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2009, Japan Today
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Sustainable energy is about shifting the way we source and produce our energy from being fossil-fuel addicts to being clean energy users. This means extracting energy from environmentally benign systems (biofuels) or renewable sources, no more no less. It is also about ensuring that losses along the way as energy is transported from source and distributed to consumers are kept at a minimum, which means increasing efficiency. Moreover, sustainable energy is about providing a workable policy environment wherein these new systems can thrive. Lastly, it is also about zeroing out the statistic about electricity-deprived people.
Lessons From Fukushima: Governments and the Media Will Deceive the Public and Withhold Vital Information, Leaving Citizens to Create Informal Information Sharing Networks This presentation will demonstrate that the Japanese and U.S. Governments withheld vital information from their citizens about the direction and risks of Fukushima radiation plumes and the degree and consequences of radioactive fallout. Second, the paper will demonstrate that the mainstream news media, including The Wall Street Journal and The New York Times, were complicit in hiding information about fallout levels, dispersion, and plant conditions. The U.S. media are commonly recognized as more independent from government than Japanese media. This disaster demonstrates that the U.S. mainstream news media censor information, even when public safety is at issue. Finally, this paper examines the spontaneous creation of information sharing sites and the subsequent development of a robust network of citizen-supported information sites in Japan and the United States.
This Article considers how the Obama administration’s policies toward Japan implicate Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution. More specifically, it argues that the Futenma base dispute (as it has come to be known) jeopardizes the very existence of Article 9 by threatening to render it moot and by expanding the already expansive interpretations of Article 9. Part I provides a brief history of the Futenma base dispute during the Obama years, and Part II explains the effects of the Futenma base dispute on Article 9. More specifically, Part II contextualizes the Futenma issue by way of the legislative and judicial history of Article 9 and suggests that the intermingling of Japanese people and resources with the U.S. military allows Japan to circumvent Article 9 without massive public outcry. The fact of the matter is that Japan is relying on American troops to perform actions (maintaining combat troops and weapons, conducting military exercises and operations, and establishing armed defensive zones) that Japan could not do on its own because of constitutional restraints. Japan is permitting and in some cases encouraging the U.S. military to carry out actions that Japan is forbidden by its constitution to carry out. One thing this article does not do is suggest that Japan should or should not amend Article 9. Issues of internal Japanese politics are not the concern of this piece; the concern of this piece is the U.S. military presence that threatens to undermine the constitution of a sovereign nation. A secondary concern is for the people of Okinawa who want the U.S. troops off their island. The obiter dictum of this article suggests that not just the Futenma air station but all U.S. forces on Okinawa should be withdrawn from the island not only because the U.S. military jeopardizes the import and impact of Article 9, but also because the people of Okinawa generally oppose the presence of U.S. troops in their territory. The recent court decision in Mori v. Japan provides Okinawans with a constitutional argument for challenging the presence of U.S. bases like Futenma. That decision established a concrete “right to live in peace” that, to be actionable, must bear a “legal relationship” to military activity that violates Article 9.
ankitpanda.com
In this thesis, I conduct a hypothesis-driven theoretical analysis of the strategic convergence between India and Japan.
Japan Today, 2010
For climate investment to be successful, it should go beyond simple non-carbon techniques that creatively build long-term and coherent path away from fossil fuel addiction – a path that ushers us in a post-fossil era. It is an era where humanity traverses a path that rejects investment in carbon trading system as basis of climate policy. This era would pave a path that not only direct societies away from coal, oil and gas but also moves it away from the hunt for fossil fuel substitutes.
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How we interact with our environment, whether we have a propensity to protect or plunder, depends to a certain extent upon deep-seated presuppositions about the nature of reality. This study explores the belief systems and characteristic behaviours of preindustrial subsistence peoples (with particular reference to pre-1950s Tibet) with those of their modern industrial descendents. Sustainability requires tempering modern technological advances with traditional ecological wisdom and striking a healthy balance between the traditional and the modern. Cultural continuity, the interplay of environment and culture and the evolution, encoding and transmission of knowledge and conceptual schemes form the main themes of this thesis.
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Giovanni Arrighi’s The Long Twentieth Century is an almost unfathomably ambitious and complex work. Its monumentality derives from Arrighi’s conviction that the best way to handicap the possible futures of the world capitalist geo-economy is to analyze the structural evolution of this global system, an evolution spanning more than five centuries; the genius of the work rests in the distinctive approach that Arrighi takes. At the core of his approach is the identification of those long-term trends and accreted characteristics – one might call them “systemic contradictions” – that promise to send the world capitalist geo-economy in a radically different developmental direction as US hegemony wanes. Arrighi’s assessment of these contradictions compel him to make a provocative suggestion: in all likelihood, no singular concentration of state and economic power possesses the territorial scale or the organizational capacities required to lead the global system through another round of restructuring and expansion. Properly framed, this illuminating insight could serve as the starting point for a theoretical exploration of the socio-ecological constraints to global capitalist reproduction, but such is a journey (mostly) not taken by Arrighi in The Long Twentieth Century. In fact, to the degree that he subsequently contemplates the prospect of a China-centered reconstitution of the world geo-economy, Arrighi marginalizes the question of global systemic contradictions altogether.
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