Revenue Law Journal
Volume 6 | Issue 1
Article 3
12-1-1996
Problem Resolution : Does the ATO Approach
Really Work?
Duncan Bentley
Bond University,
[email protected]
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Recommended Citation
Bentley, Duncan (1996) "Problem Resolution : Does the ATO Approach Really Work? ," Revenue Law Journal: Vol. 6: Iss. 1, Article 3.
Available at: htp://epublications.bond.edu.au/rlj/vol6/iss1/3
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Problem Resolution : Does the ATO Approach Really Work?
Abstract
It is timely to examine whether the complaint handling procedures set up by the Australian Taxation Oice
measures up to the standards of best practice developed in alternative dispute resolution. his article analyses
the relationship between taxpayers and the Australian Taxation Oice in terms of conlict theory. If then
extends this anlysis to focus on the latest complaint handling procedures developed for the Taxpayers'
Charter.
Keywords
ATO, tax, dispute resolution, Australia
his journal article is available in Revenue Law Journal: htp://epublications.bond.edu.au/rlj/vol6/iss1/3
Bentley: ATO Approach to Problem Resolution
PROBLEM RESOLUTION: DOES
APPROACH REALLY WORK?*
THE ATO
Duncan Bentley
Assistant Professor of Law
Bond University
Introduction
Alternative methods of dispute resolution (" ADR") are becoming more
popular. 1 Publications on the topic are prolific and legislation is
I am grateful to Assistant Professor Bobette Wolski and Professor Laurence
Boulle, who provided me with useful insights into the dispute resolution
processes during the preparation of this article and helpful comments on
earlier drafts. Michael Joyce and Peter Flanagan of the ATO Taxpayers’
Charter Team were extremely helpful in providing information on various
proposals for complaints handling under the draft Charter. This article is
based upon the draft Charter. If the final Charter takes a different form, the
complaints handling procedures in the draft represent some of the latest
thinking on the topic in the ATO and are still worthy of close analysis.
This can be seen in the recent growth of ADR courses, centres and workshops
around the country. For example, the Bond University Dispute Resolution
Centre started in 1989 to meet nascent demand for education in this area.
Now, in addition to degrees and diplomas, it provides numerous workshops
around the Asia Pacific region each year to a wide range of people. The
demand is not only from the higher levels of the legal profession, but extends
right across the community to encompass medical, engineering and public
service professionals, businesses and other institutions.
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following suit.2 Here, at last, is a way to reduce the backlog of cases
in the courts, cut the costs of justice to the general public and provide
mutually acceptable solutions for the parties involved in disputes.3 A
point of secondary importance to lawyers is that ADR can provide a
useful new source of fees. 4
Tax professionals may feel that they are getting left behind as their
colleagues from other specialties enter this brave new world of
dispute resolution. However, they should draw comfort from the fact
that the very nature of the relationship between revenue authorities,
taxpayers and their advisers has long depended on different forms of
dispute resolution, however unsystematic. Any tax adviser knows
that the resolution of most disputes in the tax system is predicated on
a negotiated outcome,s The case that gets to court is the exception
rather than the rule.6
The Supreme Court Amendment Act 1995 (Qld) is an example. It provides
for mandatory mediation and case appraisal in civil matters in all courts in
Queensland, when ordered by the court.
In the tax area, see Gerber P, "Mediating Tax Appeals in the AAT" (1992)
Taxation Institute of Australia, 31 st Victorian Taxation Convention Papers 31;
and on recent developments see Fayle R and Chapple S, "The Impact of the
Recent ARC Report on Income Taxation Dispute Resolution in the AAT", a
paper presented at the ATAX conference on "Current Issues in Tax
Administration", Sydney, 11 and 12 April 1996. See generally, Boulle L,
Mediation: Principles, Process, Practice (1996 Butterworths) and Astor H
and Chinkin CM, Dispute Resolution in Australia (1992 Butterworths).
Evidence of this can be seen from the expanding use of ADR by lawyers,
particularly in areas such as construction law, family law and employment
law. In the tax area, the move towards mediation in the AAT, reflected in the
new Small Tax Claims Tribunal, will almost certainly lead to tax advisers
offering to represent clients in mediation.
UAscenzo M, "A Tax Office Insight into Business Audits" (1993) Taxation
Institute of Australia, 23rd Queensland Taxation Convention Papers 80;
Bryant B, "Tax Audit Experience - Key Issues" (1992) Taxation Institute of
Australia, 31 st Victoria Taxation Convention Papers 15; Stolarek TJ, "The
Tax Office in the 90’s: The Tax Practitioners Perspective" (1992) Taxation
Institute of Australia, 31 st Victoria Taxation Convention Papers 8.
UAsenzo, Bryant and Stolarek, ibid, generally reflect this experience in
practice. See also Gerber, above n 3.
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PART I: BACKGROUND
ADR focuses on avoiding litigation before the courts.7 This is most
often achieved through negotiation, mediation and arbitration. Each
of these is found in some form in the tax administration system.
Negotiation
Negotiation takes place where the parties in a dispute, with or
without partisans in support of the respective disputants, approach
each other without the assistance of any third party and seek a
mutually acceptable outcome through discussion. 8 This is a feature of
tax audits. Particularly since the introduction of full self-assessment
for companies, superannuation funds and similar entities in 1992,9 the
tax audit has become a vitally important tool in tax enforcement.10
The aim of the tax audit process is to identify where taxpayers have
failed to comply with the tax law. Because of the inherent uncertainty
in the interpretation and application of much of the tax law, audits
often conclude with a negotiated settlement,n The negotiation
process is broad enough to cover the level of penalty applicable where
there is a tax shortfall.12 There is also a degree of negotiation in the
private ruling process, as taxpayers and the Australian Taxation
Office ("ATO") attempt to determine the correct application of the law
to a given set of facts or a particular transaction. 13
Mediation
Mediation is a decision-making process in which the parties
are assisted by a third party, the mediator; the mediator
attempts to improve the process of decision-making and to
9
10
11
12
See, for example, Boulle and Astor and Chinkin, above n 3, and Condliffe P,
Conflict Management (1991 TAFE Publications).
Astor and Chinkin, above n 3 at 59, quoting Roberts S, "Mediation in Family
Disputes" (1983) 46 Modem Law Review 537 at 544.
Taxation Laws Amendment (Self Assessment) Act 1992 (Cth).
See Wickerson J, "The Changing Roles of Taxpayer Audit Programs: Some
Recent Developments in the Australian Taxation Office" (1994) 4 Revenue LJ
125.
See the convention papers given by D’ Asenzo, Bryant and Stolarek, above n 5.
Ibid. Cullen D referred to this experience in an unpublished 1992 conference
paper, "Managing and Controlling a Tax Audit: The External Contribution to
the Tax Audit". See further, in relation to important issues arising in this
context, Bentley D, "The Commissioner’s Powers: Democracy Fraying at the
Edges?" (1994) 4 Revenue LJ 85.
Bentley, ibid, and Part IVAA Taxation Administration Act 1953 (Cth).
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assist the parties to reach an outcome to which each of them
can assent. 14
A form of mediation may take place where a taxpayer feels unjustly
treated by the ATO. There is now an avenue of appeal to the Special
Taxation Adviser in the Commonwealth Ombudsman’s office ("the
Ombudsman"). If the Ombudsman finds that there is cause for
complaint, he or she may take up the issue with the ATO and, in some
cases, may try and mediate a resolution of the problem between the
ATO and the taxpayer.15 Mediation is also a successful component of
the process followed in the Administrative Appeals Tribunal ("the
AAT")16 and the new Small Tax Claims Tribunals will further increase
this emphasis on mediation,iv
Arbitration
Arbitration is a [private] adversary process which provides
for an objective, independent and impartial determination
of disputed
facts or issues by an expert appointed by the
parties.18
The AAT provides an example of formal arbitration in the tax appeals
system. It is formal in the sense that it is not private and the outcome
is binding on the parties, whereas much arbitration pursued by ADR
practitioners in other disciplines tends to be more informaU9
However, the AAT was set up specifically to minimise the need for
taxpayers to seek judicial adjudication.2° Much of the internal ATO
process governing objections can also take the form of arbitration,
although the "independent third party" is chosen by the ATO.
Nonetheless, the ATO is not an amorphous mass. Objections are
considered by ATO officers more senior than those who made the
original decision against which an objection is made. 21 This occurs for
both ordinary objections and objections against private rulings. 22
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
Boulle, above n 3 at 3.
Part II Ombudsman Act 1976 (Cth). See further, Bentley D, "Formulating a
Taxpayers’ Charter of Rights: Setting the Ground Rules" (1996) 25 AT Rev 97
and Evans D, "Hard Cases" 30 Taxation in Australia 236.
See Gerber, above n 3.
Law and Justice Legislation Amendment Bill 1996 (Cth) amending the
Administrative Appeals Tribunal Act 1975 (Cth).
Astor and Chinkin, above n 3 at 65.
For example, as found in mediation/arbitration clauses in construction,
employment and other commercial contracts.
Fayle and Chapple, above n 3.
Cooper G, Deutsch R and Krever R, Income Taxation Commentary and
Materials (2nd ed 1993 The Law Book Co Ltd) 23-39.
Ibid.
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Benchmarking
Given that the ATO, taxpayers and their advisers have long practised
a form of ADR, it is timely to consider whether that practice fits in
with the ADR theories. Benchmarking has become something of a
mantra in the quality control environment and refers to the measuring
of performance against specific criteria. Provided the criteria are
carefully chosen, the performance can be measured for quality. 23 It
would be a massive task to benchmark all ADR practices in the tax
administration system, even if an appropriate standard were agreed
upon. Nonetheless, the ATO is conscious of the need for objective
measurement of the system24 and it is appropriate that the tax
community generally becomes involved in that process.
This article is a contribution to the analysis of one aspect of the tax
administration system. Part III exami~, es the ,o, mp!aint handling
process used in the proposed Taxpayers Charter ( the Charter") as an
example of the latest thinking of the ATO in this area.2~ It explores
the validity of that process, in the context of ATO tax collection and
enforcement, using some of the prevalent ADR theories. The analysis
concludes that the administration processes do have a basis in ADR
theory. A grasp of the theory also provides the tax adviser with a
better understanding of what the ATO is trying to achieve. Without
that understanding, the tax adviser is in a second-best position when
it comes to advising clients. There is a tendency to negotiate and
resolve conflicts based on a stereotypical perception of the ATO. It is
an approach that is both flawed and dangerous, if the desired
outcomes are to be achieved.
Quality assurance programs are being widely inlroduced, particularly to
ensure compliance with International Standards, such as the ISO 9000 Series.
Compliance with such standards is now a requirement for much government
and international tendering.
For example, see Wickerson J, "Measuring Taxpayer Compliance: Issues and
Challenges Facing Tax Administrations" (1994) 11 Australian Tax Forum 1.
The Taxpayers’ Charter was proposed, inter alia, by the Joint Committee of
Public Accounts (JCPA), Report 326, An Assessment of Tax (1993 AGPS)
Recommendation 131 and was released in draft form in November 1995 after
extensive consultation. The final version is due .for release in May 1997. See
also, the draft Taxpayers’ Bill of Rights, proposed by the Taxation Institute of
Australia, (1993) 28 Taxation in Australia 50. For a detailed discussion of the
issues involved in the introduction of the Charter see: Bentley, above n 13;
Bentley D, "The Taxpayers’ Charter: More than a Mission Statement" (1996) 4
Taxation in Australia - Red Edition 259; Bentley D, "Taxpayer’s Charter:
Opportunity or Token Gesture?" (1995) 12 Australian Tax Forum 1.
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Accordingly, Part II of the article examines the relationship between
the taxpayer and the ATO from the perspective of the inherent
conflicts involved. It focuses on the Charter, for it is in the
formulation of the Charter that the underlying conflicts between the
ATO and the taxpayer representative bodies have become most
obviously apparent.26 The feeling that flows from recent comment is
that the Charter is of little point if it is a document introduced as an
administrative guideline.27 It seems that the taxpayer representatives
who have commented publicly on the Charter do not believe that the
ATO will provide safeguards to the rights protected in the document,
unless they are forced to by statute.
These statements are problematic in that they show little
understanding of the interests that underlie the ATO’s side of the
relationship with the taxpaying community. Without this
understanding by taxpayers, problem resolution mechanisms such as
that contained in the Charter seem futile. Yet it is the complexity of
the ATO/taxpayer relationship that offers opportunities, within the
administrative mechanisms, for advisers to serve better the cause of
their taxpaying clients.
PART II: TESTING NEW APPROACHES TO ENFORCEMENT
The Social Conflict model
This part takes, adapts and applies parts of the model of conflict put
forward by Rubin, Pruitt and Kim in Social Conflict: Escalation,
Stalemate and Settlement28 ("the Social Conflict model") to the
ATO/taxpayer relationship, with particular reference to the Charter.
It offers only one perspective, but it does throw some light on the
review mechanisms available under the Charter and their
effectiveness.
Ury, Brett and Goldberg state that "disputes are inevitable when
people with different interests deal with each other regularly. Those
26
See, for example, Carmody M, Commissioner of Taxation, "Taxpayers’
Charter: ATO Perspective", paper presented at the ATAX conference on
Current Issues in Tax Administration, 11-12 April 1996 at 7 and Taxation
Institute of Australia, "Charting an Old Course" (1995-96) 30 Taxation in
Australia 265.
Taxation Institute of Australia, ibid; Williams D, "The Taxpayers’ Charter Where is it heading?" 1996 Weekly Tax Bulletin para 698.
Rubin JZ, Pruitt DG and Kim SH, Social Conflict: Escalation, Stalemate and
Settlement (2nd ed 1994 McGraw Hill).
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different interests will come into conflict from time to time, generating
disputes.’’29 The ATO and taxpayers offer a classic example. The
Charter is a means of limiting and regulating this conflict, but only in
specific areas. The history of conflict in the area of taxpayer rights
extends to rights not included in the Charter, for example, the right to
certainty. That does not mean that there is no conflict over the right.
The Charter recognises the possibility of conflict over rights and also
the validity of taxpayer concerns. It provides conflict regulating
mechanisms.B° For example, if a taxpayer company has not received a
proper explanation for an ATO decision, the Charter recognises that
an explanation should be given and provides the taxpayer with a
formal avenue for complaint. Where previously taxpayers relied on
individual approaches to the ATO, there are now formal mechanisms
to initiate a complaint resolution process.
The Charter articulates the rights of taxpayers, thereby providing a
focus for resolution of conflicts in the area. The corollary is that the
Charter will also tend to incorporate elements of conflicts that go
beyond its scope. Where the Charter is limited in its scope, a conflict,
say on a tax audit, may cover a much broader range of issues.
Conflicts tend to shape themselves to fit within the process available.
This leads to greater satisfaction where the conflicts are resolved, but
there is a danger that those aspects of the conflict that could not fit
within the available mechanisms will leave unresolved grievances to
fuel further conflicts.31 For example, on a tax audit, if taxpayers try to
restrict the resolution of issues’ to the Charter’s dispute resolution
process, they will necessarily be disappointed. The rights protected in
the Charter are limited to process and cannot deal effectively with
matters of substance relating to the operation of the lawl "Process"
means procedural issues, such as the giving of reasons for a decision,
whereas, "substance" means matters of law, such as whether
expenditure is deductible. The temptation will be to try and force
issues of substance into the Charter process, because it is much
cheaper and more accessible than the court system.
29
WL Ury, JM Brett and SB Goldberg, Getting Disputes Resolved (1993 The
Program on Negotiation at Harvard Law School) xii.
Providing mechanisms is not sufficient in itself, as will be discussed below.
Per Ury, Brett and Goldberg, ibid, "the challenge is to develop procedures that
the parties will use ... to resolve disputes more satisfactorily and at lower
cost".
These concepts are considered in Miller RE and Sarat A, "Grievances, Claims
and Disputes: Assessing the Adversary Culture" (1980-1981) 15 Law &
Society Review 525.
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The Social Conflict model defines conflict as a "perceived divergence
of interest, or a belief that the parties’ current aspirations cannot be
achieved simultaneously" .32 The Social Conflict model suggests that
parties pursue one of three main strategies to settle conflict. They
contend and try to impose their preferred solution on the other party;
they yield and settle for less than they would have liked; or they
problem solve and try to find a solution that satisfies the interests of
both sides.33 Taxpayers and their advisers will recognise all three
strategies from their dealings with the ATO. The strategy chosen
often depends upon the ATO personnel involved.
Conflict escalation
Before the introduction of the Charter, assume that a taxpayer
company believes that its rights have been breached. The ATO has
given a ruling that is inconsistent with that given to a company in the
same industry on similar facts. Assume that the ruling relates to the
exercise of the Commissioner’s discretion and that, prima facie, there
is no question of improper exercise of the discretion. Following an
adverse decision by the Commissioner on an initial objection to the
ruling, there is little point pursuing the matter in the AAT or the
courts, as the ruling relating to the taxpayer is a reasonable exercise of
the Commissioner’s discretion in this instance.34 When the ATO
position is first contested by the company, the initial strategy on both
sides is probably to "contend", and to attempt to impose their
preferred solution on the other side. The company is usually
represented by a tax adviser acting for and on behalf of the company.
"Contending" takes place through letters with supporting
documentation, with references to the law and cases. There is also
generally contact between the taxpayer’s adviser and the ATO, by
telephone and, sometimes, at meetings.
Escalation35 of the conflict follows. There is the overriding threat in the
hands of the ATO that, if the taxpayer does not comply with the
ruling, it will suffer interest and penalties on any tax unpaid. The
issues discussed in the negotiation proliferate so that any even slightly
relevant argument is brought in to assist or refute the taxpayer’s case.
The parties become increasingly involved in the negotiation over the
ruling and commit additional resources to reinforce their views. For
32
33
34
Rubin, Pruitt and Kim, above n 28 at 5.
Ibid at 3.
See further, Bentley, "The Taxpayers’ Charter: More than a Mission
Statement", above n 25 at 261.
The discussion is based on the model of escalation and its development in
Rubin, Pruitt and Kim, above n 28 at ch 5.
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example, a QC’s opinion may be sought by both sides in support of
their arguments. The outlook of each party is individualistic: the
taxpayer wants to apply the law in a particular way to the relevant
transaction, while the ATO wants to apply the ruling it has given and
protect the revenue base. If the issue is significant enough, the
taxpayer may try and enjoin the support of other parties, such as
taxpayer representative groups.
Underlying the conflict is the different focus by the parties on their
interests, rights and power?6 "Interests", "refer to the underlying
needs and concerns of parties in dispute".37 "Rights", refer to norms,
such as statutes, court decisions and ATO rulings. Rights are
"objective standards which can be imposed on parties in dispute in a
neutral and even-handed way".3s In a tax dispute the individual
interests tend to be subsumed in the argument over legal rights. It is
usually only when the parties enter into a form of problem-solving, in
an effort to resolve the conflict, that interests are taken into account.
Problem-solving is discussed below. However, even though tax
disputes are overtly focused on the rights of each party, an important
factor in any dispute with the ATO is the cost of taking the matter
further. Where the costs are too high the ATO becomes the effective
arbiter of both parties’ rights. Immediately, the ATO’s power to
impose tax, interest and penalties on the taxpayer, or the threat to do
so, becomes a further factor that will influence the outcome of the
dispute. 39 A counter-weight to the ATO’s power is where the matter is
of public interest and taxpayer representative groups assist the
taxpayer to obtain an adjudication of the rights in the courts.4°
Settlement
The ATO and taxpayers conduct their disputes within a relatively
formal framework, which limits the extent of escalation. Conflicts are
usually settled. However, resolving a conflict does not necessarily
overcome the problem of escalation. Conflict affects the total
relationship between the parties. Even if a particular problem "is
38
39
A useful discussion of these issues, from which many of the points made here
are drawn, can be found in Ury, Brett and Goldberg, above n 29 at ch 1.
Boulle L, "Rights and Interests - Refining the Justice Debate" [1996] 3
Dispute Resolution Bulletin 35.
Ibid.
Ury, Brett and Goldberg, above n 29 at 7. See further, the discussion in
Boulle and Astor and Chinkin, above n 3 and in Condliffe, above n 7.
On this aspect of ADR, see Edwards HT, "Alternative Dispute Resolution:
Panacea or Anathema?" (1986)99 Harvard LawReview 668.
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resolved, the underlying conflicts are not, so the cycle of confrontation
... continues".41
This might happen in the above example of the company in a number
of ways. The ATO may send a final communication restating its
opinion. The company would not be happy with this outcome but, in
the absence of any basis for appeal it would have to accept that it had
been overwhelmed by the ATO action. Alternatively, the company
itself might no longer wish to pursue the particular conflict and may
yield to the ruling by the ATO, or the ATO may yield to the
arguments of the company and alter its ruling to reflect the favourable
ruling given to the other company. Sometimes, the escalation will
reach a stalemate and the two parties will try and reach agreement
through the use of various tactics. A stalemate involving a powerful
organisation such as the ATO seldom occurs, unless the ATO permits
it. This is discussed further below.
In the example, the company did not appeal to the courts rather than
negotiate with the ATO. The transaction costs of escalating a conflict
to that degree usually are unacceptable to the taxpayer. The time,
energy and effort involved in conflict can disrupt ordinary working
practices, to the extent that it becomes counterproductive. The
monetary costs can also quickly outweigh the benefits of continuing
the conflict.42
The effect of conflict escalation on taxpayers
The above scenario is common to dispute resolution involving tax
administrations. Conflict resolution that is rights-based (where the
outcome is determined according to rights such as legal standards)
and power-based (where the outcome is determined according to who
is more powerful), favours the revenue administration and collection
authority. Such situations constitute a bad experience for the
taxpayer. Taxpayers are in constant contact with the ATO.
Companies and other entities, in particular, can have several different
tax returns to self assess, as well as numerous other contacts with the
ATO during the tax year. A conflict in one area can spill over into the
other areas in the way returns are completed and contacts are made.
The conflict can move from an individual desire to achieve an end in
41
42
Ury, Brett and Goldberg, above n 29 at xiii.
See further, for example, Williamson OE, "Transaction Cost Economics: The
Governance of Contractual Relations" (1979) 22 Journal of Law and
Economics 233.
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one area to a desire to beat the ATO at its own game in all areas of tax
compliance.43
A taxpayer that sees the ATO as the aggressor uses defensive tactics.
In response, the ATO is likely to perceive the taxpayer as a high
compliance risk and take further action. 44 The conflict spiral develops,
each seeing the other’s behaviour as illegitimate. Personal antipathy
can occur even in dealings with the ATO as an organisation. The
taxpayer’s file will reflect the detrimental labeling of the taxpayer by
all those officers who have had contact with the taxpayer and this
view will be adopted by anyone within the ATO picking up the file. 45
The resolution of individual disputes may only exacerbate conflict
over the whole gamut of the taxpayer’s relations with the ATO.
Conflict escalation can be seen both on the individual level and on a
group level, between taxpayers as a whole and the ATO. It has led to
significant tax avoidance in Australia. Taxpayers, often with the
encouragement of the courts, tried to expand the boundaries of
legitimate tax avoidance.46 A harsh and all-encompassing legislative
backlash resulted. For example, the cost of business lunches was for
many years a deductible expense. Government decided that
taxpayers were taking advantage of this to indulge in expensive
entertainment, to the detriment of the revenue, and business lunches
became non-deductible. Subsequently, government argued that
business was using entertainment to circumvent the fringe benefits
provisions and meals for employees are now taxed as a fringe benefit.
This means that the records for each business lunch must show
separately the cost of food and drink relating to non-employees, for
they are simply non-deductible expenses, and the cost of food and
drink relating to employees, to be taxed as fringe benefits.
Specifically, conflict escalation occurred as the ATO began an
aggressive audit program to enforce taxpayer compliance. If a
Rubin, Pruitt and Kim, above n 28 at ch 5.
The ATO compliance strategies focus on risk assessment; see, for example,
Sweatman E, "Compliance Improvement: Leverage initiatives, a tax agent
approach ", a paper presented at the 1993 Australian Taxation Office Research
Conference, Canberra, December 1993.
Social identity theory supports this attribution of individual hostility
(individual officers) to the group (the ATO) on the basis that the self-respect
of the members of the group is based on believing that their group is better
than the other group (the taxpayer). See Rubin, Pruitt and Kim, above n 28 at
127.
For a discussion of this point, see Cleary J, "The Evolution of Tax Avoidance"
(1995) 5 Revenue LJ 219.
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taxpayer was found to have erred in self assessing, penalties and
interest were applied. In retaliation, taxpayers began to litigate and
adopt a more aggressive approach towards the ATO.47 There were
structural changes on both sides that contributed to increases in the
cost of compliance.4s Simultaneously, associated psychological
changes reinforced the conflict spiral.49
Negative perceptions and attitudes formed. Differences between the
ATO and taxpayers were emphasised by the ATO, taxpayer groups
and the press. The ATO was often represented as aggressive and
hostile; taxpayers as trying to beat the system. A lack of trust and a
tendency to feel threatened by the other party assisted the escalation.
Yet in broad terms, taxpayers simply wanted to be able to succeed in
work or business, and the ATO wanted to collect the right amount of
revenue. Decreased respect and poor communications tended to lead
to confrontation rather than problem-solving, exacerbated by dehumanising the other side.s° The result was: group polarisation; a
tendency to prefer conflict in audit and other areas of dissent to
problem solving; group cohesiveness on both sides; each side aiming
to achieve its goals regardless of the effect on the other party; and the
emergence of militant leaders and subgroups.51 Taxpayer
representative groups became more cohesive, focused and aggressive
under strong leadership, in response to similar developments in the
ATO.
Achieving taxpayer compliance
The ATO goal was clear: it wanted to improve taxpayer compliance.52
It became involved in extensive research to identify the best methods
of achieving its goal.s3 International research shows that in a self-
50
51
52
See the classic escalation pattern described in FCT v Citibank (1989) 20 FCR
403.
Described in Pope J, "Compliance Costs of Taxation: Policy Implications"
(1994) 11 Australian Tax Forum 85.
This section is based on the model in Rubin, Pruitt and Kim, above n 28 at ch
6.
This tendency can still be seen in parts of the ATO. The Tax Ombudsman
highlighted examples in the debt collection area in a recent report. See Evans
D, "Hard Cases" (1995-1996) 30 Taxation in Australia 236. See further,
Rubin, Prnitt and Kim, above n 28 at 17 on ethnocentrism.
See further, Ury, Brett and Goldberg, above n 29 at xi.
Seen in the Commissioner’s annual reports, for example, Commissioner of
Taxation, 1994-95 Annual Report (1995 AGPS). See also, Wickerson, above
n 24; Wirth A, "Changing Taxpayer Compliance: The hnpact of Business
Auditors as Service Providers" (1994) 11 Australian Tax Forum 6 3.
lbid.
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assessment environment problem-solving is far more effective in
encouraging taxpayer compliance than conflict.54 The OECD states
that, "co-operation is more likely to be forthcoming if taxpayers
perceive the system as being fair and if their basic rights are clearly set
out and respected".55 A radical change in approach emerged. The
papers at the first ATO Compliance Research Conference, held in
Canberra in 1993, are telling. They include titles such as:56 "Helping
tax agents help taxpayers", "Changing taxpayer compliance: the
impact of business auditors as service providers" and "Taxpayers are
people". The papers reflected an attempt to implement the approach
set out by Stalans, who argued that: 57
Prior research has convincingly shown how a single
experience with a rude .... authority lowers the recipient’s
support of legal authority and lnd~rectly increases noncompliance with laws. One primary objective of tax audits
should be to increase the legitimacy of tax authorities and
tax enforcement rather ttian to lower it. [When] ...
taxpayers believed their auditors were polite,
communication about interpersonal treatment reinforced
taxpayers’ earlier acquired beliefs and support for tax
authorities and tax laws. However, undignifi6d audits are
very.costly for the enforcement sy~stem, esp.ecially when
there ~s no change, or refund. The heavy cost ~s in terms of
the loss of legitimacy in the eyes of the audited taxpayers
and the other honest taxpayers who are told about the
audit.
This type of harsh experience is called relative deprivation. It alerts
the deprived party to the existence of incompatible interests and at the
same time provides the energy to combat that threat. Contentious
action by the taxpayer is more likely where there is a growing distrust
of the ATO.58 The Dual Concern Model of Conflict Theory states that
55
56
57
Li J, "Taxpayer Rights in Canada" (1997) 7 Revenue LJ (forthcoming); James
S and Wallschutzky IG, "The Shape of Future Tax Administration" (1995) 49
Bulletin for International Fiscal Documentation 217; L Stalans, "Talking
about Tax Audit Experiences: The Procedural Content of Socialisation"’ paper
presented at the Internal Revenue Service Research Conference, Washington
DC, 12-13 November 1992 and quoted in Wickerson, above n 24 at 12; Roth
JA, Scholz JT and Witte AD (eds), Taxpayer Compliance, Vol 1 (1989
University of Pennsylvania Press) at 129.
OECD, Taxpayers’ Rights and Obligations (1990 OECD) 10.
Presented by Bird S, Wirth A and Anderson R, respectively, all of the ATO.
Stalans, above, n 54. Evidence for Stalans’ conclusions can be seen in the
attitude of Congress to the United States Internal Revenue Service, when
passing the Taxpayers Bills of Rights 1 and 2. See Greenbaum A, "Taxpayers’
Bills of Rights 1 and 2: A Charter to be Followed by the Rest of the World or
Just Another Attack on the Tax Authority?" (1997) 7 Revenue LJ
(forthcoming).
Rubin, Pruitt and Kim, above n 28 at 15.
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conflict style is determined by the strength of. each party’s interest in
two independent variables: their concern about their own outcomes
and their concern about the other party’s outcomes. Where there is
high concern about both outcomes, problem solving is more likely,s9
The ATO’s research led it to realise the importance of having a high
concern for taxpayer interests so that it could achieve its own goals.
This dependence emphasises the instrumental nature of the ATO’s
concern: satisfaction of taxpayers is instrumental in the ATO
increasing taxpayer compliance.6°
A problem-solving approach
To improve its relationship with taxpayers, the ATO used typical
conflict de-escalation tactics. 61 It increased formalised interaction and
communication through a range of consultative committees, at all
levels of the ATO, to try and facilitate taxpayer participation in the tax
administration process. The ATO also tried to institute a cultural
change to make it seem more human, and now calls taxpayers
"clients" and tax administration "service".62 Problem Resolution Units
were set up to deal with common complaints within each office. The
results show the effectiveness of a problem solving approach, with a
significant increase in compliance and a marked change in attitude by
the community towards the ATO. It has culminated in a "team
approach", involving taxpayer groups and the ATO working together
in the Tax Law Improvement Project, which is aimed at simplifying
the tax legislation. Taxpayers have been encouraged to participate at
all levels of the process and on occasion have been the staunchest
defenders of the finished elements of the product revealed to date.~3
The ATO has, in some areas, effectively used common group
59
60
61
62
lbid at ch 3.
Ibid at 35.
Ibid at ch 9.
This is not unique to Australia. Similar measures have been taken in Canada
by Revenue Canada. See Li, above n 54. However, this approach is a feature
of highly developed tax systems. See OECD, above n 55. Compare this with
the system in Hungary, which is an example of a tax administration making
the transition from a closed Communist system. It has moved to selfassessment, but as yet has no form of independent review, nor any
independent documents outlining taxpayer rights. For a discussion of the
Hungarian tax administration system, see Deak D, "Taxpayer Rights and
Obligations: The Hungarian Experience" (1997) 7 Revenue LJ (forthcoming).
As seen in the address by the private sector representatives on the Tax Law
Improvement Project to the 1996 Australasian Tax Teachers’ Conference, in
relation to the reformulation of the loss provisions.
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membership to break down group ethnocentrism and de-escalate
conflict.64
Conflict limiting institutions are "forums and third party services for
helping their members resolve conflict peacefully. Stability within the
community depends on the availability and effectiveness of these
institutions" .65 As described in the initial example, the formality of the
ATO relationship with the taxpayer limited the conflict. The AAT and
the courts are conflict limiting institutions in that they "resolve"
conflict. However, the adversarial nature of the court system means
that the parties are polarised into contending rather than problem
solving, unless mediation at the AAT level is chosen and is successful.
The ATO has recognised that the adversarial approach is unhelpful to
the maintenance of the relationship of trust and mutual benefit that it
wishes to develop to encourage taxpayer compliance. Furthermore, it
recognises that the rights in the Charter relate mainly to process and
are therefore seen as falling squarely within the jurisdiction of the
ATO. The ATO recognises that taxpayers see t_he ATO as able to solve
problems of process and that taxpayers are loath to accept that it is the
law itself which prevents the ATO from looking after taxpayers’
interests. 66
Taxpayers and the ATO are keen to reduce the overall cost of
disputes.67 Costs include the actual compliance costs, such as
advisers’ fees and direct wages, and also indirect costs, such as lost
wages, opportunity costs of those involved in the compliance process
and physical and emotional stress.6s
Accordingly, the ATO used the Problem Resolution Unit ("PRLr’)
model as the basis for developing its complaint handling process
under the Charter. Importantly, the PRU officers are seen as the
"advocates of the taxpayer" within the ATO. They are put forward as
protectors of taxpayer interests. The approach is consistent with a
64
65
66
67
68
Rubin, Pruitt and Kim, above n 28 at 128.
Ibid at 133.
Carmody, above n 26 at 7.
Ibid. See also, Ury, Brett and Goldberg, above n 29 at xi.
The hidden costs of unresolved conflict are now well documented and have
encouraged the establishment of alternative dispute resolution systems in a
wide range of organisations and institutions. See, for example, Rowe MP,
"The Corporate Ombudsman: An Overview and Analysis" (1987) 3
Negotiation Journal 127. It is the classic transaction cost argument. For a
detailed discussion, see Coase R, "The Problem of Social Cost" (1960)
Journal of Law and Economics 1; Posner RA, The Economics of Justice (1983
Harvard University Press).
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problem solving approach that attempts to deal with the underlying
interests of the parties concerned, in a way that is seldom possible in a
more formal tribunal or court setting. There are problems as PRU
officers are also members of the ATO and are not always seen as
impartial. However, while complete impartiality may be impossible
to obtain, partiality is not a bar to effective third party mediation. 69
Subsequently, the government allowed taxpayers to complain to the
Ombudsman. The Ombudsman is integral to the latest ATO
complaints handling procedures and acts as a final avenue of appeal
where the internal procedures fail. The process is discussed in detail
below. The use of the Ombudsman gives people a non-violent and
face-saving way to resolve their disputes. Research suggests that the
mere presence of a third party is likely to change the interactions
between the parties and can be very beneficial in producing a
settlement of the conflict.7°
PART III: THE ATO MODEL
A model for conflict resolution
From the ATO perspective, the Charter was introduced to address a
perceived imbalance between the powers of the ATO and the
taxpayer.71 The ATO realised that it needed to introduce an
appropriate review mechanism to uphold the rights included in the
Charter. The Commissioner responded to criticisms of the draft
Charter’s administrative nature72 by drawing attention specifically to
"a new internal mechanism for review that introduces a clearly
70
71
Rubin, Pruitt and Kim, above n 28 at 200. Although, it is interesting to note
that the United States’ Taxpayer Bill of Rights 2 (HR 2337), enacted on 30
July 1996, introduced an independent position of Taxpayer Advocate, within
the Internal Revenue Service (IRS), to replace the existing Office of Taxpayer
Ombudsman (also within the IRS), whose independence was felt to be
inadequate. Section 101 establishes the position in order to: assist taxpayers
in resolving problems with the IRS; identify areas where taxpayers have
problems in dealings with the IRS; propose changes in the administrative
practices of the IRS that will mitigate those problems; and identify potential
legislative changes that may mitigate those problems. The Taxpayer
Advocate reports directly to Congress twice a year, by-passing all other
offices that were thought potentially to compromise the independence and
effectiveness of the Taxpayer Ombudsman.
Rubin, Pmitt and Kim, above n 28 at ch 11.
JCPA, above n 25; Bentley, above n 12; the Commissioner of Taxation, above
n 26.
Above n 26.
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accessible point within the organisation for review", before
highlighting the external review mechanisms found in the Privacy
Commissioner, the Ombudsman and the AAT. 73
The ATO has been developing its internal problem resolution
mechanisms.74 In the late 1980s it was found that there was a high
level of complaints in certain offices and certain areas. PRUs were set
up in offices around the country. Their aim is to identify the problems
giving rise to the complaints so that these can be reviewed and
resolved. PRUs are used once the normal channels for review are
exhausted. They concentrate on serious complaints involving, for
example, administrative delays in issuing assessments, conducting
audits and responding to letters. They also review decisions and
actions of ATO officers that are not open to other forms of review,
such as the right of appeal to the AAT.
PRU staff act as advocates for the taxpayer within the ATO. Their
objective is to resolve problems raised by taxpayers within ten
working days. In addition they try to change the system, where
necessary, to ensure that the same problem does not arise in future.
They maintain contact with the taxpayer, at least at the
commencement and conclusion of the investigation, to advise the
taxpayer of progress made.
The Problem Resolution program has been so successful that many
units have done themselves out of a job and have been dissolved. The
PRUs were considered as a basic model for the internal review.
mechanism to deal with complaints arising under the proposed
Charter. ATO staff in the Taxpayers’ Charter Team developed75 that
model to ensure it was consistent with the ATO Best Practice for
Continuous Improvement and the Australian Standard on complaints
handling.76
75
76
Commissioner of Taxation, above n 26. The usefulness of the AAT within the
review process is severely limited, given that it reviews matters of substance
rather than procedure. See further, Bentley, "The Taxpayers’ Charter: More
than a Mission Statement", above n 25.
The ATO view of the operation of PRUs comes from informal discussions
held by the author in February and November 1996 with Peter Flanagan and
Michael Joyce of the Taxpayers’ Charter Team. Information about the PRUs
was given in an ATO brochure, available from 1988, entitled "Problem
Resolution Program".
Ibid.
Standards Australia Committee on Complaints Handling, Australian
Standard: Complaints handling (1995 Standards Australia).
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The initial dispute resolution system to be set up to deal with taxpayer
complaints arising from the Charter is a mix between a complaint
handling system and a dispute resolution system. It is likely that the
majority of complaints raised under the Charter will not develop into
disputes. The explanatory leaflets designed to supplement the
Charter suggest that ATO staff are there to resolve taxpayers’
problems as quickly and efficiently as possible.77 This is the tenor of
the ATO approach, given the research indicating that an early
resolution of problems helps to raise taxpayer compliance levels: 78
For our part, we see the Charter as a natural progression
along the path the ATO has been heading for several years
now. This has involved an increased focus on clients
whereby we look to better understand and address the
issues impacting on compliance and compliance costs, an
emphasis on voluntary compliance under a self-assessment
system, being more open and accessible, and an emphasis
in working with the community to get its support for the
very important role we perform.
The precise complaints handling mechanism to be used in the Charter
is not finalised. It is unlikely that the basic principles will change
although the detailed procedures may. Whether the particular model
analysed below is adopted is not important. It reflects the thinking of
the ATO on the steps that should be included in the complaints
handling process. These steps and their context provide useful
information for analysis.
In all of the models under consideration, where the initial .ATO
contact officer and her or his supervisor fail to resolve a complaint, it
is taken to the Taxpayers’ Charter Review Unit ("TCRU") (the name
given in the draft documents). The TCRU is broadly modelled on the
PRU, but given a different name. If a complaint reaches the TCRU
there is a dispute of some kind. Accordingly, it is this stage of the
review mechanism that warrants analysis in the context of ADR
theory.
The ATO has been reorganised into business lines, which deal with
taxpayers on a daily basis. The TCRU will consist of ATO officers
independent of the business lines, whose role is to monitor and assist
in the resolution of complaints under the Charter. The TCRU will
have an advocacy role on behalf of the taxpayer within the ATO and
will report to the Commissioner.
See, for example, the leaflets entitled, "How we help you ", "If you are not
satisfied" and "Our service". The leaflets were in draft form at the time of
writing.
Commissioner of Taxation, above n 26 at 7.
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Assume that Ms Jones, the financial controller of a taxpayer company,
wishes to complain under the Charter about treatment that officers of
the company received during a tax audit. She has already raised the
matter with the ATO officer in charge of the audit without success. 79
Ms Jones may contact the supervisor of the ATO officer, who
will attempt to resolve her complaint.
If Ms Jones is dissatisfied with the outcome, she may contact a
member of the TCRU and advise that she wishes to complain.
The TCRU officer may provide initial advice to Ms Jones, for
example, to protect the rights of the company with the
lodgment of an objection or appeal.
If Ms Jones decides to proceed with her complaint, then the
TCRU officer records full details of the complaint and enters
the information on to a central database.
Ms Jones is told by the TCRU officer that he or she will ensure
that a contact officer within the relevant business line contacts
Ms Jones within a specified time to advise her how long it is
expected that the resolution of the complaint will take.
The TCRU officer contacts the person responsible for handling
complaints ("complaints officer") within the relevant business
line to advise them of Ms Jones’ complaint. The complaints
officer in each business line is a senior ATO officer who
oversees the handling of all such complaints within that
business line.
The complaints officer, or one of her or his staff members,
contacts Ms Jones to advise her of the expected duration of the
complaint inquiry and then investigates the complaint. The
complaints officer acts as the advocate of the taxpayer within
the ATO and has the necessary authority to ensure a speedy
outcome to the complaint process.
The complaints officer advises Ms Jones of the outcome of the
investigation into her complaint and, as appropriate, advises
her of any further action she can take, such as taking the
complaint to the Ombudsman.
The complaints officer enters details of the complaint process
and outcome onto the central database.
The TCRU officer can use this information to exercise a
monitoring and reporting role.
At a national level the information on the database is used for
planning and reporting purposes by business line executives
At the time of writing, this model is one of several being considered by the
ATO.
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and to allow them to identify systemic problems that need to
be dealt with.
If Ms Jones is dissatisfied with the outcome of the process, she
can contact the TCRU officer once more. The TCRU officer
will determine, as an independent advocate within the ATO,
whether any further action can be taken on behalf of the
taxpayer.
It is only if Ms Jones is still dissatisfied after the TCRU officer
has taken all possible action to resolve the dispute that it is
expected that the Ombudsman would become involved.
Design of dispute resolution systems
In general terms, ADR theorists begin the design of dispute resolution
systems by analysing the existing systems, identifying any problems
that need correction and determining why those problems exist so
that they are not repeated in any replacement system,s° The ATO has
tried to take this approach and has also attempted to incorporate
problem-solving principles into the design of the system.
ADR theorists tend to focus on interest-based systems, looking to deal
with the underlying interests of the parties concerned in the resolution
of disputes. They try to create "a dispute resolution system ...
designed to reduce the costs of handling disputes and to produce
more satisfying and durable resolutions".81 The ATO has already used
a limited version of this approach successfully in the PRUs. However,
although the underlying principles used by the ATO are broadly in
agreement with ADR theory, it is the design of the review
mechanisms that will determine their effectiveness.
In their influential model of dispute system design, Ury, Brett and
Goldberg put forward six principles.82
Prevent unnecessary conflict through notification,
consultation and feedback
A party taking action likely to affect others should notify and
consult them first. Points of difference can be identified and
dealt with early, to prevent potential conflict.
81
82
Wolski B, "The Stages and General Principles of Dispute Systems Design"
(unpublished paper 1996 Bond University) and Brett, Ury and Goldberg,
above, n 29 at ch 2.
Brett, Ury and Goldberg, ibid at 43.
Ibid at ch 3. Principle 1 was principle 4 in their earlier work. Many of the
ideas in my analysis of the ATO model come from Wolski, above n 80.
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Within the limits of confidentiality requirements, the system
should allow for analysis and feedback after disputes, by an
ombudsman, mediator or the parties, to overcome systemic
problems.
2
Create ways of reconciling the interests of those in dispute
Put clear procedures in place that are easy to follow and allow
the quick resolution of differences.
Use multiple steps in the negotiating process, so that the
progression to a full-blown dispute is slowed.
Motivate people to use the system by making multiple entry
points, preventing retaliation and ensuring that there is active
encouragement to use the system.
Ensure that there are people the disputants can turn to for
help, such as a mediator, and make certain that these people
are adequately trained in the appropriate skills.
3
Build in "loop-backs" to negotiation
Where interest-based procedures do not resolve the dispute
and it becomes a rights-based or power-based dispute, loopbacks allow the disputants "time-out" to re-assess their
position before it becomes too entrenched. An example in a
rights-based dispute is the preliminary conference at the AAT,
where AAT members may provide the parties with an
indication of their likely success at a full hearing. An example
in a power-based dispute is a cooling-off period. Loop-backs
encourage a return to negotiation.
4
Provide low-cost alternatives where negotiation fails
If interest-based negotiation breaks down then there should be
low-cost alternatives to a full court hearing. Arbitration is the
obvious alternative and the AAT provides a relatively lowcost alternative of this kind.
Create sequential procedures moving from low-cost to highcost
Provide clear alternatives to high-cost litigation early on in a
dispute. This involves arranging the procedures outlined in
points 1 to 4 in low-to-high cost sequence. For example,
negotiation would be followed by mediation, and mediation
by arbitration.
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Provide the necessary motivation, skills and resources to
allow the system to work
Specific motivation and training programs must be put in
place and adequately sustained to maintain a properly
working system.
Analysis
How does the ATO designed model measure up to the Ury, Brett and
Goldberg model?
Prevent unnecessary conflict through notification, consultation and
feedback
The first principle is aimed at avoiding conflict before it starts and
preventing future conflict. Consultation is built into the ATO model.
Most ATO interaction with taxpayers involves exchanges of views
and, often, informal meetings. Taxpayers are usually represented at
these meetings by a tax adviser, who provides a counter to the
position of power that the ATO almost always holds. If disputes arise
at this level, the process builds in consultation between the taxpayer
and the ATO officer’s supervisor. The next level of complaint to the
TCRU involves consultation at the initial stage, but there is usually no
more consultation between the original ATO officers involved in the
dispute and the taxpayer. This illustrates a potential weakness in the
ATO system. If the original ATO officers are involved with the
taxpayer on an ongoing basis, and they perceive that a solution is
imposed upon them by third parties, it could lead to subsequent
escalation on other issues, following the Dual Concern Model of
Conflict. Assigning a new case officer to a taxpayer in the event of a
dispute necessitating the intervention of the TCRU would support the
dispute resolution process.
The ATO model is designed to ensure that there are procedures in
place for analysis and feedback. However, this is through the TCRU
monitoring and reporting system. The Ombudsman also provides a
kind of feedback in annual reports made to Parliament. There is no
formal procedure for obtaining specific feedback from the taxpayer.
Feedback of this kind would provide information on the success of the
dispute handling process and outcomes from the taxpayer
perspective. It is important to provide a means to evaluate the system
itself on an ongoing basis, s3
83
Wolski, above n 80.
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Create ways of reconciling the interests of those in dispute
The ATO model meets the broad requirements of the second
principle. It is vital that the system does so, as the focus on interests is
the underlying theme of the Ury, Brett and Goldberg model. The
ATO model provides clear ways to reconcile the interests of the
taxpayer and the ATO. The procedures have been set out and should
be easy to follow. The information that the ATO provides for
taxpayers is almost always clear and helpful: a major strength of the
ATO is its public relations face. The point that there should be no
retaliation over Complaints is one that the ATO has had to deal with,
for many years, in the face of close public scrutiny. This aspect should
not be a problem.
The formal hierarchical process of the ATO model provides
specifically for a multi-step process. It allows the management of
disputes to prevent unnecessary escalation at an early stage. On the
other hand, the ATO model does not provide for multiple e_n.try points
to the process at the first level. The process is strictly hierarchical.
Despite that, entry can be made at different levels, but in doing so, the
dispute is taken to a subsequent step in the process. For example, if a
taxpayer is uncomfortable with approaching an ATO officer’s
supervisor or a TCRU officer, because of the link with the ATO, the
taxpayer may approach the Ombudsman directly. By doing so,
however, the taxpayer takes the dispute to the highest level in the
informal process.
Assisted negotiation is particularly important for taxpayers, as
disputes often involve issues of a highly complex and. technical
nature. Tax advisers are allowed to assist and represent taxpayers at
every stage of the ATO model. This provides taxpayers with a trusted
and relatively objective viewpoint from someone who may
understand aspects of their interests better than they do. For example,
a professional adviser would usually be in a better position to
understand the penalty provisions in order to be able to negotiate a
favourable outcome for the taxpayer. On the ATO side, the use of
TCRU officers as advocates for taxpayers within the ATO, and the
responsibility for resolution of any dispute resting with increasingly
senior ATO officers as the dispute progresses, can help to produce a
negotiated outcome.
Build in "loop-backs" to negotiation
The ATO model provides effective "loop-backs" to negotiation at each
stage of the process. Even at the highest level, the Ombudsman
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negotiates with the ATO on behalf of the taxpayer. The reason for this
emphasis on a negotiated outcome is that, for most disputes involving
process, there is no recourse to the courts.~4
A useful aspect of the ATO model is that there can be a "loopforward" from informal to more formal procedures. Wolski supports
this, where interest based negotiation between the parties to the
dispute is pointless because of the nature of the complaint or the
issues involved. 85 In such a situation it would be possible, under the
ATO model, to proceed straight to the Ombudsman, or, if they have
jurisdiction, directly to the AAT or the Federal Court.
Provide low-cost alternatives where negotiation fails
The last resort for taxpayers in most procedural matters underthe
ATO model is to appeal to the Ombudsman. This involves
negotiation by the Ombudsman, on behalf of the taxpayer, with the
ATO.
It is only for substantive issues, and very few procedural issues,86 that
there are relatively low cost alternatives in the STCT and the AAT,
which use mediation as part of their procedures.87 The lack of lowcost alternatives to negotiation for most procedural matters is a
shortcoming of the ATO model. Without such alternatives there is no
way to overcome a deadlock where one of the parties feels it is more
powerful or feels that its view is legally correct and, therefore, does
not see the need to negotiate, even where the Ombudsman is
involved.88
Create sequential procedures moving from low-cost to high-cost
A problem with the ATO model is that the procedures are apparently
low-cost but, potentially, can involve significant unexpected and
hidden costs to the taxpayer. The ATO dispute resolution process
often does involve the cost of a long-term involvement by professional
advisers. It also requires substantial input by the taxpayer, in time
spent preparing for, and participating in, negotiations. The costs
would not differ greatly, whether negotiations were with the original
ATO officer or conducted for the taxpayer by the Ombudsman. Also,
85
86
87
88
Discussed in Bentley, "The Taxpayers’ Charter: More Than A Mission
Statement" above n 25.
Wolski, above n 80.
Bentley, above n 12.
See Gerber, above n 3.
Ury, Brett and Goldberg, above n 29 at 56.
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while the taxpayer perceives the outcome as unfavourable, there is
little incentive not to proceed to the next level. Ury, Brett and
Goldberg argue that there should be a noticeable increase in
transaction costs at each level, to increase the pressure for a negotiated
outcome at an early stage, s9
Provide the necessary motivation, skills and resources to allow the
system to work
The difficulty for ATO management will be to ensure that there is
appropriate training, skilling, resourcing and motivation of TCRU and
complaints officers to provide the encouragement for taxpayers to use
the system. This was done successfully with the PRUs and gives the
ATO a useful base to build on. However, taxpayers will need to see
the system working before they will use it to any significant degree.90
An indication of its effectiveness will be how seriously not just the
Commissioner, but ATO staff, view the dispute resolution process. 91
PART IV: CONCLUSION
The approach of the ATO, and the conflict resolution model that it has
chosen to use, supports the assumption that it is eager to seek to
resolve the problems of taxpayers to better achieve its own goals of
increased taxpayer compliance. Provided the two goals are
dependent, Australians should see an increase in support for their
rights from the ATO itself.
Nonetheless, the ATO model should be more flexible. Multiple entry
points at the first level and provision for more interaction in the
problem-solving process would make it more effective. Flexibility
and interaction are the basis for much interest-based problem-solving.
Preventing flexibility and interaction by implementing an overformalised model, may be counter-productive.
An analysis of the ATO model highlights the need, in procedural
matters, for some alternative to negotiation when it fails to produce a
satisfactory outcome. Low-cost, rights-based procedures should be
available, at least to the STCT and the AAT. Arbitration and
89
9O
91
Ibid at 63.
Wolski, above n 80.
For example, internal dispute resolution mechanisms in the Debt Management
Area of the ATO were severely criticised by the Commonwealth Ombudsman.
See Evans, above n 50.
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The ATO model should allow taxpayers to give feedback on the
handling of their complaint. It would provide valuable commentary
on the statistical information that will be fed into the central database
for monitoring and reporting purposes.
The ATO is no laggard in dispute resolution systems design, as shown
by its willingness to implement a broadly interests-based dispute
resolution system. If the ATO does allow more flexibility and
interaction in its system, then the results should be tangible.
Transaction costs relating to disputes should drop, the relationship
between the ATO and taxpayers should improve, and disputes should
not recur or become ongoing. The result should also achieve the
ATO’s goal of increased compliance.
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