æ
LEADERSHIP IN TRANSITION
Linking leadership to learning: state, district and local
effects
Karen Seashore Louis*$
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Department of Organizational Leadership, Policy, and Development, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis,
MN, USA
A major research project, conducted in the United States, examined the effects of leadership at multiple levels
on student learning. Although that study resulted in a book (Leithwood & Louis, 2011), further analysis
provides additional insights into the way in which formal and informal leaders function in schools. These
additional analyses have not previously been synthesized to illuminate how school leaders can make a
difference in the lives of children. The purpose of this paper is to provide one perspective on this question,
focusing in particular on findings that may be applicable in the Nordic context.
Keywords: leadership; policy; teachers; culture
*Correspondence to: Karen Seashore Louis, Department of Organizational Leadership, Policy, and
Development, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN 55455, USA, Email:
[email protected]
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oes educational leadership matter? In one sense,
a simple answer to that question is yes, and a review of the research addressing the empirical evidence was covered more than a decade ago (Leithwood,
Louis, Anderson, & Wahlstrom, 2004). The simple conclusion also contains an important and well-accepted
codicil: Although leaders affect a variety of educational
outcomes, their impact on students is largely indirect and
is relatively small compared to other factors. While formal
leaders interact with pupils in many circumstances, the
impact of schooling on students occurs largely through
more sustained relationships that occur in classrooms
and peer groups.
On the other hand, a simple, albeit conditional, yes is
insufficient to address the more fundamental question:
What is the range of effects that leadership may have on
pupils, classrooms and schools? Or, put another way,
whose leadership matters for what kinds of outcomes?
This paper summarizes recent research that addresses the
slightly more complex questions and focuses on different
sources of leadership and how they ‘trickle down’ to shape
the conditions of student learning. I present no new data,
but draw from analyses that have been published or are in
press elsewhere. However, my effort to synthesise ideas
from previous research is new and based on emerging areas
of inquiry that should, I argue, receive additional attention
in the coming years.
This paper also builds on several premises. First,
educational reform policies that are prevalent both in the
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United States and elsewhere are grounded in a research
tradition that privileges the role of teachers to the exclusion of other social actors in and out of schools. The
mantra that ‘teachers account for most of the variation in
the impact of schools on student learning’ is so firmly
established in the mind of the public that other considerations are often pushed aside as secondary. This situation is
hardly surprising, because an emphasis on teacher effects
has a personal resonance with researchers as well as the
public:
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The transformative power of an effective teacher
is something almost all of us have experienced
and understand on a personal level . . .. We know
intuitively that these highly effective teachers can
have an enriching effect on the daily lives of children
and their lifelong educational and career aspirations.
(Tucker & Stronge, 2005, p. 1, italics added)
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The intuitive response, in addition to an accumulation
of research on effective teaching over several years,
reinforces the importance of teacher quality. However, it
has often led to a narrow focus on teachers as solo practitioners of a skilled craft rather than examining teaching
and learning as an organisational phenomenon.
In addition, research that is used to justify a policy
emphasis on teacher quality in some countries is derived
primarily from older studies in two states (Texas and
Tennessee) and correlational studies in the United States
and other countries. Although a parallel line of research on
$
Although I am responsible for the interpretive content of this paper, both my thinking and some of the findings presented are the work of colleagues who
participated with me in this research. Where findings are part of joint papers, I will reference them at the appropriate point.
Nordic Journal of Studies in Educational Policy 2015. # 2015 Karen Seashore Louis. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative
Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), allowing third parties to copy and redistribute the material in any medium
or format and to remix, transform, and build upon the material for any purpose, even commercially, provided the original work is properly cited and states its license.
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effective schools has also gained significant traction in the
professional media as well as in scholarly journals, the
focus of school effects studies has often been on structural
characteristics (Jack Lam, 2005), and one of the most
recent reviews called for increased emphasis on teachers
rather than on the school’s organization (Reynolds et al.,
2014).1 This paper, in contrast, points to a few promising
conclusions that show that leadership should be given
more consideration in school effectiveness research and
that it can make a difference in student learning. Leadership has an influence largely through the design of the
school’s normative structure and culture, including the
following:
1. A focus on ‘no silos’, or an emphasis on leadership
from multiple levels and across multiple organizational
units
2. Efforts to strengthen how adults in schools work
together in professional communities
3. Using leader influence to shape productive school
cultures cultures that are associated with student
learning
4. District2 practices that support school leaders in
developing productive school cultures
Translating research: the importance of context
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Social science research, even when experimentally designed, will always be culturally situated. This fact is
particularly true for education, because countries (and
even regions within countries) vary in how systems are
designed, what the public, parents and students expect
from them, and how people interpret the social meaning of
a term that might appear on the surface to be uniform
(such as teacher quality or school quality). The promising
conclusions that I discuss here are based almost exclusively
on research that has been carried out in the United States,
although there have been some replications of findings in
other settings. I have chosen to emphasise findings that are
potentially applicable in other countries, while acknowledging that this will require both additional research and a
more sensitive interpretation of their meaning if they are to
be applied in different cultural and political contexts. In
particular, since I am writing for a Scandinavian audience,
it is important to acknowledge some of the ways in which
we are alike and unalike. Based on comparative studies of
organizational and work culture, Scandinavian countries
and the United States share some important features that
affect how schools operate (Hofstede, 2001). First, citizens
of the Nordic countries, like Americans, tend to be
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Accumulated evidence from meta-analyses suggests that school effects as
measured in multiple studies are less important than teacher effects
(Scheerens, 2014).
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I use the US term school district in this paper, but suggest that the US
structure may generalise to other intermediate governance units, such as
municipalities or kommuna, in other countries.
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relatively open to change and risk-taking in their personal
and organizational lives at least as compared to those
who live in more traditional cultural settings. Second, our
countries respect expertise, but also expect relatively close
working relationships and opportunities to challenge
those who are in positions of formal authority. Although
there are some differences among the Nordic countries on
these dimensions, they are more like each other than other
members of the European community. Finally, people in
both the United States and the Nordic countries tend to
look at their work and their lives with a perspective that
focuses neither on the very long term (what will life be like
for me in 20 years) nor on the short term (will I be
rewarded today or tomorrow). All of these perspectives
affect the way in which people work with each other and
what they expect to be able to do with students in a school.
There are, however, some consistent differences in
Hofstede’s work (Hofstede, 1991, 2001; Hofstede, Neuijen,
Ohayv, & Sanders, 1990) that also seem ‘real’ to me based
on my association with many colleagues (and relatives) in
Scandinavia. These differences also affect how educators
see their work. The United States, for example, represents
an extremely individualistic culture that also places a high
value on work rewards related to success or promotion.
Scandinavian work values, in contrast, focus on the quality
of relationships and a sense of comfort in work and are
more interested in collective success.
We should not place too much emphasis on simple
descriptions of cultural difference or similarity. In particular, educators and schools have their own culture, which
distinguishes them from other kinds of work settings
(Firestone & Louis, 2000; Toole, Louis, & Hargreaves,
1999). For example, in all countries it is expected that
schools will create consistency in educational experiences
for students too much variety in what is expected from
year to year or school to school violates what parents and
communities want. Schools are also expected to support
important cultural goals that are rarely explicitly identified, such as encouraging students to become ‘good
Norwegian citizens’ or ‘good Americans’. Teacher selection and preparation vary somewhat between countries,
but in all countries it is assumed that people who are drawn
to the profession will see intrinsic value in fostering the
development of others and will generally be cooperative
and supportive of a stable and caring environment for
children. People who become and remain educators are
not, therefore, expected to have the same personality
profile as high-tech entrepreneurs whether they are in
Finland or in the United States.
As Seymour Sarason noted long ago, the shared culture
of the profession is both a strength and also an impediment
to change and improvement (Sarason, 1971, 1996). The
impediments emerge because of the relationship between
teachers and students, where teachers are assumed to have
‘knowledge’ and to be responsible for posing important
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questions, students are expected to find answers to
questions and ‘the curriculum’ is expected to be the
primary source of important questions, even though
teachers often view it as a constraint. One recent investigation of mental models of learning in an innovative
bilingual school in the United States suggests, for example,
that this image of teaching and learning is firmly embedded among primary school students (Felber-Smith,
2015). No matter how often we look for the ephemeral
‘zone of proximal development’ or encourage students to
actively participate in their own learning, adults still see
themselves (and are seen by others) as responsible. As
Sarason emphasizes in his later book, ‘The problem of
change is the problem of power, and the problem of power
is how to wield it in ways that allow others to identify with,
to gain a sense of ownership of, the process and goals of
change’ (p. 335). It is important, in examining the research
results that I present in the rest of this paper, to be sensitive
to Sarason’s observation, which, I suspect, is as important
in Scandinavian countries as it is elsewhere. Although my
examinations of the culture of schools and school leadership do not address this directly, I return to Sarason’s
challenge at the end of this paper.
The linking leadership to learning study
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In 2004, the Wallace Foundation funded the University of
Minnesota and the University of Toronto to carry out a
large-scale, longitudinal study to examine two critical
questions:
. How do educational leaders influence student
learning?
Fig. 1.
. What patterns of leadership, from teachers, principals and district staff, influence the quality of
instruction and student learning?
The study, which was very large and complex, used
existing literature about school leadership to develop a
framework to examine these questions (Fig. 1).
Begun in December of 2004, this mixed-methods
project aimed to further our understanding about the
nature of successful educational leadership and how such
leadership at the school, district and state levels eventually influences teaching and learning in schools. The
research design called for the collection of quantitative
data at several points in the 5-year effort, with three
rounds of qualitative data collection in between. The
quantitative data are provided by surveys of teachers and
administrators, along with student achievement and
demographic data available from the district or state.
The sampling design involved respondents in 180
schools nested within 45 districts nested, in turn, in
nine states. These states were randomly sampled from the
four quadrants of the United States. Districts and schools
were chosen randomly within states, with the sample
stratified to reflect variation in organization size, socioeconomic status (SES) and achievement trajectories over
35 years prior to the start of the data collection. The
quantitative sample (schools that responded to the survey
instrument in sufficient numbers to be representative)
included 157 schools and the teachers and administrators
who were members of them. The sample deliberately
represented elementary and secondary schools in equal
numbers. This paper draws primarily from survey data
Study framework.
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analyses using both the first and second rounds of data.
However, the interpretation of the quantitative results is
influenced by the extensive case study analysis that was
part of the study and its conclusions.
A summary of the overall work of the project was
published as a report and was revised as a book several
years ago (Leithwood & Louis, 2011; Louis, Leithwood,
Wahlstrom, Anderson, & Michlin, 2010; Appendix 1).
Like many large projects, the publication of the book was
an intermediate stop on the path to answering questions of
interest to researchers and practitioners. This paper draws
both on chapters that were part of the earlier publications
and on work that occurred afterwards, including some that
is ongoing. Thus, the key findings that I explicate below do
not appear as such in the earlier report or book.
Key result 1: no silos and the need for
integrative leadership
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There is increasing interest in both the general and
educational leadership literature around what is coming
to be called integrative leadership (Crosby & Bryson, 2010;
Moos & Huber, 2007). The focus of integrative leadership
is on collaboration, particularly collaboration across
boundaries that normally create silos. Such boundaries
include differences between schools and community
agencies or districts, the rather different perspectives that
teachers and administrators adopts when looking at
school problems and the different perspectives of public
and private sector organizations that are part of the
school’s community (Morse, 2010).3 According to Crosby
and Bryson (2010), the key defining feature of integrative
leadership is ‘spanning levels, sectors and cultures to help
diverse groups remedy the most difficult shared public
problems’ (p. 205). In simple terms, integrative educational
leaders are agents who link elements within the school or
between the school and other groups in order to create
connections, bridge differences and therefore provide
easier access to new ideas and possibilities.
Referring back to Sarason’s (1971, 1996) dilemma of
power in schools, integrative leaders tend to ignore power
in favour of thinking about the goal of improvement. Our
boundaries whether they are between the biology
teachers and the language teachers or between parents
and the school keep schools from imagining new ways of
doing things. Integrative leadership requires the willingness to take some risks presumably a culturally
compatible expectation in the Nordic countries and the
United States in the interest of benefitting children. This
type of leadership also tends to see differences in perspective through a positive lens, emphasising the need to look
for novel solutions to persistent educational problems or
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The term integrative leadership is also sometimes used when authors are
developing a ‘grand conceptual framework’ to study individual leaders that
combine models developed from different disciplines (Chemers, 1997). I am
not using it in this way.
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issues. This inclusive perspective encourages expanding
the sphere of influence of different actors with an interest
in the outcomes of schooling. Rather than assuming that
‘parents know best’ or that ‘our youth services partners
will take care of that problem’, integrative leaders believe
that finding and solving a problem in a school may require
input from many people, each of whom has different
knowledge and resources to bear.
Drawing primarily on the information obtained from
multi-year case studies, a conclusion that emerges is that
integrative leadership is particularly effective in ensuring
that there is an all-school focus to improvement initiatives.
In the less effective or ‘stuck’ schools in our study
(Rosenholtz, 1991), we noticed very early that, even with
the increasing pressure for test-based accountability,4
some principals and districts emphasized comprehensive
improvement initiatives that touched all schools and all
grades, while others fussed over improving tested performance for students in tested grades and subjects. The
schools and districts with a more comprehensive approach
to change were more likely to stimulate principals and
teachers to develop a clear sense of how they would move
forward together (Louis & Robinson, 2012). Wahlstrom
(2011), in a different paper, analysed the way in which
teachers, both in surveys and interviews, described leadership for improvement in their schools and came to three
important conclusions: (1) principals who were regarded
by their teachers as effective instructional leaders were able
to describe, comprehensively, the instructional issues
facing their schools; (2) they were actively engaged with
all teachers around issues of instruction; and (3) they
empowered teachers to take on responsibility for improvement (Wahlstrom, 2011, pp. 7779). What this information suggests is that effective school leader development
should emphasise reflective behaviour and action, rather
than focusing primarily on enhancing specific leader
attributes (knowledge).5 In addition, reflection should
focus on thinking about actions that can be linked with
an outcome that is directly related to a social good.
Whereas our work focused on better instruction, schools
deliver a wide variety of socially valued outcomes that are
meaningful to their colleagues and other partners. Louis
and Robinson (2012) found that the instructionally
effective principals were also particularly effective at
working with their districts and were able to negotiate
‘space’ to pursue agendas that were highly motivating to
their teachers and parents. In other words, they were
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Our study began in the early years of the No Child Left Behind federal
requirement that every state test students at multiple grade levels every year.
Our student achievement data in the study were derived from the mandated
state tests. This is, of course, a significant limitation since the quality and
comparability of the tests is highly variable. For a discussion of the methods of
managing this unwieldy set of data, see Louis, Leithwood et al. (2010).
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This observation also draws on work on leadership development that is based
on other public sectors (Parks, 2005).
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skilled at working across boundaries and creating a ‘big
picture’ perspective that engaged multiple partners.
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Key result 2: the ‘magic’ of professional
community
We are not the first to point to the importance of a ‘whole
school’ focus (Felner et al., 2001; Johnson, Kahle, &
Fargo, 2007), but many of the existing studies look at the
implementation of specialized programs (literacy or bullying) across the whole school rather than ways of engaging
all teachers and students around broader improvement
goals. Other large studies have suggested that replicating
comprehensive programs across a large number of schools
requires special magic under conditions of high public
pressure, high educator anxiety and high fear of failure
(Berends, Bodilly, & Kirby, 2002). It is to one element of
that magic that I now turn.
The ‘no silos’ message assumes that all people in the
school are engaged in thinking about improvement. This
assumption runs up against one of the traditional characteristics of school culture in the United States (which are
also embedded in many other countries): teachers perform
most of their work in isolation, with one teacher in a
classroom that contains a relatively large number of pupils.
Scholars in the United States have pointed to teacher
isolation as one of the features of school culture that makes
change hard (Lortie, 2002; Sarason, 1990, 1996). There is
some evidence that the Nordic countries are not immune
to this problem. For example, the recent Organisation
for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)
Teaching and Learning International Survey suggests that
all Nordic countries are below the OECD average in
teachers who report that feedback from others improved
their practice, and all except Denmark are below average in
the percentage of teachers who reported that they mentored other teachers or that they engaged in professional
development as a result of feedback.6 While one survey
with limited items does not prove much, it suggests that
teacher isolation may be an issue in many Scandinavian
schools.
The Linking Leadership to Learning study framework
assumed that studying school conditions (see Fig. 1) meant
looking more deeply at teachers’ work, particularly at the
way in which leadership could reduce isolation and
develop professional community and teacher leadership.
Professional community and teacher leadership have, of
course, been linked to student learning both conceptually
and empirically in some of my previous work with a sample
of innovative schools (Louis & Marks, 1998; Louis, Marks,
& Kruse, 1996; Marks & Louis, 1997). As defined (and
measured), the concept of professional community is very
similar to the idea of ‘communities of practice’ (Wenger,
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These data were extracted using the OECD interactive database at www.
gpseducation.oecd.org/IndicatorExplorer
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1998), but it is more clearly focused on the reinforcement
of educational professionalism, which is characterized by
a technical knowledge base, institutionalized training,
some control over the conditions of professional work and
a strong client orientation (Hall, 1975; Larson, 1978).
Some of the characteristics of a school-based professional
community are as follows (in rough order of the frequency
with which they are found in US schools):
1. Shared norms and values: The presence of strong,
ethically-based and morally binding norms of behaviour.
2. Collective focus on student learning: Educators emphasise the importance of understanding how well
students are learning rather than emphasising their
teaching practice. There are shared efforts to assess
student learning beyond standardized tests.
3. Collaboration: Professionals in the school work
together to develop new approaches to teaching and
learning that reflect their shared values.
4. Reflective dialogue: Educators engage in deep conversations in which current practices are seen as
problematic.
5. ‘De-privatized’ practice: Educators visit each other’s
classrooms to learn from observation and to provide
ideas for reflective dialogue and development (Kruse,
Louis, & Bryk, 1995).
Professional community should not be confused with
the cognate term professional learning communities
(PLCs) for a variety of reasons (Louis, 2007). PLCs are
typically initiated as a change in a school’s structure to
provide an opportunity for teachers to develop their
collective focus on learning, to be more collaborative, and
to be reflective. As such, they represent an aspiration for
teacher professionalism that breaks down the traditional
silos of teachers operating in their own classrooms.
However, structural innovations are not always successful, particularly where teachers are assigned to teams and
where their problems of practice are identified by someone else. Professional community, as conceived in our
study, reflects actual levels of teacher behaviour, whether
it occurs in a formal team or informally.
Our study affirms what was found in several previous
smaller scale studies (Langer, 2000; Lomos, Hofman, &
Bosker, 2011; Louis & Marks, 1998; Newmann, Marks, &
Gamoran, 1996): the higher the reported level of professional community experienced by teachers, the more likely
they are to demonstrate more effective teaching practices
(Wahlstrom & Louis, 2008) and the more likely they are to
report a positive academic climate in their buildings (Louis
& Lee, in press). What is significant about this finding is
that the most effective teaching strategies were those that
combined elements of direct instruction (which assumes a
traditional power relationship between teacher and pupil)
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and constructivist instruction (which assumes that students bears some responsibility for defining and ensuring
effective learning) (Wahlstrom & Louis, 2008). Newmann
et al.’s (1996) analysis suggests that this is also reflected in
student’s reports of their experience of supportive classroom settings as well as higher academic achievement.
Key result 3: school leadership shapes
productive school cultures
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More importantly for the topic of this paper, our findings
show that teachers’ reports of their principal’s leadership
behaviors are strongly associated with the presence of
higher levels of professional community as well as the
quality of their teaching (Louis & Lee, in press). We also
found that principals’ influence over professional community allowed them to have a strong, statistically significant
(indirect) impact on student learning (Louis, Dretzke, &
Wahlstrom, 2010). In particular, teachers report that
principals who exercise stronger instructional leadership,
who make more concerted efforts to engage teachers in
making critical decisions about school improvement and
who provide an environment that supports them as
individuals are also more likely to experience solid
professional relationships with their peers and colleagues
(Louis & Lee, in press; Louis, Murphy, & Smylie, 2014;
Wahlstrom & Louis, 2008).
What does this mean in practice? Interviews with both
principals and teachers (in addition to survey items)
suggest that principals who foster professional community
among teachers act in very specific ways: they observe
classrooms and ask questions that provoke teachers to
think; they give ‘power’ over curriculum priorities and
school practices to teachers; they consult teachers before
making most important decisions; they ensure that all
students have equal opportunity to have the best teachers;
they use staff meetings to talk about equity and instruction, not about procedures; and they ask all teachers
to observe each other’s classrooms. In other words,
teachers assess the effects of their principals by pointing
Fig. 2.
to specific behaviors rather than generalised personality
characteristics.
Figure 2 summarizes, across a variety of analyses, how
principals affect teachers’ experience of their colleagues
and how that translates into better teaching. What the
figure suggests is twofold: (1) instructional leadership,
shared leadership and demonstrated caring for teachers
are all important predictors of teachers’ experience of
more robust professional communities, which in turn
affect the quality of their teaching; and (2) instructional
leadership from the principal has an additional important
relationship to the school’s cultural emphasis on providing students with both pressure to be academically
engaged (press), and support for students who may be
falling behind or have more difficulty in school (support).
These, in turn, predict the school’s relative performance
on standardized achievement tests. Our data suggest that
balancing academic pressure and academic support are
particularly important in schools with a larger percentage
of low income, immigrant or minority pupils (Lee &
Louis, 2012).
There is additional evidence about the integrative
behaviors of effective school leaders that are associated
with improvements in the school. These behaviors
involve a more detailed understanding of how school
leaders shape the relationship that the school has with new
ideas and knowledge. One focus that has developed
considerable traction in educational research over the
past few years is that of organizational learning. This is
embodied in the idea of PLCs, which point to the
importance of getting and using information that will
help to improve current practice in a school. Some authors
have suggested that professional communities are most
likely to develop when teachers interact seriously with new
information obtained through professional development,
reading groups or action research (Louis & Leithwood,
1998; Schön, 1987; Scribner, Cockrell, Cockrell, & Valentine,
1999; Scribner, Hager, & Warn, 2002). What happens
in teacher conversations about their practice may be
Principal effects on student learning.
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unimportant if it is not informed by a search for information that stimulates discussions about incremental change.
Organizational learning can be generated in many
ways. We asked, for example, how many teachers in this
school show initiative to identify and solve problems?
How many teachers in this school seek out and read
current findings in educational research? How many
teachers in this school share current findings in education
with colleagues? Did you discuss what you learned from
professional development with other people? Have you
tried out new ideas in your classroom? We, like others
who have studied teacher learning and teacher culture
on a smaller scale, find that where teachers report being
engaged in professional communities they also report (1)
that they and their colleagues are searching for, discussing, assessing and trying to use new ideas, and (2) are
more likely to have effective teaching practices and higher
student learning (Louis & Lee, in press). This represents
the willingness to take risks in practice that are critical to
creating a professional community that learns and reinforces continuous improvement. Our research suggests
that schools that have an organizational learning culture
emphasise both collaboration and adaptation:
. A collaborative culture emphasizes strong, mutually
reinforcing exchanges and linkages between teachers
and departments and policies, procedures, standards
and tasks that are designed to encourage teamwork
and camaraderie. Teachers see themselves as ‘leaders’
and ‘owners’ of the culture rather than employees.
. An adaptive culture involves active monitoring of the
environment (typically by the school leader) and
policies and practices that support the school’s
ability to respond to opportunities or avoid threats.
Teachers and leaders actively engage the community
and parents, and members take risks by experimenting with new practices.
Key result 4: local education authorities make
a difference
The study found that local education authorities (districts
in the United States) play critical integrative leadership
roles. All too often local agencies are thought to have a
particular responsibility for monitoring and compliance to
ensure quality and, in substantially decentralized systems
such as the United States and the Nordic countries, to
have responsibility for setting targets for improvement for
individual schools as well as distributing resources to meet
the goals (DuFour & Fullan, 2013; Knudson, Shambaugh,
& O’Day, 2011; Marsh, Strunk, & Bush, 2013). Evidence
on the effectiveness of systemic reform strategies that focus
on districts is only beginning to emerge (Honig & Rainey,
2015), and it was not our primary focus. Our study,
in contrast to Honig and Rainey’s work, emphasized
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district leadership behaviors rather than looking at
systemic reform initiatives, and we found that several
were particularly important in fostering school and
student development.
First, districts played a critical role in stimulating
integrative leadership by developing policies and expectations about community and parent engagement at the
school level (Gordon, 2010; Gordon & Louis, 2011).
Where districts did not have specific policies and expectations, community and parent engagement were either
absent or low (as reported by school leaders). This factor
turned out to be important because additional analysis
showed that parent engagement was high in those schools
where school leaders and teachers had high levels of shared
leadership (as reported by teachers) and where principals
perceived parent involvement to be high. Parent involvement in our study (like many others) was associated with
student learning. In sum, where districts set expectations
for involvement, it was more likely to occur; where it
occurred, principals and teachers were more engaged with
parents and students apparently responded to the stronger
joint expectations sent by the multiple adults in their lives
(Gordon & Louis, 2009).
However, district actions are important for school
leader work in other ways as well. Districts that help
school leaders feel more efficacious about school improvement work have positive effects on school conditions and
student learning (Leithwood and Louis, 2011, p. 116). In
addition, school leaders who believe they are working
collaboratively with district personnel, other principals,
and teachers in their schools are more confident in their
leadership, more likely to involve others, and more likely to
be leading effective schools (Leithwood and Louis, 2011,
pp. 2324).
Our case studies suggested that districts could be
sources of pressure for principals (when they set targets
and evaluated school leader performance on the basis of
improvements in test scores) and also sources of support
(by providing professional development opportunities and
mentors and creating principal networks within the district
where principals could discuss common problems facing
their schools). We examined the intersection of pressure
and support on principals and found that pressure without
support may have negative effects on principal collective
efficacy and reduce shared and instructional leadership
behaviour. Further analysis of our data indicated that
school leaders who reported being part of district leader
networks essentially professional communities for leaders
were more likely to be viewed as effective instructional
leaders by their teachers (Lee, Louis, & Anderson, 2012).
Although we were not able to determine what principals
were talking about in their networks, it certainly appears
that their discussions helped them to focus on the behaviors that teachers reported as most important for them:
visiting their classrooms and asking interesting questions
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about instruction, raising issues of instruction in
staff meetings and supporting instructional innovation
(Demerath & Louis, in press). In addition, it was also
apparent that principals who participated in PLCs with
other principals were more likely to foster professional
community within their school (Lee et al., 2012).
Figure 3 summarizes the local education factors that we
suspect are most important for supporting and sustaining
solid leadership behaviour at the school level. The figure
re-emphasises that the local agency role in setting expectations for school improvement can have positive effects on
teachers and students if the expectations are coupled
with creating a supportive and collaborative environment
for school leader learning. The caveat is, of course, that this
did not happen in most local education authorities nor was
it experienced by most school leaders: Few US districts
have a coherent professional development system for
principals; most rely on episodic events; few principals
have regular contact with a mentor or coach in the local
education authority office; and only half of the school
leaders in our survey agreed that the district leaders assist
them to be better instructional leaders in their schools.
In other words, lack of clarity about the role of local
educational authorities continues to be common in the
United States and, I suspect, in many other countries
as well.
Discussion
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The study on which this paper is based (which is currently
the largest investigation of leadership for learning in the
United States) obviously does not answer all of the
questions that we might have about school leader effects.
I would argue, instead, that its most important contribution may be to suggest questions that require further
reflection and data. Furthermore, this short paper has not
captured all of the findings that emerged from this very
large study, but focused only on those that seem to have
potential applicability in other countries, particularly the
Fig. 3.
Nordic setting. Nevertheless, in spite of the limitations,
there are some conclusions that can be considered.
First, the results suggest that the way forward in school
effectiveness research should not necessarily be guided by
an ever-sharper focus on teachers. Clearly teachers matter,
but the quality of their work is shaped not only by what
they know, how well they were trained and their subsequent experience, but also by the social conditions that
they encounter in a school. These conditions are critically
grounded in professional community, or the stimulating
relationships that they have with other teachers that create
effective individual and collective learning environments
that support change. However, our study suggests that
school leaders have a significant impact on whether
supportive and challenging work environments exist for
teachers. School leaders exert influence in the following
ways:
. Affect working relationships and, indirectly, student
achievement (instructional leadership)
. When influence is shared with teachers, foster
stronger teacher working relationships (shared
leadership)
. Create a culture of support for teachers that is
translated into support for student work (academic
support)
In other words, school leaders shape the school culture
in ways that make its members more productive as well as
more satisfied.
Local education authorities have a more limited
impact on teachers, except under unusual circumstances
where there is extensive job-embedded professional
development that is of high quality (Desimone, 2011).
Although many US districts have leapt on the bandwagon of developing new roles for instructional coaches as a
component of efforts to influence the quality of teaching,
few studies have demonstrated an impact of education
authority coaching programs on achievement, and there
Professional community for principals.
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have been no costbenefit analyses. In sum, at this time,
local education authorities appear to have the most lowcost leverage to improve schools by improving school
leadership. We do not have extensive data on how districts make a difference, but what comes through clearly
is that creating settings in which ideas about leading
improvement (particularly instructional improvement)
are discussed is critical.
Returning to Sarason’s (1971, 1996) challenge, which
focuses on changing power relationships in schools, this
study only begins to scratch the surface. However, there
are some clues. This summary suggests that the possibilities for school improvement are increased where the
conscious barrier between teachers, between administrators and teachers, between schools and communities and
between local educational authorities and schools are
challenged. We do not know from this research whether
integrative leadership that creates new working relationships will change the way in which teachers think about
their ‘responsibility’ for managing a child’s learning.
However, our study indicates that teachers in a close
professional community are more likely to teach in ways
that give more power to students by incorporating constructivist strategies that are consistent with Scandinavian
ideas of bildung as a core educational value. In other
words, changing the culture of relationships among adults,
both professionals and community members, can change
the way in which teachers enact their responsibilities in
classrooms.
In the context of the incessant policy drum beat of
school accountability, our studies found that educational
professionals at all levels could, under the right circumstances, continue to focus on longer-term organizational
improvement, learning and continuous improvement
rather than thinking only of the next round of state (or
international) test results. Because the social composition
of schools is changing rapidly in most countries, the fact
that these results were found in poorer and more diverse
as well as wealthier schools suggests room for optimism.
We do not need to assume that increasing diversity will
lead to fragmented schools and communities, although it
will continue to pose challenges that caring leaders and
professional, engaged teachers will need to meet with
energy.
There is also room for hope that the working life of
teachers can be improved, not with ‘bells and whistles’ such
as new buildings or technology, but with changes in the
social relationships that encourage each member of a
school to be connected to others around the ‘knots’ of
shared tasks and improved practice (Engeström, 2008).
This finding is particularly critical for many countries,
including some of the Nordic countries, where the
incessant media focus on school failures has tended to
undermine teacher morale. Although educational leaders
cannot change the media, our data suggest that they can
Citation: NordSTEP 2015, 1: 30321 - http://dx.doi.org/10.3402/nstep.v1.30321
shape the important local stories that are told by teachers,
parents and the local communities in ways that benefit
teachers and students.
Finally, it is important to remember that, although this
paper is a reflective interpretation of a US study with an
effort to be sensitive to the situation of the Nordic countries, it raises questions for research rather than providing
answers. What it does suggest is that, as a rich research
tradition of studying leadership in Scandinavia develops, it
should be fully engaged with the finding that leadership in
schools belongs to many people and not just to a
designated occupant of an administrative position.
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Appendix 1
Additional description of sampling and data
collection
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The two surveys each contained items from established
instruments as well as new items. All attitudinal variables were measured with six-point Likert scales. The
instruments were field-tested with teachers and meetings with respondents led to subsequent changes in the
wording of questions to improve clarity. The finalized
instruments were mailed to individual schools and were
typically completed by all teachers during a school staff
meeting. Each survey was accompanied by a blank envelope that could be sealed to ensure confidentiality so
that none of the principals had access to the teachers’
responses.
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The method of survey administration, which involved
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completely accurate response rate difficult, largely because
of incomplete staff lists at the building level. However,
because of the method of administration, it was more
typical to get a large bundle of surveys (presumably a high
within-school response rate) or none at all. In addition, a
few schools that participated in 20052006 dropped out for
2008 and were replaced. This organizational non-response
accounts for the eventual inclusion of 157 rather than 180
schools in most of the analyses. Each of the participating case
study districts and schools (18 districts and 36 schools) was
visited three times over the course of the project.
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