~ "Sedition – Treason, What's The Difference?" ~

Boulware, Esq. http://blackauthorsconnect.com/content/291681/so-let-it-be-written-so-let-it-be-done http://blackhistory.com/cgi-bin/blog.cgi?id=641608 http://blackauthorsconnect.com/cgi-bin/blog.cgi?id=641608 Ham, and Japheth with all the sons thereafter – The 'Edomites' born of the sons of Dishan, Uz, and Aran were the kings that reigned in the land of 'Edom.' It's been proven over and over again that there were Nubian Kingdoms outside of the Nile River and Region as well as new ones created in Sudan but were officially Muslim with older faiths that still exist right up until today. Research and re-examination has uncovered more truth than fiction cloaked in the villainy of deceit and the desire for power over the Black Man. Nubia was greater, but Egypt advanced the knowledge, more so in the old, middle and new kingdom of Egypt. Egypt was the greatest civilization. Art, math, science, morals, and a plethora of ideals became more developed in Egypt. Chronicles of the achievements and contributions of Black Leaders before the Mayflower have been purposely deleted, concealed, and altered in order to control and continually enslave the 'Black Mind' for centuries. The wide spread distribution of Cush in the ancient world described in the Bible is supported by Greek geographer Strabo and the "Father of History," Herodotus, both of whom refer to eastern or Asian Cushites in India as having Black skin and straight hair and western Cushites with similar skin color but "Crispy" hair. Thus Jethro lived in the land of Cush in Arabia among other Ethiopians who had not yet completed migration to Ethiopia. He lived in Semitic Midian but he was not a Semite although he spoke a Semitic language. Semitic descendants of Abraham, like Edom, and the Ishmaelite's, as well as other Semites, afterward occupied almost all of the Arabian Peninsula. These Semitic tribes are now named Arabians due to their occupation of Arabia, although the name "Arabia" attached to the homeland predates their occupation of the site. In the same way the Anglo-Saxons who are known as Britons are a modern parallel to this kind of name expropriation. The Angles and Saxons were non-Britons who subdued and drove the Britons out of the land. The Anglo-Saxons occupied the Britons' land and later took the name given to the land by those original inhabitants. Thus the Anglo-Saxons, although not Britons, are called British today. In the same way, Arabia may have been a Hamite name expropriated by a Semitic non-Arab second wave immigration which forced and continued the migratory flight of the Arabian Ethiopians to African Ethiopia.

The conference paper focused mainly on political crime and victimization in South Asian developing countries (i.e., demographic subdivision Bangladesh). The objective of this paper is drawing successful strategies to make exploitation free life on the basis of the existing laws and theories to eradicate the peril. The data was collected mainly from secondary sources. After liberation war in 1971 there was no existence of the term political crime specifically but now it is the most detrimental crime which is increasing day by day. The perceived types of political crime included genocide, espionage, extrajudicial killings, political assassination, election fraud and violence etc. The underlying causes of political violence are political-ideological issues, Secularism and religion etc. The general people are the victim in this regard. The study was recommended to take a collaborative action to all the stakeholders to create awareness to the political parties enforcing laws by government to eclipse these sorry tales.

One of the most important hallmark of civilization is the guarantee and preservation of the right to freedom of expression. Gladly enough, the United Nation Declaration on Human Rights and other conventions has recognised and protected the existence of these rights. Nigeria is one of such countries that have not merely included a bill of rights in their national constitutions, but have equally ratified series of international agreements embodying what is nationally known as 'fundamental rights. Chapter IV of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (As amended) is a bundle of rights recognised as fundamental by the Constitution itself. However, the law of sedition was introduced right from the colonial period into the nation's Criminal law to serve as a check to the excessiveness of these rights so as to provide a safe enabling ground for governance. Recent developments involving the invasion of the premises of African Independent Television (AIT), arraignment of some journalist before the court by the government of Kaduna state and the subsequent arrests, detentions and arraignment of two journalists for the offence of sedition shows an increasing awakening on the law of sedition in Nigeria. This work seeks to explore the provisions of the Act, how effective it has existed to curtail excessiveness and whether the law is backward and served as a tool to infringe on press freedom in Nigeria.

Austrian History Yearbook, 2019

This article sets out in detail for the first time the legal basis of treason in the late Habsburg empire. It then proceeds to evaluate how treason was managed and prosecuted during the First World War and then in the early years of the Successor States of Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia (using case studies from Slovakia and Croatia). It shows the large degree of legal continuity under these regimes at a time of high insecurity and state emergency, but highlights too the dangers for the Habsburg and Yugoslav (Serbian) regimes in particular in arbitrarily utilizing the treason weapon against their own state communities. The article concludes that the under-researched topic of 'treason' is a very useful touchstone for measuring the legal adherence of regimes/states to the ideal of the Rechtsstaat and especially for understanding their major security concerns in war and peace.

Journal of Medieval History, 2014

Journal of Medieval History, 40:4, 458-477 The treatment of high-status traitors in later medieval England intrigues historians, who have sought explanations for increasingly brutal penalties and analysed degrading punishments that undid the traitor’s knighthood. Recent scholarship incorporates gender into this analysis, suggesting rituals of degradation feminised the traitor and thereby preserved the coherence and integrity of elite masculine identity. This article uses the framework of homosociality to expand the analysis of gender in politically motivated cases of treason where traitors were characterised as ‘false’ knights. In these cases, treason was conceived of as the corruption of knightly manhood because the potential for treason was intrinsic to chivalric values of love and loyalty through which knightly masculinity was performed. The knight and the traitor were mutually constitutive rather than oppositional gendered identities, which meant the traitor’s punishment could destabilise rather than reinforce elite masculinity as embodied in the knight. Keywords: treason; executions; masculinity; knighthood; Merciless Parliament; Richard II

2013

The Secret War marks a new direction in the cultural history and theory of intelligence gathering and state secrecy in the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. While historical truth remains hidden from the public, Eva Horn finds in political fiction, which serves as both an indicator and a tool, a means to analyze political secrets. Starting with a general theory of treason and military intelligence as a specific type of political knowledge, the book charts the history of intelligence gathering from 1900 to 9/11. The Secret War analyzes literary and cinematic depictions of espionage from Rudyard Kipling and T. E. Lawrence to John Le Carré and Steven Spielberg. Horn considers these fictional accounts against the historical development of Western secret services from their inception in World War I to their struggle against current terrorist networks. The Secret War shows the crucial part fictions play in shaping conflicts, constructing “the enemy,” and deciding political strategies.

Valparaiso University Law Review, 1987

Freedom of expression is fundamental to democracy for a democratic society constitutes diversity in thought and opinion. A democratic government must realise that criticism and condemnation underpin democracy, as well as dissent and opposition, for free speech and robust political debate are cornerstones of a democratic society. Limitations to such freedom exist in law as in sedition but a clear distinction in the law between free speech and conduct calculated to affect a seditious intent is fundamental. For sedition is historically associated with stifling and punishing criticism of the established authority to reign in political dissidents. Sedition punishes speech and as such, is a potential instrument of political suppression. And in view of the recent spate of cases for seditious offenses in Fiji, this article sets out to examine the disjuncture between the right of freedom of expression and seditious offenses, in the context of international and commonwealth freedom of expression standards as they relate to sedition laws.