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Hypercapital
by
David Golumbia
University of Pennsylvania
Postmodern Culture v.7 n.1 (September, 1996)
Copyright (c) 1996 by David Golumbia, all rights reserved.
This text may be used and shared in accordance with the
fair-use provisions of U.S. copyright law, and it may be
archived and redistributed in electronic form, provided
that the editors are notified and no fee is charged for
access. Archiving, redistribution, or republication of
this text on other terms, in any medium, requires the
consent of the author and the notification of the
publisher, Institute for Advanced Technology in the
Humanities.
[1]
Some of liberal democracy's deepest convictions rest on
assumptions about free (or nearly free) and complete access
to information. These assumptions, tied to our dreams
about liberal American democracy at least since the passage
of the Bill of Rights, go something like this: more
information is generally better than less information; the
more widely information is disseminated, especially
throughout the general populace, the better; perhaps most
crucially, the wider, cheaper and more comprehensive the
popular access to information the better. We might imagine
the most radical element of this liberal dream of
democratization in the utopian (and not coincidentally,
Borgesian) image of a vast library containing accessible
copies of every printed, public or significant (but how to
decide this, and who?) document in human history, open all
hours, admitting all, forbidden and forbidding to none.^1^
[2]
Yet in several domains today, radical doubts have begun to
be raised about the project of total information access,
and even moreso about the liberal-democratic vision it is
supposed to inform.^2^ Often, these doubts have been
phrased politically, especially with regard to underlying
theoretical politics that are, to be sure, crucial for
understanding the structure of our public and private life.
^3^ In less academic spheres, grave concerns about the
ultimate effects of multinational conglomerate, corporate
control of the media (especially journalism) have been
raised, most strongly though not at all exclusively by Noam
Chomsky. ^4^ Yet these various criticisms have not yet
come full circle: for what is unexamined--or more
accurately what is displaced--in the dream of total
information access itself is precisely capital, and the
inextricable linkages of capital to the American democratic
project.
[3]
The dream of total access endures even in many of the most
radical critiques of capitalist society--if nowhere else
than in the implicit claims for the value of additional
information that arise in the seemingly endless processing
of textual and cultural critique. To the degree that every
interpretation is another text, every additional text
advances the implicit belief that more information can
contribute, in some minor way at least, to a better world.
[4]
Moreover, the state of much recent "media," "culture," and
"information" phenomena suggests a rapid conglomeration of
knowledge-technologies, within which the total processing
and also the general neutralization of information remain
largely unexamined. As profound as their impact on the
state of culture may be the rows of cultural studies and
feminist and race-critical volumes lining our bookstores,
the glossy (or more often today, matte-coated) journals that
accompany them, speak to a version of the dream of ultimate
information, a state of pure processing power in which just
telling the story under enough pressure and from the right
angle will make it available for the right agents, perhaps
even provoke emancipatory action.
[5]
But to what degree is this implicit vision a covert
version of the dream of total information access? For
however deliberately difficult (and here, just for a
second, can one not begin to understand their canny
prescience in this regard) Jacques Derrida's critical
texts, or those of Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari,
Jacques Lacan, Helene Cixous, even Michel Foucault, is not
part of the vision of cultural studies to "interpret" these
texts, to "do things" with them, to make their critical
energy available? And what does it mean to carry out these
actions--in the name of a personal professionalism, a
personal egotism, an institutional necessity, to which
almost none of us can claim meaningful resistance--what
does it mean to put them forward as part of a system of
information whose very essence may not be primarily, as we
thought, accessible and useful knowledge, but instead the
"filthy lucre" of capital?
Hyperactivity
[6]
We must set aside some of the most directly urgent of these
issues for the remainder of what follows. For in order
even to suggest that they have substance, we have a great
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deal of work to do at their heart, which is namely the
equation, or isomorphism, or at the very least proximity,
of what we today call "information" and what we have
historically called "capital." It may well be--and this
again would require an analysis outside the scope of this
essay--that this isomorphism has existed throughout the
history of capitalism. There is certainly a hint of this
view in some recent writings on the development of print
technology and print culture.^5^ But whether it has created
the isomorphism, or merely exposed it, or both, the current
development of hypertext, and its specific realization on
the World Wide Web, now bring the capital/information
relationship forward with special force.
[7]
For while in many ways the hype surrounding the so-called
"information revolution" is all too extreme, all too
politically suspect, in other ways--of course the ways less
traveled by the popular media--the consequences of this
revolution have been radically underplayed. Already we see
glimmers of a change in the very notion of disseminated
information: we already face imaginative difficulties,
unthinkable a few years ago, about what kinds of
information-bearing things would fill our ideal library.
[8]
Furthermore these changes, in a sense mechanical, have been
accompanied by "gestalt shifts" so subtle, profound, and
rapid as to still be, for all their force, scarcely
visible. Once we assumed that information was fragmented,
disparate, characteristically hard to access, requiring
trips or journeys or hour upon hour in dusty archives.
Today for many of us the paradigm is changing. Now we
assume that information about what is happening now is
available from a small collection of central sources
(chiefly television, radio and newspapers, and, more
frequently today, online services), and even that the
phenomenal quality of an event's "happening" is determined
to a significant degree by its reception in these various
media. One encounters more and more a series of rhetorical
gestures in which a reporter, a news program, or a talk
show becomes a focal stage where events must be reported or
else lack full credibility.
[9]
The default source for information is becoming these
centralized spigots: how many of us have rapidly become
used to accessing the MLA directory from our home or office
or (at worst) library computers, when only a few decades
ago no compilation of recent journal articles was available
at all, even in print form? If one multiplies the very
idea of archived and indexed information both with the
rapidly multiplying archives and indexes themselves, and
with the logarithmically expanding capacity of computer
hardware and software to store and to access information,
one has a sense of the scale and force of the liberal dream
of total access to information, only better than before: at
one's fingertips, even in one's own home--even in
everyone's home.^6^
[10] Yet the price for this dream is higher than it seems, in
many ways directly proportional to the mixing of capital
and information in our culture. As the Internet and World
Wide Web weave themselves in so many guises into so many
parts of our culture, they bring with them the venture
capitalists, corporations (from "above the garage" types to
multinationals), and entrepreneurial "free spirits" whose
actions often seem little more than the glazed, robotic,
displaced expressions of the selfish gene, capital. And
unlike the direct efforts of capitalists to control
information flow by controlling its sources, the Internet
and Web provide a fully-distributed system that,
paradoxically, naturalizes and ever more profoundly
insinuates capital into our own social and psychological
economies.
[11] To take a specific example, many users of a university
information system may tend to think of their Internet and
Web access as cost-free. Capitalists, however, note the
hardware, software and system maintenance costs and count
them as hidden in lower salaries and higher tuition prices.
This rationalization in mind, the capitalist asks how he
(please allow me the naive demonization of calling the
capitalist "he") might make money from the system. His
ability to answer is limited, for his thoughts of "profit
margin" and "gross revenue" interrupt other, deeper trains
of thought. You or I email a colleague, or use a Web
browser to access the contents of the latest issue of
_Postmodern Culture;_ the capitalist asks how much the
browser costs me, who put up the server, its maintenance
costs, and so on.
"As One Put Drunk..."
[12] More to the point, the capitalist looks at the operation of
the Web and the Internet, or at least takes advantage of
them, in technical terms. These systems operate via a
networking standard referred to as the Transmission Control
Protocol/Internet Protocol (more commonly known by the
acronym TCP/IP). The World Wide Web and the Internet,
while technically distinct systems, share these protocols
where computer networking is concerned. This is visible to
users when they access electronic mail--an Internet
function--via a Web browser, such as Netscape Navigator,
can most often at the same time access electronic mail sent
through the Internet. Each computer connected to these
systems is assigned a TCP/IP address, which users may
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occasionally see in its numerical form--a sequence of four
integers between 1 and 254 separated by periods. The
Internet and World Wide Web operate by computers passing
information among these various addresses.
[13] What the computers on these networks send each other,
taking advantage of the rules set out in the TCP/IP
protocols, are called packets.^7^ A packet is some amount
of information (for example, the contents of a brief email
message, or a segment of a World Wide Web page) stored
within a kind of electronic envelope. The envelope is
marked with an address--part of which includes one of the
TCP/IP addresses for the destination computer--that tells
various servers and routers along the network where to pass
the packet and what ultimately to do with it (making the
forms of information on the Internet quite virus-like, in a
sense that Burroughs likely did not have in mind).
Depending on the complexity of the operation, even a single
transaction on the Internet can involve the exchange of
many packets: depending on how the packets are sized,
hundreds or thousands of packets can travel between a
single personal computer and a host computer in a short
period of time.
[14] Everything that travels the Internet or the World Wide Web
is a packet. A single email message might be broken into
one or many packets, each with its own address. Just so my
point is not lost, a request for information on the
Internet is carried in just the same way as the information
itself is carried: as a packet. By clicking on a hypertext
link to an article in _PMC,_ for example, you send one or
more packets to your server, which sends them on through a
series of leaps eventually to _PMC_'s server, which opens
the packets, interprets the request they contain, and
complies with the request by returning to the requesting
computer (including the requesting computer's Web browser)
the many packets constituting an article or review.
[15] Internet capitalists see these packets, best case scenario
for profit-making, as tiny units of money. Sites on the
World Wide Web are rated by how many "hits" they receive
each day--that is, by the number of requests they
receive--or, in more sophisticated business models, by the
number of distinct users logging in to the site each
day.*^8^ This may sound something like a library deciding
to buy more copies of a book that is checked out
frequently. It is more similar to television networks
charging higher prices for advertising on programs with
better Nielsen ratings. But it is also fundamentally
different from either of these relatively crude feedback
systems. For no previous system allows tracking of each
user's actions in precise detail, nor for that tracking to
become itself a piece of information in the very system of
information which both the consumer and the sponsor use.
Even Nielsen ratings have to proceed on the assumption that
several thousand Nielsen families form a representative
sample of the American populace. The Internet and the
World Wide Web promise exact, numerical statistics on every
piece of information that goes in--every request, every
posting--and every piece that goes out. Lest this strike
some readers as hyperbole, I note that already two
prominent Web software providers--Open Market and Netscape
itself--sell commercial providers of Web sites exactly this
kind of microscopic user tracking, of which users
themselves likely remain altogether unaware.
[16] There exists a significant amount of pressure to turn our
online data systems into a (de)centralized information
super storage house that becomes more and more
authoritative, more and more, in Foucault's phrase, the
"information source of record."^9^. We are accustomed to
accessing much of the best of this information today for
free, but we must be attentive to the degree to which that
lack of cost may be a culture-wide "loss leader" for a
great payout to come--for the moment when so much
information has been logged in these systems that we have
no choice but to pay up when fees are requested.^10^
[17] It is a payout whose form we may not immediately recognize.
Corporate capitalists would love to charge us per
packet--so many cents for each packet sent out, so many for
each packet we receive. Unsurprisingly, such proposals are
frequently favored by the telephone and cable companies
that would most likely profit most highly from them, and
opposed by "information advocates" generally. But the more
canny capitalist realizes that a better way is to provide
access itself at little or no cost--buried in tuition, or
cheaply at $9.95 a month--while charging for content.
Charging not the user but the sponsor--the advertiser.
[18] Online advertising is nothing new. It's been around with
some full force for five or ten years, old hat already in
our "rapidly changing technological world." Many of us
have already learned to mock, dismiss or "ignore" the
Schwab or Toyota or Sears button at the bottom of our
computer screens, in much the same way we (tell ourselves
that we) mock, dismiss or "ignore" advertisements on
television. But what if every time you access a certain
magazine, database, or paper, a "hit" is counted that
translates almost instantaneously into higher ad revenues
for the sponsor of the page you've accessed?
Fixity...or, Forget It
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[19] We continue to understand our short-range information
future in metaphors whose terms we know well--email, that's
like a letter or phone call; Web page, that's like a page
of a book or magazine, a segment of a TV program. These
are inaccurate or at best incomplete comparisons, in ways
corporate capitalists have not fully realized yet, but
surely will. New technologies like Java and ActiveX, only
the first of many to follow, even recent versions of
Netscape's Navigator, hint at just some of the
information-technology changes that may arrive sooner than
any of us may realize. Java and Active X, for example, can
be used in part to develop what Internet "evangelists"
call, somewhat generically, "applets." Unlike what we know
as applications, applets perform specific tasks relatively
independent of the totality of system operations.^11^
Sophisticated applets in some sense resemble the "agents"
that have become so entrenched in futurist versions of
artificial intelligence in its commercial applications.
[20] Whatever the full implementation might look like, it is
clear that our future desktop PCs or notepads or PDAs or
whatever they are will contain fragmentary or miniature
information retrieval and requesting subsystems that fit
only loosely into more general architectures. These
miniature elements will be highly adaptable and highly
customizable. They will also be highly interactive with
systems and functions "outside" of our own personal
computer interfaces. As Bill Gates has suggested somewhat
famously, someday soon intelligent agents will seek out the
best-priced airline tickets for us.
[21] My system (the one on my home computer or standard
Internet server, the one that has logged every request I
have made during my use of the system) might not only guess
in advance the kind of information I am seeking. It might
very well actively seek out that information in response to
only the most general sorts of instructions from me. And
at every stage as my "agent" combs through the trillions of
packets and the trillions of files available, every action
my agent takes is logged, compiled and even anticipated,
and accommodated for by subtle shifts in the value of the
very packets navigated by my agent, which is itself no more
than a collection of packets. Furthermore the information
about my agent's activities is collected and transported as
packets. Together these packets swim in a largely
unregulated, largely unregulatable soup of
constantly-self-correcting information.^12^
[22] Within that soup, the distinction between "free" and "for
profit" becomes obscured if not lost altogether. It seems
plausible to suggest that the distinction between
"information" and "capital" becomes obscured if not lost
altogether. And the name of that soup, at least the word
we have that most closely describes it today, is
hypertext.
Medium/Message
[23] The radical potential of hypertext has often been
described, by George Landow and others, in terms of its
capacity to destabilize the nature of the written page and
to conform the flow of information to the user's cognitive
expectations and whims, replacing the stability of the
author-function with the inherently variable practice of
the user-function.^13^ This is not the place to read in
detail Landow's _Hypertext_ or any of the wide range of
other works that offer compelling visions for the radical
potentials of hypertext. Nor is it the place to consider
in detail the many forms that hypertext may eventually
take. What concerns me here is what is so rapidly coming
to dominate our contemporary hypertextual field: the
overwhelming extent to which the development of that field
has been in the service and the control of the forces of
capital; the degree to which too much of our theorizing and
fantasizing about hypertext's possibilities have simply
overlooked the plain facts of capitalist control and
development of a new media tool; and, perhaps most
importantly, what the specifics of capital's influence on
hypertext augur about social relations and information
relations in the near future. For now, with the first
widespread realization of the hypertextual vision, we are
beginning to see that our early dreams for hypertext
concealed buried prejudices about individualism, liberal
democracy and total information access that fail to account
for the ever-changing face and power of capital.
[24] As such dreams so characteristically do, this vision of the
future "forgets" about capital and places us in a
psuedo-utopia where the power of capital and commercialism
are veiled.^14^ As we see in SF movies from the 1950s to
today (with the notable exception of "corporation" SF
horror films such as _Alien),_ we characteristically forget
to "brand" our future. The persistence of this
"forgetting" is itself fascinating, and speaks to a crucial
and under-remarked feature of capitalism. Buried in that
forgetting is some kind of covert dream that the next new
technology will somehow eliminate the need for
corporations, for branding, even for capital itself: for
our utopias often appear neo-socialist in nature, radically
"egalitarian" in a way that even our visions of democracy
often are not. It is no accident that this forgetting
serves so well capital's need for the most aggressive
technological innovation. Perhaps it is this amnesia that
led us to forgot that hypertext would be implemented,
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manipulated, created and owned by capital and its agents.
As crucially, we "forgot" that hypertext would be a
flexible medium whose agents, applications, utilities,
applets, viewers, browsers and compilers would be largely
owned and designed by corporations.
[25] As theorists have noted, hypertext distinguishes itself
from previous "new media" because of its flexibility, its
inherent ability to be shaped by not only its users but its
designers (think, for example, of the rapid proliferation
of features in successive versions of the various Web
browsers). But it is this very flexibility that makes it
such a powerful tool of capital reappropriation--indeed,
hypertext augurs whole new forms of capital, which is to say,
whole new instances of the same old thing.
[26] Never before have we had sustained and long-term examples
of capitalism in which the unit of exchange itself--not
merely the means by which the unit of monetary exchange is
delivered--is developed and controlled to such a great
extent by capital.^15^ While every media revolution has
brought with it significant emancipatory potential as well
as significant potential for exploitation (and we are no
longer surprised that exploitative potentialities win out
so often over emancipatory ones), I am suggesting here that
hypertext is a special case, or more accurately a new kind
of case. As importantly, I want to suggest an economic
thesis that I lack anything like the space I would need
here to develop here: that what we now call information may
learn to replace, or to supplement, what we now call money
in the systems of exchange, reproduction and circulation of
capital. In an explication of the crucial notion of
circulation in social production, Marx writes that,
Circulation is the movement in which the general
alienation appears as general appropriation and
general appropriation as general alienation. As
much, then, as the whole of this movement appears
as a social process, and as much as the individual
moments of this movement arise from the conscious
will and particular purposes of individuals, so
much does the totality of the process appear as an
objective interrelation, which arises spontaneously
from nature; arising, it is true, from the mutual
influence of conscious individuals on one another,
but neither located in their consciousness, nor
subsumed under them as a whole. Their own
collisions with one another produce an *alien* social
power standing above them, produce their mutual
interaction as a process and power independent of
them. Circulation, because a totality of the social
process, is also the first form in which the social
relation appears as something independent of the
individuals, but not only as, say, in a coin or in
exchange value, but extending to the whole of the
social movement itself. (_Grundrisse,_ 196-197;
emphasis in original) ^16^
The World Wide Web offers a startling new instance of this
process of circulation, and especially of the ways in which
capital itself uses the process of circulation to create
forms that exist "independent of the individuals." Something
we had until just recently understood to be an unalienated
labor process--the composition of one's own thoughts into
written or spoken form--now suggests itself as a commodity
that can be fetishized, alienated, abstracted from its
individual "maker" and distributed, for profit, disseminated,
valued (and this done in some cases without the choice,
conscious or unconscious, of the subject herself). And so
where hypertext offers itself in terms of emancipatory
potential for subjects, the Web suggests a further enmeshment
of human subjects into the naturalized economy of
capital.
Specters, Subjects
[27] For what are subjects? What if not the products, the
packets, of language, of meaning, of the stuff we obliquely
call information, and its transmission? What might it mean
for "the subject" to have the guts of the information
system to be profitized, commoditized, capitalized?
[28] We can only touch on these matters here. But to the extent
that we fail to understand how our subjectivities and
psyches are themselves produced by the capital-regulated
flow of information, ^17^ we remain extremely vulnerable
to--even prisoners of--changes in that flow, especially
when those changes are made and controlled by capital. As
Stuart Moulthrop has written of hypertext (in a mode
perhaps somewhat more hopeful than mine here), "changes in
technology...suggest possibilities for a reformation of the
subject, a truly radical revision of identity and social
relations" ("Rhizome and Resistance," 299-300).
[29] In _Specters of Marx,_ Jacques Derrida writes that
if the "mystical character" of the commodity, if
the "enigmatic character" of the product of labor
*as commodity* is born of "the social form" of
labor, one must still analyze what is mysterious
or secret about this process, and what the secret
of the commodity form is. The secret has to do
with a "%quid pro quo%." The term is Marx's. It
takes us back once again to some theatrical intrigue:
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mechanical ruse or mistaking a person, repetition
upon the perverse intervention of a prompter, %parole
soufflee,% substitution of actors or characters.
Here the theatrical %quid pro quo% stems from an
abnormal play of mirrors. There is a mirror, and
the commodity form is also this mirror, but since
all of a sudden it no longer plays its role, since
it does not reflect back the expected image, those
who are looking for themselves can no longer find
themselves in it. Men no longer recognize in it
the *social* character of their *own* labor. It
is as if they were becoming ghosts in their turn.
(_Specters of Marx,_ 155; emphasis in original)
There is a disturbing homology between the "abnormal play of
mirrors," the process by which we fail to recognize the
social character of our own labors, the process of becoming
"spectral"--and the advent of what I want to call, in a very
preliminary fashion, hypercapital. For to the "hard" capital
that is its substance, the information superhighway sees us,
the subjects of capital, as nothing more than nodes of
production, sites for debits and credits, shells of
consumerism and fetishism that exist merely to instantiate
or to reify the meta-flow of hypercapital. Not that these
processes of reification or instantiation are unnecessary;
indeed, at least as currently constituted, they are vital
to the continued existence of the flow of capital. Yet
their roles within that system become increasingly
determined beforehand.
[30] In this disturbing sense, the subject under hypercapital
threatens to become ever more restricted and proscribed
than even the kinds of subjects we now observe under late
capitalism. For again, the conversion of the majority of
textually-based information into digital form--linked by a
variety of communications and hypertextual
mechanisms--suggests a radical centralization of semantic
and social exchange, an exchange lubricated by capital in
an unprecedented sense. Talking with one's neighbors,
organizing politically, any number of more and less
collective forms of social action have heretofore been
largely proscribed only by governments in their more
authoritarian modes. Now such activities appear ripe not
only for consistent and imperceptible monitoring and
(nigh-permanent) recording, but also for exchange as units
within a global system of capital that may readily
compensate for, even anticipate, subversive or dissenting
movements within the system.
Internationalists
[31] Perhaps even more significant than its threats to
Westernized subjects, the glare of a fully-capitalized
information flow poses tremendous challenges to developing
countries and whatever hope they currently have for
non-capitalist development (or even capitalist development
apart from the control of Western-based multinational
corporate culture).
[32] These threats start with the most basic usages of language.
For not only has the medium of communication on the
Internet been mainly English and almost entirely Western;
not only do current communication systems make usage of
non-Western alphabets nearly impossible; not only does the
usage of English on the US Defense Department-created
Internet represent yet another kind of "loss-leader" to the
prepaid Westernization of the subject throughout the
world--but the very language of the packets, switches,
applets and programs that fuel the machines making the
information system operate are themselves almost entirely
dominated by Western languages, mainly English. While
other Western languages--especially Spanish, French, and
German--generally can be accommodated through this media,
it is still the case that the Internet and World Wide Web
represent the most significant opportunity since
mass-market publishing for broad-based lexical, discursive
and linguistic standardization. (And this when we have only
begun to understand what linguistic standardization has
meant for the continued growth and power of capitalism.)
[33] While these criticisms extend mostly to the power of
capital to maintain all aspects of subjectivity in
extremely disturbing ways, they fail to capture what is
perhaps most disturbing about the global information
extension of capital. For as Marxian economic theorists
have argued with great vigor over the last fifty or so
years, classical Marxist theory provides an inadequate
account of the reliance of "developed" capitalist economies
on the exploitation of "underdeveloped," "third world"
economies and labor.^18^
[34] While we in the West can pretend to understand the effects
of hypercapital on the creation of Western subjectivities
and suggest critiques within a system that may always
already be compensating for these critiques, developing
countries outside of the West and developing populations
within the Western context face even more brutal
challenges. Talk of information "haves" and "have-nots"
obscures the extent to which whether to have or not have
access to the global information superhighway presents
developing populations with a very real Hobson's choice--a
choice between two equally impossible choices. For to
remain "off" the superhighway in any effective sense may
come to mean staying away from huge swaths of information
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that are absolutely vital to any sustainable economy. Yet
to get on may mean contributing to an economics designed to
exploit not only individuals and their subjectivities but
whole cultures and subcultures. (And of course this
presentation of the subject avoids any mention of the
degree to which many "developing" countries lack the basic
infrastructure necessary for information technologies like
telephones.)
[35] To the extent that Western capitalist development
inaugurates a process of underdevelopment, in which the
very lifeblood of the West is formed from the labor and raw
materials of non-Western peoples, the global medium of
exchange that is hypercapital suggests whole new ways of
refining that process for the service of Western capital.
The globalization of corporate capitalism increasingly
makes governmental and national borders irrelevant though
they remain highly relevant for the nationalist and
fundamentalist fervors that capital at best incubates and
at worst creates as the marks of its own displacement.
Intellectual labor mimics the global mobility of capital
as, for example, when students from India and East Asian
countries attend classes in the US in computer science and
engineering, where they learn to program in versions of the
current master Western language. With foreign investment
dollars and the backing of the corporations and governments
that have facilitated this "knowledge transfer," many of
these young people will return home as neo-capitalists to
set up vast networks of information retrieval and
manipulation, whose centralized functions, we can surmise,
make any hope for anti-imperialist governance that much
more remote.
[36] Insofar as hypercapital appears abstracted and
metaphorical, it is nevertheless a powerful construct built
upon the lives and blood of real persons (ourselves
included), whose labor becomes the stuff of capital through
direct exploitation and through the processes of
alienation.
%Il n'y a pas de hors-tissu%
[37] For all of this essay's quasi-apocalyptic fervor--not
meant to be taken unambiguously, not meant to suggest that
technological development is always or only wrong--it can
only hint at the base fear that lurks in opposition to the
more optimistic dreams beneath hypertext. For as capital
comes to control so many aspects of our instantaneous and
personal interactions to degrees it could not have imagined
before, it comes to a new level in what has been a chief
mission, a chief %raison d'etre,% of capital all along: not
only to shape but to define, not only define but to own in
the sense unique to capital--our selves.
[38] As a writer and interpreter, I cannot help but
participate in the dream with which this essay began: a
dream of total access and also total knowledge that will,
somehow, prove emancipatory "in the end." Such a dream
seems unavoidable to me, at least as I as subject am
constituted. In the great "Outwork" to _Dissemination,_
Derrida writes of a similar dream as it is instanced in
earlier moments in our tradition, specifically in the works
of Mallarme and Hegel. Derrida writes of Mallarme's vision
of "all finite books [becoming] opuscules modeled after the
great divine opus, so many arrested speculations, so many
tiny mirrors catching a single grand image," and suggests
that
The ideal form of this would be a book of total
science, a book of absolute knowledge that digested,
recited, and substantially ordered all books, going
through the whole cycle of knowledge. But since
truth is already constituted in the reflection and
relation of God to himself, since truth already knows
itself to *speak,* the *cyclical* book will also be
a *pedagogical* book. And its preface, propaedeutic.
The authority of the encyclopedic *model,* a unit
analogous for man and for God, can act in very
devious ways according to certain complex mediations.
It stands, moreover, as a model and as a normative
concept: which does not, however, exclude the fact
that, within the practice of writing, and singularly
of so-called 'literary' writing, certain forces
remain foreign or contrary to it or subject to violent
reexamination. (_Dissemination,_ 46-47; emphasis in
original)
[39] Like all products of capitalism, our most strident attempts
to totalize information contain the marks of their own
deconstructions; they inscribe contradictions that the
full-on spirit of capitalism will neither admit nor
condone. Yet the power and force of hypercapital, the
enmeshment of the production of "money" and "credit" and
capital with the production of information, hint at a world
in which dissent, even deconstruction, become so reliably
accommodated in the information-capital-feedback flow that
we may never consistently know the effects or ends of our
political and politico-critical efforts. In this sense
hypertext and the World Wide Web amplify, exacerbate,
exponentiate the trajectories on which Derrida has always
situated "the book."^19^
[40] The world of corporate capitalism is dominated by actors
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who do not truly see the play of which they are a part, and
dicta whose consequences are themselves beyond the ken of
all but the most foresighted of capitalists. With regard
to technological innovation, the guiding principle of
corporate capitalism is clearly this: one determines
whether something should be done by asking whether it can
be done. This ruling--one might in a more classical moment
call it "amorality"--puts neither capitalists per se nor
dissenters in power. Instead it leaves capital itself,
surely as naturalistic a phenomenon as any other, in
charge. I mean to suggest here that we do not know what
capital has in store for us; and that, unless the chief
actors in capitalism's play learn an altogether new sense of
responsibility to our collective future, we may learn what
(hyper)capital is thinking all too soon--and all too
ambiguously.
NOTES:
I appreciate helpful comments on earlier versions of this
paper from Stuart Moulthrop, Lisa Brawley and Suzanne Daly.
^1^ For interesting discussions of Borgesian tropes in
hypermedia, cf. Brook, "Reading and Riding" and Moulthrop,
"Reading from the Map."
^2^ Most directly in work by critical legal studies
scholars and other cultural critics and philosophers
surrounding issues like hate speech, freedom of the press,
and even free speech. For the purposes of this essay I set
aside the very complicated questions surrounding these
issues, which are both affected by, and have an impact on,
the problems I discuss here. It is notable, though, that
the current debates surrounding issues of free speech--both
left-versus-right debates, and debates between different
parties of the left--themselves seem problematically
fractured by issues of capital and corporate control, as in
the case of sexually explicit material (in that it is
largely produced by the most exploitative and abusive
capitalists). This essay is meant to suggest that solutions
to these problems will not become any more straightforward
as information access and production become more universally
networked.
^3^ Most of the political critiques of hypertext work at
this level--for example, the cited essays by Moulthrop and
Landow--but see Brook and Boal, eds., _Resisting the
Virtual Life,_ especially the essays by Besser, Hayes and
Neill. Spinelli suggests something like the view offered
here when he notes that, like ones made for the Internet
and World Wide Web, promises for social democratization
made in the early days of radio contained the implicit
command that "in order to participate in democracy, one
must be a consumer" ("Radio Lessons," 6). Ess, "Political
Computer," offers very much the liberal-utopian view of the
Internet, in a somewhat advanced theoretical form, which
this essay seeks to mark out as problematic.
^4^ See, for example, Chomsky, _The Chomsky Reader,
Deterring Democracy, Necessary Illusions, Letters from
Lexington,_ and "Media Control," and Herman and Chomsky,
_Manufacturing Consent_.
^5^ See, for example, Eisenstein, _Printing Press;_
Warner, _Letters of the Republic;_ and Erickson, _Economy of
Literary Form;_ de Grazia and Stallybrass, in their
"Materiality of the Shakespearean Text," offer a
theoretically advanced survey of some of the problems
regarding print technology in the English Renaissance, on
which also see Wall, _Imprint of Gender._ McGann's
_Textual Condition_ remains a touchstone in the
theoretization of print culture and its ideology.
^6^ Some of the consequences of this particular part of
current information technology are explored in Chapter 3,
"Foucault and Databases: Participatory Surveillance," of
Poster, _Mode of Information_.
^7^ Arick's _TCP/IP Companion_ is a widely-used guide to
the networking protocols used on the Internet and the World
Wide Web, though there are literally hundreds of volumes on
the subject.
^8^ A single Web page can be made up of many separate
files (for example, several graphic files and a text file).
Each access to one of these files constitutes a "hit." "Hit
counts" are therefore not a good measure of the number of
actual persons using a given Web page, except for very
crude purposes, since a single person accessing a single
page can result in ten, twenty, or even more hits. One of
the challenges to corporations attempting to profit from
the Web has been to develop accurate ways to log individual
use. The solutions to this challenge that have been
offered so far (and in many cases, implemented without much
public comment), as mentioned below, have been remarkably
invasive of pre-electronic standards of "privacy."
^9^ Again, Chapter 3, "Foucault and Databases:
Participatory Surveillance," of Poster, _Mode of
Information,_ provides an excellent gloss on these tendencies.
^10^ A certain cultural-technological trajectory
deserves comment here. At many points in history, certain
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database and record-keeping technologies have seemed "stable"
or "permanent," with the attendant sense that the data they
contain are permanent in that form. Yet at nearly every
stage a future stage of technology has appeared soon enough
on the horizon, in which the data stored by the previous
technology has found additional, far more centralized,
extensive and in some cases insidious uses than would have
seemed possible in the earlier stage. This certainly
accounts, for example, for the amount of information stored
in credit reports, and for the importance of social
security numbers. Thus, while an individual's use of a
particular Web site may seem somewhat unimportant if used
by a single marketer or Web site producer, it seems quite
plausible that this information will very shortly be
available on a much more global and integrated basis. That
is, although this information may seem at least partially
local today, its growth into a centralized and highly
invasive system may not only be inevitable; it may be
imminent.
^11^ This is oversimplified; the line between "operating
system" and "application" and "applet" may in fact blur
considerably as technology develops. Java, for example, which
was developed largely for applet creation, has already been
used to create fully-featured applications.
^12^ I should emphasize that one of the key features of
the Web implementation of hypertext is precisely its strong
reliance on sophisticated feedback mechanisms (mechanisms
which do not seem implicit in the idea of hypertext itself,
but which do seem ever-present in capitalism, in a variety
of more-and-less crude forms). Feedback and recursive
systematization are hallmarks of recent work in computer
science no less than in what we might loosely call
"consumer technology"--they are no less present in
professional products for advertisers than in sophisticated
academic research programs like artificial intelligence and
connectionism. I can only nod toward the degree to which
much of the latter research has been carried out,
unsurprisingly, with capital from the military and from
technology-drenched corporations. It is important as well
to note the degree to which value itself is a largely
feedback-based concept--from the crudest capitalist notions
(wherein, famously, an item is worth what a buyer is
willing to pay for it) to far more sophisticated economic
analyses, Marxist and neoclassical.
^13^ See, most famously, George Landow's _Hypertext._
The exchange in Rosenberg, "Physics and Hypertext," and
Moulthrop, "Rhizome and Resistance," includes interesting
speculation on the terms that have been used to state the
politics, emancipatory and otherwise, of hypertext.
^14^ As such it is striking how rarely Landow in
_Hypertext,_ or the authors in his edited volume
_Hyper/Text/Theory_ (but for brief parts of the Moulthrop and
Ulmer essays included there), to say nothing of the main part
of the recent literature on hypertext, and without denying
the emphasis frequently placed on discussions of the politics
of hypertext, situates these technological advances in the
capitalist system we inhabit. Two exceptions are
Moulthrop's "You Say You Want a Revolution," which, through
a discussion of Marshall McLuhan, at least in principle
gestures at some of the problems I discuss here; and
Spinelli's "Radio Lessons," which includes important
reflections on the near-monopolistic control of radio and
its implications for future media development.
^15^ In this respect the World Wide Web may be
meaningfully thought of in a sequence of the development
of the unit of exchange in the world system, a development
that has been in modern times largely led by Western
interests and powers. I am especially thinking of the
movement toward a credit economy and the recent discussions,
often hyperbolic, about a cashless society. While it is
probably not accurate to say that capital played no role in
developing the unit of exchange in early modern society--if
for no other reason than the central role played by capital
in Western governments--it still seems true that recent
developments in electronic funds transfer, electronic credit,
"smart cards," ATMs, and so on, and then the added interest
in developing Web-based capital equivalents, represent a new
kind of corporate-capitalist intervention in the system of
exchange. For a discussion of the effects on Marxist
economic theory necessitated by the enormous growth in
credit over the last century, see Kotz. For a fascinating
account of the history of money and thought about money
that has a great deal of significance for the issues
discussed here, see Shell, _Money, Language, and Thought_.
^16^ The %locus classicus% for Marx's discussion of
circulation is _Capital, Volume 2;_ also see _Capital,
Volume 1,_ especially Parts I, II and VII.
^17^ For a telling though largely unconscious instance
of this process, see Dretske, _Knowledge and the Flow of
Information,_ as well the attendant discussions of that
work in recent philosophy of mind.
^18^ A chief advocate for this view in recent Marxist
theory is Sweezy, especially in his _Modern Capitalism_ and
_Theory of Capitalist Development._ One of the clearest
indications of US hegemony in the World Wide Web and the
Internet occurs in the assigning of what are known as domain
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names. A domain name occurs on the Internet as the part of
an email address that follows the "@" sign (for example, in
the address
[email protected], the domain name is AOL.com),
or the first part of a World Wide Web address (or URL, for
Uniform Resource Locator--for example, the beginning part
of _PMC_'s URL: jefferson.village.virginia.edu). The final
segment of a domain name provides the actual "domain" for
the site. In the US, there are six domains: edu, for
educational institutions; com, for commercial providers;
org, for non-profit organizations, net, for technical
providers of network services; mil, for military users; and
gov, for governmental organizations. Yet in all other
countries, the domain name is a country abbreviation:
Britain is uk, Japan is jp, Canada is ca, and so on. Every
domain name from these countries ends with the country
identifier. The impression left on a casual user is that
US domains are multiple, mobile and professional, where
non-US domains are essentially foreign. This parallels
remarkably certain patterns of racial representation within
the US, where non-whites are characteristically stereotyped
by singular "foreign" characteristics while whites (most
often white men) are represented as having a wide range of
defining traits and skills, a formation I discuss at some
length in Golumbia, "Black and White World."
^19^ This is part of Poster's argument in Chapter Four,
"Derrida and Electronic Writing," of _The Mode of Information_.
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