Research Report
Do Babies Learn From Baby Media?
Psychological Science
21(11) 1570–1574
© The Author(s) 2010
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DOI: 10.1177/0956797610384145
http://pss.sagepub.com
Judy S. DeLoache1, Cynthia Chiong1, Kathleen Sherman1,
Nadia Islam1, Mieke Vanderborght1, Georgene L.Troseth2,
Gabrielle A. Strouse2, and Katherine O’Doherty2
1
University of Virginia and 2Vanderbilt University
Abstract
In recent years, parents in the United States and worldwide have purchased enormous numbers of videos and DVDs designed
and marketed for infants, many assuming that their children would benefit from watching them. We examined how many new
words 12- to 18-month-old children learned from viewing a popular DVD several times a week for 4 weeks at home. The
most important result was that children who viewed the DVD did not learn any more words from their monthlong exposure
to it than did a control group. The highest level of learning occurred in a no-video condition in which parents tried to teach
their children the same target words during everyday activities. Another important result was that parents who liked the DVD
tended to overestimate how much their children had learned from it. We conclude that infants learn relatively little from infant
media and that their parents sometimes overestimate what they do learn.
Keywords
infant media, infant learning
Received 10/1/09; Revision accepted 5/3/10
One of the most remarkable marketing phenomena of recent
history was ignited by the 1997 release of the first Baby
Einstein video (The Baby Einstein Co., Littleton, CO), which
was followed by a host of other videos and DVDs designed
and marketed specifically for infants and very young children.
American parents alone spend hundreds of millions of dollars
yearly on these products, with the Baby Einstein series leading
in popularity and sales worldwide.
Most companies that market these DVDs feature quotes
from parents touting the virtues of the company’s products. In
these testimonials on Web sites and in advertisements, parents
frequently mention the remarkable degree of attention that
children pay to the DVDs (as well as the fact that their children’s absorption in the DVDs enables them to get household
chores done and even take the occasional shower). Prominently featured are parent testimonials that their children learn
a great deal from watching infant DVDs. Our own experience
with parents of young children has led us to suspect that a
substantial proportion believe that infants benefit from commercial media products, and recent research indicates that
40% of mothers of young children believe that their children
learn from television (Rideout, 2007).
But how well do infants actually learn from visual media?
Because development typically proceeds at a very rapid pace
in the first years of life, parents may misattribute ordinary
developmental progress to their children’s media exposure.
For example, on one commercial Web site, a parent reported
that her 18-month-old child had very few words until she
started watching one of the company’s videos, at which point
her vocabulary “suddenly blossomed.” However, a very welldocumented phenomenon in early language development is
the “word spurt,” a rapid increase in the acquisition of new
words during the second year of life (e.g., Benedict, 1979;
Goldfield & Reznick, 1990). It would be easy for parents to
misattribute their children’s sudden linguistic advances to
recent video experience.
Although several empirical studies have examined the
relation between early television viewing and a variety of outcome measures, most have been large-scale surveys yielding
correlational data (e.g., Rideout, Vandewater, & Wartella,
2003; Schmidt, Rich, Rifas-Shiman, Oken, & Taveras, 2009;
Zimmerman, Christakis, & Meltzoff, 2007). Only a relatively
small number of laboratory studies have examined specific
aspects of young children’s interaction with visual media (see
Anderson & Pempek, 2005; DeLoache & Chiong, 2009).
Corresponding Author:
Judy S. DeLoache, Department of Psychology, University of Virginia, P.O. Box
400400, Charlottesville, VA 22904
E-mail:
[email protected]
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Learning From Baby Media
Further, only a few of those studies have specifically
focused on infants’ learning from video. In one such study
(Kuhl, Tsao, & Liu, 2003), 9-month-olds from English-speaking
families watched several presentations, either live or video, of
an adult speaking Mandarin. A month later, the researchers
tested whether this exposure had prolonged the infants’ sensitivity to the Mandarin speech sounds. Only children whose
Mandarin exposure had occurred in live interactions showed
any impact of that experience.
Laboratory studies of infants’ imitation of simple actions
presented on video have established that 12- to 30-month-olds
are able to reproduce a modest number of observed actions
(e.g., Barr & Hayne, 1999; Hayne, Herbert, & Simcock, 2003;
McCall, Parke, & Kavanaugh, 1977). Imitation is substantially
better, however, when children experience the same demonstrations live.
Young children’s word learning from commercial television has also been examined. A large-scale parent survey
reported a negative correlation between vocabulary size and
television exposure: For every hour of baby media that infants
between 8 and 16 months of age watched on their own, they
were reported to know 6 to 8 fewer words (Zimmerman et al.,
2007). Krcmar, Grela, and Lin (2007) obtained similar results
in a laboratory study, in which children under 22 months of
age learned few object names presented on a clip from a Teletubbies television episode.
In a recent experimental investigation of early learning
from video, Robb, Richert, and Wartella (2009) assessed word
learning from home viewing of a commercial DVD designed
to teach words to young children. According to parent reports,
the 12- to 15-month-old participants learned relatively few of
the words featured on the DVD: Children who had substantial
exposure to it performed no better than did those with none.
These results are intriguing, but the fact that the primary data
were parent reports is of some concern.
Accordingly, we conducted an experiment using objective
testing to directly examine the extent to which infants learn
from a very popular commercial infant DVD promoted to foster
word learning. Six aspects of the study were designed to ensure
a highly valid assessment of the potential for early learning
from video: (a) The entire experiment was conducted in the
children’s own homes. (b) The conditions mimicked everyday
situations in which young children view videos. (c) A best-selling
video was used. (d) The children received extensive exposure to
the video. (e) They were tested for their understanding of the
specific words featured on the video. (f) The tester was blind to
the condition to which each child had been randomly assigned.
Method
Participants
Participants were 72 infants between 12 and 18 months of age
(M = 14.7 months). They were recruited from a large metropolitan area and a small city. The sample was predominantly
White and middle-class. None of the infants had had any exposure to the target DVD. Eighteen children (including approximately equal numbers of girls and boys) were randomly
assigned to each of four conditions.
Materials
A best-selling commercial DVD designed and marketed for
infants from “12 months of age and up” was used in the
research. The 39-min DVD depicts a variety of scenes of a
house and yard. A voice labels common household objects,
each of which is named three times, with several minutes
intervening between the repetitions of a given label. In addition, during the first and last labeling of a given object, a person is shown producing a manual sign for the object.
Conditions
In the three experimental conditions, the experimenter made
three home visits to each family. During the first visit, the
experimenter gave detailed oral and written instructions to
the parents. The experimental conditions included two video
conditions: video with interaction and video with no interaction. In both of these conditions, parents gave their children
substantial experience with the DVD in their own homes
over 4 weeks. To ensure that they followed the instructions,
we asked them to complete a daily log of their child’s experience with the video. Parents in the parent-teaching (nonvideo) condition estimated how often they had attempted to
teach their children the target words. On the second and third
home visits in all three of these conditions, the experimenter
checked to make sure the parents had been following the
protocol.
In the video-with-interaction condition, the child and a parent watched the DVD together at least five times a week over
a 4-week period, for a total of 10 or more hours of viewing
time in 20 or more viewing episodes. (Some advertisements
for baby videos recommend that parents watch with their children.) Parents were instructed to interact with their child in
whatever way seemed natural to them while viewing the video.
This condition mimicked the common everyday experience of
young children and parents watching television together.
In the video-with-no-interaction condition, the children
watched the video alone, but had the same total amount of
exposure to it as did the children in the video-with-interaction
condition. (The parents were almost always in the room with
their infants, but were not watching television with them.)
This condition mimicked another common situation, in which
young children watch television on their own while their parents are nearby but engaged in other activities.
In the parent-teaching condition, the children were not
exposed to the video at all. Instead, the parents were given a
list of the 25 words featured on the video and were instructed
simply to “try to teach your child as many of these words as
you can in whatever way seems natural to you.”
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DeLoache et al.
The fourth condition, in which there was no intervention,
was the control condition. It provided a baseline of normal
vocabulary growth against which performance in the three
intervention groups could be compared.
criterion minimized the likelihood that children would be
counted as knowing a word after simply guessing correctly.
Parents in the video conditions completed a brief questionnaire concerning their and their child’s experience with the
video.
Testing
Results
During the initial home visit, each child was tested for knowledge of 13 of the 25 words featured on the video in order to
establish an individualized set of target words for that child.
(As Table S1 in the Supplemental Material available online
shows, children in the target age range perform around or
below chance when tested for their knowledge of the majority
of these words.) On each of 13 trials, the child was shown a
pair of replica objects—a target representing an object featured in the video (e.g., clock, table, tree) and a distractor that
did not appear in the video (e.g., fan, plate, fence). The experimenter named the target and asked the child to point to the
appropriate object (e.g., “Can you show me the table?”). The
names of the objects that a child failed to identify became that
child’s individualized set of target words. The number of target words ranged from 5 to 12; the mean number (6.4–6.9) did
not differ across the four groups.
On the final visit, the child’s knowledge of his or her target
words was tested to determine how much word learning had
taken place over the 4 weeks. The testing was conducted in the
same way as in the initial visit, except that two trials were
given for each of the child’s target words, with the words presented in one order for the first set of trials and in the reverse
order for the second. To be credited with knowing a word, the
child had to choose the correct object on both trials; this
Figure 1 shows the percentage of their target words that the
children got correct on the posttest. Only the performance of
the parent-teaching group was above chance (p < .05). The
result of primary importance is clear: Children who had extensive exposure to a popular infant video over a full month,
either with a parent or alone, did not learn any more new words
than did children with no exposure to the video at all.
The absence of learning from experience with the video
was not due to lack of attention to it. Representative comments
from the logs of parents whose children were in the video
groups include the following: “She was practically glued to
the screen today”; “She was very quiet today—stared intently
at the screen and ignored me when I asked her to talk”; “She
loves the blasted thing. It’s crack for babies!”
As Figure 1 shows, performance was highest in the parentteaching group—those children who had no exposure to the
video, but whose parents had attempted to teach them new
words during everyday interactions. Preliminary examination
of the individual scores indicated that the data were not normally distributed, so a median test was performed on the proportion of target words that the children in the four conditions
identified on the posttest. There was a significant overall difference among the groups, χ2(3, N = 72) = 10.03, p < .05. Post
60
Percentage Correct
50
40
30
20
10
0
Parent
Teaching
Video With
Interaction
Video With
No Interaction
Control
Condition
Fig. 1. Children’s mean performance on the posttest as a function of group. Each child was tested on an
individualized set of target words. Error bars represent standard errors of the mean.
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Learning From Baby Media
hoc tests indicated that the performance of the parent-teaching
group was significantly better than that of all three of the other
groups—video-with-interaction group: χ2(1, N = 36) = 4.0, p <
.05; video-with-no-interaction group: χ2(1, N = 36) = 11.11,
p = .001; and control group: χ2(1, N = 36) = 4.0, p < .05. Neither of
the video conditions differed from the control condition. Thus,
significantly more learning occurred in the context of everyday
parent-child interactions than in front of television screens.
Finally, the parents’ assessment of how much their children
had learned from the DVD was unrelated to the children’s performance on the posttest: Children whose parents thought that
they had learned a substantial amount from their experience
with the DVD performed no better than did children of less
sanguine parents. There was, however, a significant correlation (r = .64, p < .01) between parents’ own liking for the DVD
and their estimate of how much their children had learned: The
more a parent liked the DVD, the more he or she believed the
child had learned from it.
change to that experience, thereby overestimating the impact
of the videos on their children’s development. Second, the
degree to which babies actually learn from baby videos is
negligible.
Acknowledgments
We thank Monica Ehrbacher for her very helpful statistical advice.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared that they had no conflicts of interest with
respect to their authorship or the publication of this article.
Funding
This research was supported by National Institutes of Health Grant
HD-25271, as well as by National Science Foundation Grant
0819508, both to the first author.
Supplemental Material
Additional supporting information may be found at http://pss.sagepub
.com/content/by/supplemental-data
Discussion
The results of this study provide a clear answer to our original
question: Infants between 12 and 18 months of age learned
very little from a highly popular media product promoted for
this age group. Even with the substantial amount of exposure
that they had to the video, the infants learned only a few of the
words featured on it. Because great care was taken to ensure
that the video-viewing conditions were as natural as possible,
the results should be generalizable to young children’s everyday experience.
These results are consistent with a body of theory and
research that has established that very young children often
fail to use information communicated to them via symbolic
media, including pictures, models, and video (e.g., DeLoache,
2004; Troseth, Pierroutsakos, & DeLoache, 2004). For example, 2-year-olds who watch a live video of an adult hiding a
desirable toy in the room next-door fail to find the toy when
encouraged to search for it immediately afterward (Troseth,
2003a, 2003b; Troseth & DeLoache, 1998). This and related
results indicate that infants and very young children have difficulty understanding the relation between what they see on a
screen and the real world.
An additional finding from this experiment is directly relevant to the possibility that parents may misattribute normal
developmental progress to their infants’ video exposure. Parents who had a favorable attitude toward the DVD thought that
their children had learned more from it than did parents who
were less positively disposed to the DVD. There was, in fact,
no difference in how many words were learned by the children
of these two groups of parents. This result suggests that much
of the enthusiasm expressed in parent testimonials about baby
video products is misplaced.
In summary, the research reported here supports two important conclusions. First, parents whose infants have experience
with baby videos tend to misattribute normal developmental
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