychologists have documented a moderate positive relationship between conventional IQ
scores and social intelligence (E. Hunt, Human Intelligence). Indeed, people who are better
than average on one mental skill tend to be better than average at other mental skills: This is
the near-universal finding of the “positive manifold” of cognitive skills. There are certainly
other dimensions to patience and social intelligence than the mere psychometric intelligence
dimension, but Lindsey's fluencies, on average, travel together.
Lindsey recognizes where his ideas lead: His fifth chapter is entitled “Inequality as Culture
Gap.” If Lindsey is correct, then cultural change is an important channel for reducing
inequality. Economists have become modestly successful as health researchers, education
researchers, and political researchers: Is our next assignment to bring the power of
randomized trials, local average treatment effects, and structural estimation methods to the
field of cultural anthropology? If culture is as central to economic success as Lindsey claims,
the answer is an emphatic yes.
Garett Jones
Center for Study of Public Choice and
BB&T Professor for the Study of Capitalism, The Mercatus Center
George Mason University
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Associate Professor of Economics
Journal of
Global Analysis
Phoebe Moore
Globalisation and Labour Struggle in Asia: A Neo-Gramscian Critique of South
Korea’s Political Economy
(London: I.B. Tauris, 2007, ISBN: 978-1-84511-378-0, 237 pp., £25.00pb.)
This book examines the relationship between globalization and labour struggle in Asia within
the framework of international political economy. It specifically focuses on the neo-Gramscian
and neo-Coxian approaches and re-conceptualization of hegemony, passive revolution and
trasformismo in the case of South Korea. The book distinguishes itself from positivist and post
-positivist orthodox theory of IR by looking at IR theory with neo-Coxian application of the
structural characteristics of hegemonic forces, namely material capabilities, ideas and
institutions as well as three levels of structures: social forces, forms of state and world orders.
The main theme is the analysis of the South Korean case as a semi-peripheral nation with
Gramscian theory and concepts. The book moves from the study of theoretical and analytical
approaches to the case study of South Korea’s political economy.
The book is basically looking into a specific international political economy, neo-Gramsician
and neo-Coxian approach. It can be divided into two sections each of which focuses on four
Gramsican concepts and a case study of South Korea’s historical journey about globalization
and labour relations.
It also introduces new concepts and ideas into the BHNs such as
gender, power and ethics. It mingles the past and present with future concepts, ideas and
theories.
In the book, there are 6 chapters. In the introduction, the author explains why Gramsci is
used for understanding Korean economic development and the historical restructuring of the
production, and provides an analytical framework with an emphasis on Cox’s framework of
matrices that is derived from Gramsci’s concept of hegemonic historic blocs. Also, this chapter
highlights the research method of the study which uses a multi-method approach with
historical analysis and semi-structured interviews.
In the first chapter of the book, orthodox IR theories such as realism, idealism and neoMarxist dependencia and world system theories (WST) are critiqued in order to prepare the
reader about why neo-GramscianIPE provides necessary tools for the Korean case. Three
important neo-Gramscian concepts, hegemony, class identity and solidarity what the author
call the transnational capitalist class network (TCCN) and passive revolution which involves the
practice of trasformismo. Chapter 2 basically studies historical periods of capitalist expansion
or world orders within the framework of global hegemonic leadership struggles from the postMercantilist period to onwards. This chapter uses Cox’s matrices of social forces, forms of
state and relations of production by applying the matrix into four historical periods: Pax
Britannica (1845-1875), Mixed Imperialism (1875-1945), Pax Americana (1945-1965) and Neo
-Liberalism (1965-present).
Chapters 3 and 4 discuss Korea’s history of passive revolution and trasformismo from the
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Japanese colonialist government to the recent democratization and the 1997 economic crisis
and IMF restructuring. The elite-led production restructuring especially via education system
reform and vocational education training (VET) is the main tool to re-design labour relations.
Many different trasformismos have been explained in the book to keep workers from a
complete revolution that destroys the capitalist system and Korean elites, namely government
and chaebols management.
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Global Analysis
In the conclusion chapter, the author summarizes all the chapters of the book. Also, it gives
the next research questions regarding South Korea in the global knowledge economy with the
foresight analysis about the Korean workers future. This book is innovative because it looks at
the experience of globalization and hegemony within Gramscian framework in the eye of a
semi-peripheral nation: South Korea. Second, it presents a rare opportunity for application of
hegemony, passive revolution and trasformismo in a case that covers a history from
colonization to democratisation and from occupation to military ruling. Third, it exquisitely
summarizes not only general IR theory but also the Gramsician understanding of hegemony,
passive revolution, historical blocs, transnational capital network (TCN). One of the concepts,
hegemony, is explained by realist, neo-liberal and neo-Marxist concepts and theories such as
dependencia and world system theory (WST). Fourth, it is a valuable contribution to the
historical period of capitalist expansion or four world orders, namely Pax-Britannica, PaxAmericana, Mixed Imperialisms and Neo-Liberalism with different levels of analysis from a
Coxian matrix that forms state, relations of production and emerging social forces.
This book is
interesting to read because some chapters can be used as theoretical and
conceptual foundations for a course of international political economy. I have been intrigued
by this book since I have read and written about the Neo-Gramscian and Coxian idea of
hegemony.
Also, this book is a good attempt to explain the neo-Gramscian and Coxian
concepts and ideas to the 21st century audience using South Korea as a case study. In
addition, the book is applicable to semi-peripheral nations such as the South Africa, Turkey,
Brazil, India, etc. Another strength of the book is the use of interviews and data collection for
labour relations in South Korea.
One of my critiques is that the book could include a chapter comparing of South Korea to
another semi-peripheral state such as Turkey which may have followed similar historical
footsteps of Gramsican ideas of hegemony, passive revolution, TCN, i.e. IMF and the World
Bank bailout, etc. Another shortcoming of the book is the lack of analysis of the 2008 global
crisis. Although the book covers the 1997 Asian economic crisis, it has not included the
influence of the 2008 global economic crisis on South Korea.
It may elaborate more on
whether the passive revolution and trasformismo in South Korea may have positive effects to
escape from the bad effects of the 2008 crisis.
This book helps to apply the neo-Gramscian and neo-Coxian theories of IPE
more
comprehensively and deeply on most international case studies especially for the economic
crisis periods. The Neo-Gramscian and neo-Coxian theories still offer great opportunities for
both theorists and practitioners of the IPE.
This book is strongly recommended for both current and past students of IPE
as well as
interdisciplinary students who study international relations, peace studies, conflict resolution
and economics. It definitely is a major addition to the IPE literature and opens new doors for
future scholars and case study method users.
To sum up, Korea is not a hegemonic nation and has never been a hegemonic nation but
Assoc. Prof. Sezai ÖZÇELIK
Department of International Relations,
Çankırı Karatekin University, TURKEY
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passive revolution and trasformismo are still relevant and useful concepts for the Korean case.
Journal of
Global Analysis
Daanish Mustafa,
Water Resource Management in a Vulnerable World. The Hydro-hazardscapes of
climate change
(London, New York: I. B. Tauris, 2013, ISBN: 978 1 84885 536 6, 245 pp., £56.00 hb.)
Until the last three decades, the study of water resources has suffered from its treatment as a
technical subject led by engineers and physical scientists. The enormity of humanity’s ambition
and power to exploit our freshwater environment for irrigation, hydropower and domestic and
industrial supplies,while increasing shortages by spreading
scientists to analyse the economics of
development.
pollution, has attracted social
scarcity and the politics of water resource
Mustafa has brought to bear
a synthesis of modern insights from social
sciences for which he proposes a neologism ‘hydro-hazardscapes’, a term which dramatizes
the challenges faced by humanity in a future of changing climate.The concept of hazardscape
is defined as ‘simultaneously, an analytical way of seeing, which asserts power, and a social
space where the gaze of power is contested and struggled against to produce the lived reality
of hazardous places’ (p.22). Study of the responses to extremes of droughts and floods today
provides grounding for increasing resilience in the future.
The hydro-hazardscape concept is introduced in Chapter 1 and the claim is made that this
approach increases understanding of a variety of contests over water resources. As
illustration, Chapter 2 looks afresh at the Indus Waters Treaty which the author suggests
should be reformed ‘ to bring it in line with contemporary international water course law,
Helsinki Rules and emerging concerns with water quality and principles of equitable
sharing’ (p. 45). Co-operative sharing of the Indus waters has been stunted by lack of trust
and technical objections fuelled by security concerns. Tensions between India and Pakistan
and discords between provinces within Pakistan are exacerbated by major droughts and
floods. Conflict resolution over inequitable distribution of the benefits of the water engineering
and inefficiencies of usage of irrigation water demands analysis of more social institutions than
in a conventional, modernist discourse.
The next chapter considers critical legal geographies, illustrated by the Canal and Drainage Act
1873 governing water resource management in Pakistan. This Act is shown to have
geographical influences and impacts which make power relations concrete in space. The Act
perpetuates colonial relations with a hierarchical bureaucracy more dedicated to policing than
to encouraging equity in access.
Chapter 4 explores the role of social power in differential vulnerability to flood hazard and in
inequity of access to water in the canal colonies of central Pakistan.A field study of 38 in-depth
interviews and 154 household questionnaires revealed the social reality on the ground so often
absent from technical discussions of irrigation planning.
A lack of participatory water
management and contemptuous distance between the governing bureaucracy and those
governed makes the bureaucracy itself vulnerable to meddling by powerful political interests
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and its consequent failure to protect the weak.
Chapter 5 is based on another major social survey in Pakistan; this time in an urban area
subject to periodic flooding. The twin cities of Islamabad Capital Territory and Rawalpindi
experience flooding from the Lai.
In 2001, a major flood caused 74 deaths and damage
officially estimated at US $250m. Technocratic top-down planners are trying to evict flood
plain residents and to create a hydrologically-controlled stream but are frustrated by
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Global Analysis
resistance, poor understanding of the need for management of the watershed as a whole and
by a lack of institutions to foster co-operation.
Groundwater development in Balochistan and Azerbaijan is the focus of the next chapter 6,
which debates the relative merits of modern tube wells ‘with enormous environmental costs
and serious implications for social equity’ (p 162)and ancient karez (qanat)irrigation systems
which have been used for two millennia. The author’s enthusiasm for the karez systemleads
him to recommend ‘restoration and preservation of this wonderful system’ (p. 164).
In Chapter 7, the narrative of the book then jumps, with little overt justification, from Pakistan
and its neighbours to an investigation of ‘Globalisation and water privatisation in Belize’.
However, this evidence-based analysis is a useful addition to the many accounts of the
problems besetting privatisation of water utilities in many parts of the world. A social survey
revealed how popular narratives in Belize about this failed attempt at privatisation involved
their sense of nationalism, identity, good governance and interlinkages between national and
global power structures.
Chapter 8 adds to another popular debate in the growing literature on water governance ‘
Thou shalt not optimize or share: a critical view of the prior appropriation doctrine in the
American West’! A restricted legal definition of beneficial use (solely agricultural, mining and
municipal use)
does not protect environmental flows for instream uses such as fishing,
particularly important for native American tribes. Here, the themes of equity versus efficiency,
private property versus collective goods and definitions of the benefits gained from rivers are
clearly exposed.
The brief concluding chapter ‘Mapping the contours of hydro-hazardscapes in a climate change
future’ reaffirms the importance of recognising water’s value for community, spirituality,
aesthetics, identity and culture in addition to its value for livelihoods and economic gain.
Mustafa’s book is a masterly and original contribution to understanding of water governance.
The book is well-referenced and draws on literature, mostly from academic journals, which
may be relatively inaccessible to a wider readership in policy circles.
The analyses are
grounded in thorough case studies, which bring out the attitudes of both the powerful and the
powerless. The central argument is convincing: water governance would be improved by
seeking, and responding to, multidisciplinary information from a wider range of people. Narrow
viewpoints lead to imposition of authoritarian regimes which lack the necessary flexibility to
circumvent the challenges of climate change and its increased hydro-hazards.
Introduction of the neologism ’hydro-hazardscapes ’is a risky business: I fear linkage of three
concepts in one cumbersome word may not catch on! Most of the arguments are soundly
based in evidence but occasional arguments, such as the desirability of restoration of
karez,appear somewhat romantic, neglecting counterarguments concerning the high cost of
maintenance of this system in human and financial terms.
Numerous illustrations are useful although colour would have been helpful. Figure 9 shows a
text
states ‘Although many of the men wanted levees for flood protection…’(p.112).
Differentiation of shading has been lost in Figures 6 , 26 and 27. Kalabagh Dam mentioned in
the text does not appear on the map. There are also some typos which have escaped editorial
gaze. A glossary might have helped non-social scientists.
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greater percentage of women than men thought levees would be a solution to flooding yet the
Journal of
Global Analysis
These niggles aside, this well-written book is a stimulating read and it deserves to reach a
wide public both inside and beyond academia.
Dr Christine McCulloch
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University of Oxford
Journal of
Global Analysis
Michael L. Ross
The Oil Curse: How Petroleum Wealth Shapes the Development of Nations ,
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012, ISBN: 978 0691145457, 296 pp., £19.95pb.)
Natural resources have long been thought to be an important factor in economics and politics.
No doubt that these resources have remarkable influence over the fate of resource rich
countries, in which political stability and democratization are often attributed to resource
wealth. The world has been more democratic and more peaceful for decades; however, the oil
states in the Middle East, Africa and Latin America constitute a great exception to this.
Resource wealth, which was believed to bolster countries and their economies, started to be
seen as a disadvantage especially to the countries blessed with oil wealth, shortly after the oil
crisis in 1970s. Going beyond the conventional wisdom, social scientists strive to find the link
by combining multiple incidents such as; insurgencies, civil war, gender gaps engendered by
resource-related activities that took place in oil-rich countries. Although the causality seems
not to be robust enough in the existing literature, there is some clear evidence showing the
links between oil and socio-political development. Extending the issue of oil and democracy,
the author questions the petroleum effect on countries by taking into account multifarious
factors.
The answer given to the question “why does petroleum have such strange effects on a
country’s political and economic health” (p.4) points out two factors to be attributed for this
negative causality: 1) foreign powers readily intervene in oil-rich countries; and 2) oil
companies operating in international arena.
Expanding the argument in the following chapters, the author challenges these claims with a
strong argument: most oil industries have been nationalized in the early 1970s, so that “if
foreign companies were the source of the problem, then nationalization should have been the
cure” (p.4). On the other hand, the domestic facts such as how a government uses its oil
revenues appear to be more determinative in countries politics. Government revenues grew
substantially as the foreign oil companies were nationalized, giving omnipotence to the rulers.
Therefore it is no surprise that “from 1980 to 2011, the democracy gap between the oil and
non-oil states grew ever wider” (p.63).
The scale of oil revenue, government size and the government’s dependence on taxes are
significantly correlated, which fosters authoritarian and populist politics. In the very first
chapters, Professor Ross takes up the issue by starting from a short history of natural
resources and rent, following this, carrying out a cross-national analysis of oil revenues and
government. Multivariate regressions showing the statistical relationship between oil and
democracy occupy an important role in the following chapter, where ‘less democracy’ and
failures in transition to democracy are attributed to oil wealth. Another regression analysis
shows that two variables, petroleum income and the likelihood of civil wars, are significantly
correlated particularly among countries with a lower income. This becomes more visible when
“The greater a country’s oil income per capita is, the greater the likelihood that a civil war
will begin”.
“The lower a country’s income per capita is, the larger the impact of oil on the likelihood of
conflict” (p.179).
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two hypotheses drawn by the author get on the same page in a country:
Journal of
Global Analysis
The book, as the author states, “takes a comprehensive look at the political and economic
consequences of petroleum wealth” (p.3), and is an important attempt to include the points
that were overlooked in the previous works. The scope is limited only to petroleum as a
natural resource, for petroleum along with its products has occupied a considerable part of the
world’s commodity trade for decades. From oil income analysis to women’s opportunities in oil
-rich countries, The Oil Curse covers various issues and provides both quantitative and
qualitative evidences for the given arguments. The links between multiple variables are
successfully presented when it is possible, and missing links due to hard-to-quantify variables
or the lack of robustness are admitted in a roundness manner. In this sense, The Oil Curse
presents a great value to those who would like to examine politics and economics of oil
wealth. Analyzing half a century of data and covering multidisciplinary issues, this work offers
much to those who are interested in political transformation, economic and political
development, and security studies.
Tevfik Murat Yıldırım
Book Re ie
University of Missouri
Journal of
Global Analysis
Jenny White
Muslim Nationalism and the New Turks
(Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2013, ISBN: 978-0-691-15518-0, 241 pp.,
£16.95 pb.)
Who is a Turk? What does it mean to be a member of the Turkish nation? This fundamental
question is at the heart of many of the most tense and divisive debates in present day Turkey.
This question is also at the heart of Jenny White's book Muslim Nationalism and the New
Turks.
White, an anthropologist at Boston University, over the last four decades has been a keen
observer of the shifting political discourse and cultural norms in Turkey. Her ability to connect
relationally and allow individuals to express their own feelings of identity adds a powerful
dimension to the work. The combination of narrative with academic analysis makes this a
valuable read for both the newcomer and the seasoned student of Turkey.
The book does not attempt to resolve the issue of Turkish identity, but provides an incisive
and thorough investigation of the various formulations prevalent within Turkish society. The
Turkish Republic, founded in 1923, emerged during an era of ethnic nationalism as empires
gave way to newly emerging states. The definition of who the Turks were that would occupy
the Republic of Turkey was - and remains - a hotly debated concept.
In Third Republic Turkey (the descriptive term used by academics to refer to the period
following the 1980 coup; the Second Republic coming in the wake of the 1960 coup) the
concept of Turkish identity is facing multiple challenges and again going through a process of
revision. These challenges include issues of gender roles, ethnic minorities, and the place of
religion. Some would posit that the challenge to identity could be portrayed as Islam versus
Secularism. This binary, however, fails to adequately grasp what is taking place as traditional
lines of definition are being blurred.
Among the many ways White demonstrates the changing categories, she parses ten different
Turkish terms of what it means to be a national subject, each possessing minute differences of
ideology. Even those specific labels are shifting as what was a "known" characteristic of an
ideology in the 1970s may mean something quite different in 2010 (64-65). These labels have
taken on overlapping and sometimes paradoxical meanings, they are not fixed concepts and
identity markers. As White shows through her conversations with a wide range of groups and
survey data there are multiple and overlapping identities that each citizen possesses.
"Today, it is not so much Islam that has challenged the status quo, I suggest, but rather what
Islam has become in the postcoup urban, modern, globalized environment where, for many,
religious and national identities, like commodities, have become objects of choice and forms of
personal expression" (p.4).
This idea of personal expression and a choice of identity is quite interesting within Turkey.
individualism, but in Turkey this is most often expressed in allegiance or membership in a
group but perhaps one of your own choosing. The narrative articulated to citizens through
society, from the earliest school days, is one where group membership remains essential for
survival and also social identity. However, "the economic, political, and social revolution of the
Third Republic has nurtured a new generation with greater freedom of choice that can be
expressed through new media, civic activism, and consumerism. Individualism, however, is
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Globalization in many places worldwide has resulted in growing liberal freedoms and
Journal of
Global Analysis
framed within a collective logic, so the emphasis on choice means that people, especially
young people, are actively searching for arenas of belonging beyond social identities inherited
from family, community, and the Kemalist nation" (p.90).
Groups such as the youth wings of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP, Adalet ve
Kalkınma Partisi) or the Islamic Hizmet Movement, inspired by the teachings of Fethullah
Gülen, are examples of some of the groups that have benefited from the collective logic that
offers identification and opportunities for the individual. Seeing youth turning towards Islamic
groups in their search for identity is troubling to those who are proponents of the secular
Kemalist idea of the nation, who are comfortable with religion so long as it remains in its
assigned place and perhaps as a useful tool of the state when necessary.
White clearly articulates how this interplay between the individual liberties, on the one hand,
and the collective logic, on the other, requires an extensive negotiation process for the
individual and also creates a sometimes paradoxical mixing of ideologies.
Take for example the well-meaning secularist who sees veiling as a form of oppression of
women, and thus is in support of a ban that excludes covered women from universities and
government buildings, limiting education, employment and political representation. White also
points to the AKP which articulates support for universalist principles of human rights and at
the same time, as has been repeatedly observed, curtails freedom of speech, freedom of the
press, holds restrictive views towards women and expresses opposition to lifestyles that are
not consistent with its preferred conservative worldview.
“Muslim nationalism” is the term White employs to describe the newly emerging Turkish
identity. She sets this off against “Secular nationalism” which she feels has increasingly
migrated toward Turkish exceptionalism, isolation, and a narrative of the West as a threat to
the purity of the Turkish state. Muslim nationalism on the other hand is based on a personal
“Muslimhood” and a national history based more on its Ottoman than Republican roots. This
blurs traditional lines as it is progressive in promoting many liberal freedoms but with
elements of traditional gender and cultural norms. Muslim nationalism offers a Muslim
alternative vision of the nation, of what it means to be Turkish, and a challenge to the
Kemalist tradition.
Whether one or the other of these nationalisms will win out or if some new concept of Turkish
citizenship will emerge remains to be seen. White’s book succeeds marvelously as a
descriptive and analytical work. It brilliantly captures the contemporary debate of what it
means to be Turkish.
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J. Paul Barker