The Roman Conquest of Thrace

I TRACI TRA GEOGRAFIA E STORIA ARISTONOTHOS Scritti per il Mediterraneo antico Vol. 9 (2015) I Traci tra geograia e storia A cura del Dipartimento di Beni Culrurali e ambientali dell’Università degli Studi di Milano Copyright © 2015 Tangram Edizioni Scientiiche Gruppo Editoriale Tangram Srl – Via Verdi, 9/A – 38122 Trento www.edizioni-tangram.it – [email protected] Prima edizione: ottobre 2015, Printed in EU ISBN 978-88-6458-142-2 Collana ARISTONOTHOS – Scritti per il Mediterraneo antico – NIC 09 Direzione Federica Cordano, Giovanna Bagnasco Gianni, Teresa Giulia Alieri Tonini. Comitato scientiico Carmine Ampolo, Pierina Anello, Gilda Bartoloni, Maria Bonghi Jovino, Giovanni Colonna, Tim Cornell, Michel Gras, Pier Giovanni Guzzo, Jean-Luc Lamboley, Mario Lombardo, Nota Kourou, Annette Rathje, Henri Tréziny La curatela di questo volume è di Paola Schirripa In copertina: Il mare e il nome di Aristonothos. Le “o” sono scritte come i cerchi puntati che compaiono sul cratere. Stampa su carta ecologica proveniente da zone in silvicoltura, totalmente priva di cloro. Non contiene sbiancanti ottici, è acid free con riserva alcalina. Questa serie vuole celebrare il mare Mediterraneo e contribuire a sviluppare temi, studi e immaginario che il cratere irmato dal greco Aristonothos ancora oggi evoca. Deposto nella tomba di un etrusco, racconta di storie e relazioni ra culture diverse che si svolgono in questo mare e sulle terre che unisce. Sommario Introduction and acknowledgements 11 Paola Schrripa L’image grecque de la hrace entre barbarie et fascination. Pour une remise en question 15 Paola Schirripa Strabone e il monte Emo 53 Federica Cordano Krenides: una curiosità storiograica 67 Maria Mainardi Un «protectorat» thrace? Les relations politiques entre Grecs et hraces autour de la baie de Bourgas (IIIe-IIe s. Av. J.-C.) 81 hibaut Castelli Traci ‘romani’: difusione della civitas e ‘romanizzazione’ nei centri costieri della Tracia 109 Francesco Camia he Roman Conquest of hrace (188 B.C. – 45 A.D.) 129 Jordan Iliev Aspects de la colonisation des Daces au sud du Danube par les Romains 143 Alexandru Avram Auteurs grecs de Θρᾳκικά: questions autour d’histoires fragmentaires 161 Dan et Madalina Dana Selvagge e crudeli, femmine tracie nell’immaginario igurativo greco 187 Federica Giacobello Notes upon the distribution of spectacle ibula between Central Europe and Balkan Peninsula in the Late Bronze and beginnings of the Early Iron Age 197 Simone Romano e Martin Trefný he white lotus (nelumbo lucifera) decorated, silver jug from Naip in local context Totko Stoyanov 227 I TRACI TRA GEOGRAFIA E STORIA 129 The Roman Conquest of Thrace (188 B.C. – 45 A.D.) Jordan Iliev In 229 B.C. the Romans set foot on the Balkans1, but it cannot be determined when they irst came in contact with the hracians2. At that time the situation in hrace was very complicated. he scanty sources testify that over the next few decades hracian mercenaries take part in the armies of the great Hellenistic kingdoms, which for a certain time had interests in hrace3. Furthermore, some hracian tribes probably were among the Roman friends or even allies4. he situation complicates more by hracian communities, which pursue their own independent policy5. Unfortunately, the available sources do not provide suicient information to determine the signiicance of these most important factors in hrace. Between the end of the 3rd and the beginning of the 2nd century B.C. some hracian tribes attracted the attention of the ancient writers with their interrelations with the Macedonian king Philip V6. As it seems, the Macedonian lands were regularly attacked by hracian tribes and especially by the Maedi. In response the Macedonian king organized preventive or punitive campaigns. In connection with one of them, that of the 211/210 B.C., Livy speciied that ‘[Philip] led his army, before he should be engaged in more important matters […] into hrace and against the Maedi. hat tribe had been in the habit of making raids into Macedonia, whenever it knew that the king was engaged in 1 here are a lot of papers, dedicated to various aspects of the hraco-Roman relationships, although most of them are just concentrated on the presentation of historical events, extracted from the scarce ancient sources. See for instance Danov 1979, pp. 72-145; Loukopoulou 1987, pp. 63-110; Tatscheva 2004, pp. 11-70; Parissaki 2013, pp. 105-114; Delev 2014, pp. 137-146. 2 he earliest currently known mention of hracians among the Roman allies is dated to 212 B.C., see Liv. 26.24.9. 3 Griffith 2014, p. 340 with references and sources about hracian mercenaries in the troops of the Antigonids, the Seleucids, the Ptolemies, the Attalids, the Achaean League, Mithridates V and VI. 4 About hracian volunteers in the Roman army see Griffith 2014, p. 234. 5 here are some sources about independent hracians, see Zanni et alii 2007, p. 751. 6 Danov 1979, p. 86 sq. 130 Jordan Iliev a foreign war and the kingdom unprotected’7. Polybius supplements that three years later the hracian tribes near the Macedonian frontier and chiely the Maedi threatened to raid across the border, if the king was away from his lands8. he presented information clearly demonstrates the strategy of the hracian tribes against Macedonia, which expresses in avoidance of direct engagement with regular troops. Philip V certainly understood this strategy and as a result he had no diiculty in his hracian campaigns, but even assured the irst documented passing of Roman troops through hrace9. An interesting here is that the available sources don’t tell anything about the hracian possessions of Philip V or these of Antiochus III the Great10. Anyway, during their passage (on the way to Asia Minor) in 190 B.C., probably on the route of the future Via Egnatia, the legions of Scipio were supported by Philip V. here are no evidences about any serious incidents on their way, except an unsuccessful attack of about 15.000 hracians against the Numidian cavalry11. he safe passage through hrace is explained with the help of Philip V12. Two years later the Roman troops under the charge of Gn. Manlius Vulso, returning from a successful campaign13, followed the same route on their way back from Asia Minor to Italy. he transition is presented in suicient details by Livy14. Starting from Lysimachia the legions set out in north and reached to Cypsela. here Vulso divided the army into two sections, because for about ten miles the road was wooden, narrow and rough. hat settlement later was a station on the Via Egnatia15. Without any doubt the localization of Livy’s Cypsela wasn’t 7 Liv. 26.25.6-7. Polyb. 10.41.4. 9 Liv. 37.7.8-16. 10 In the end of the 3rd century BC there were some possessions of the Ptolemies in hrace, which were conquered by Philip V. Ater the Second Macedonian war (200-197 B.C.) Philip V was forced to withdraw his garrisons from all of the cities on the hracian coast. Immediately ater that they were conquered by Antiochus III, who rules over them up to 190 B.C. Ater 188 B.C. some lands in hrace were handed over the Attalids. See Danov 1979, p. 59 sq. In 196/195 B.C. Antiochus III marched in hrace, see Grainger 2002, p. 76 sq. 11 Liv. 38.41.11-14. 12 Philip V claimed that he was a diligent ally of the Romans, see Liv. 39.28.6-12. 13 Grainger 2002, p. 341 sq. 14 Liv. 38.40-41. 15 Loukopoulou 2004, p. 880, No. 649. According to Kallet-Marx 1996, pp. 347-9 ‘the decade of the 130s is on the whole the most likely date for the construction of the via Egnatia’. 8 he Roman Conquest of hrace (188 B.C. – 45 A.D.) 131 near the modern town of Ipsala (in Turkey), just because to the west of that town there is no way to found wooden, narrow and rough pass16 (see Figure 1). Figure 1. Map of the terrain between Lysimachia and Aenos. he general ordered one section to go ahead and the other to bring up the rear at a great distance. he baggage (carts loaded with public money and other valuable booty) was placed between them. As they were marching in this order through the deile, not more than ten thousand hracians of four tribes – the Asti17, the Caeni18, some of the Maedi(?)19 and the Coreli20 – blocked the road 16 Iliev 2011, p. 313 followed by Boteva 2014, p. 73. here are no signiicant varieties in the available codices about that name; see Briscoe 2008, p. 144 (a). 18 In the codices are presented the variants ‘Caenei’ and ‘Ceni’; see Briscoe 2008, p. 144 (b). hat tribe is well attested in the region; see Detschew 1957, pp. 221-222. 19 he ethnonym ‘Maduateni’ is unattested elsewhere; see Briscoe 2008, p. 144 (c). It can be interpreted as phonetic translation in Latin from the Greek phrase ‘some of the Maedi’ (Μαίδων τινες, attested in Strabo 7.5.12). 20 In most of the available codices the attested form is ‘Cornelii’, but some editors replaced it with ‘Corpili’; see Briscoe 2008, p. 144 (d). he ‘Coreli’ sounds familiar to ‘Coralli’, 17 132 Jordan Iliev at the narrow point. here then followed a lengthy battle, which is described by Livy. Night was at hand when the hracians retired from the ight, not to avoid wounds or death, but because they had enough of spoils21. he head of the Roman column encamped outside the deile near the temple Mendidius (‘circa templum Mendidium’)22 on open ground. he irst publishers of Livy changed – without any serious reasons – the name to ‘Bendidius’ and currently this is the most common reading23. However, the eventual Greek version of that toponym (Μενδίδειος) can ind an explanation in Conon’s information about the nymph Mendeis24 and probably was in connection with Mende, a settlement in the area of the Aenians25. he author of these lines believes that here Livy had in mind a toponym connected with the settlement and/or the nymph. he following day, having reconnoitred the deile before they moved, they joined the advanced guard. In this battle there was a loss both of baggage and of camp-followers and a considerable number of soldiers had fallen, since there was ighting everywhere along the whole deile. hat day they reached the Hebrus (Maritsa) River. hen they crossed the frontiers of the Aenians26 near the temple of Apollo, whom the natives call Zerynthius27. Some details on the hracian campaign of Vulso are presented in other passages of Livy28. To Vulso himself are ascribed the following words: ‘when the enemy attacked us in a deile hard to pass through, on unfavourable ground, the two divisions of our army, the van and the rear, at the same time surrounded the army of the barbarians which was lingering around our trains, that they another hracian tribe, known to Strabo (7.318), Ovidius (Epist. ex Ponto, 4.2.37; 4.8.83), Valerius Flaccus (Argonaut., 5.89) and Appian (Mithr. 293); see Iliev 2011, p. 311, not. 11. 21 Liv. 38.40.9-15. 22 See Briscoe 2008, p. 146. 23 here are not known any serious evidences on the cult of Bendis in hrace from that age, see Janouchova 2013, p. 100 sq. 24 Con., Narr., 10 – ὡς Σίθων ὁ Ποσειδῶνος καὶ Ὄσσης, ὁ τῆς Θρᾳκίας χερρονήσου βασιλεὺς γεννᾷ θυγατέρα Παλήνην ἐκ Μενδηίδος νύμφης. 25 See Loukopoulou 2004, p. 871 with references. 26 Aenos was situated in the Melas gulf, see Loukopoulou 2004, p. 875, No. 641. 27 An epithet of Apollo and Artemis, probably delivered from a hracian place name, see Detschew 1957, p. 184 sq. 28 he Roman general is accused of being unreasonable to pass through the hracian lands without asking Philip V for assistance, see App., Syr. 43. he Roman Conquest of hrace (188 B.C. – 45 A.D.) 133 killed and captured many thousands on that same day and many more a few days later’29. hey create an impression of subsequent prosecution of the above mentioned hracian tribes by the Romans. War booty30 is the possible interpretation of a coin hoard found in Rhodope Mountains31. So can be explained – at least partially – the ascertainment of Annius Florus that Vulso32 penetrated in Rhodope and Caucasus33. From the failure of Vulso for almost twenty years there are no evidences about conlicts between Romans and hracians. Something more, there are no available sources of any serious hracian ambushes near the route from Europe to Asia until the end of antiquity. his fact probably should be explained by the following actions of Vulso himself, or by the subsequent campaigns of Philip V34 and Perseus35 in hrace. hracian communities participated actively in the hird Macedonian war (171-168 B.C.). Contemporaries were impressed by the Odrysian king Kotys, son of Seuthes, who fought on the side of Perseus. Ater the war he was assigned to the Roman allies36. 29 Liv. 38.49.10-11. Among the losses of Vulso were also the public money, see explicitly App., Syr. 43. 31 Thompson et al. 1973, p. 115, No. 872, from Rakitovo. It is composed of issues of Alexander III (11 tetradrachms and 2 drachms), Demetrius Poliorcetes (1 tetradr.), Lysimachus (3 tetradr.), Seleucus I (2 tetradr.), Antiochus I (1 tetradr.), Seleucus II (1 tetradr.) and Antiochus III (1 tetradr.). here is no other such a treasure with Seleucid coins in hrace. Usually are found only single coins of not more than one Seleucid king, see for example Thompson et al. 1973, Nos. 874 (3 tetradr. of Antiochus I and 2 tetradr. of Seleucus III), 853 (1 stater of Seleucus I), 854 (3 tetradr. of Seleucus I), 859 (7 tetradr. of Seleucus I, 1 tetradr. of Antiochus I), 861 (1 tetradr. of Antiochus I), 870 (1 tetradr. of Seleucus I), 871 (1 tetradr. of Antiochus I), 887 (1 tetradr. of Seleucus I), 888 (1 tetradr. of Seleucus I). 32 In some editions the name is ‘Piso’. 33 Flor. 1.39.20 (‘Vulso Rhodopen Caucasumque penetravit’). Some editors replace the oronym ‘Caucasus’ with ‘Haemus’. 34 In the available sources are documented campaigns of Philip V against one Amadokos, other campaign against Odrysians, Bessi and Dentheletai and another one against Dentheletai and Maedi. In 179 B.C. Perseus driven out one Abrupolis, king of the Sapaeians, from his lands, see Hatzopoulos 1983, pp. 80-87 with references. 35 His campaign against Abrupolis, a king in hrace, was considered among the reasons for the 3rd Macedonian war, see Polyb. 22.18.2; Liv. 42.13.5; 43.40.5; App. Mac. 11; D. S. 29, fr. 36; Paus. 7.10.6. 36 Danov 1979, p. 93. 30 134 Jordan Iliev Ater the end of the war with Perseus in 167 B.C. the territory of the old Macedonian kingdom was divided in four merides each of them with republican government37. Undoubtedly, the irst of them includes some hracian areas, but their territorial scope is controversial, due to scarce sources. hat republican government lasted for less than 20 years. In 151 B.C. Pseudo-Philip (Andriscus) with the help of some hracian troops reestablished for a while the Macedonian kingdom. Two years later Macedonia was reconquered by Q. Caecillius Metellus and turned into Roman province. So, some hracian lands, at least these around the lower stream of Struma river fall under direct Roman rule38. During more than a century the governors of the province followed the above mentioned strategy of the last Macedonian kings against the regularly invading hracian tribes. he ancient tradition provides only fragmentary information about hracian attacks and preventive or punitive Roman campaigns. hey had the following sequence: – 135 B.C. Marcus Cosconius fought successfully against the Scordisci in hrace39; – 114 B.C. Gaius Porcius Cato fought unsuccessfully against the Scordisci40; – 113/112 B.C. Gaius Caecilius Metellus Capriarius campaigned in hrace and was honored with a triumph in 111 B.C.41; – 111 B.C. Marcus Livius Drusus fought successfully against the Scordisci42; – 110-106 B.C. Marcus Minucius Rufus fought successfully against the hracians and was honored with a triumph for his ‘victories over the Bessians and other hracians’43; – 104 B.C. the Romans defeated the hracians44; 37 Kallet-Marx 1995, p. 11 sq. Some modern scholars restrict their frontiers to the lands between Stymon and Nestos rivers, others extend them to the downstream of Hebrus, see Danov 1979, p. 99; Loukopoulou 1987, p. 64. 39 Liv., Per. 56; Kallet-Marx 1995, p. 39. hrace is considered as the arena of some conlicts with the Scordisci, see Papazoglu 1978, p. 297 with references. 40 Liv., Per. 63; Eutr. 4.24; Flor. 1.39; Cass. Dio frg. 88; Amm. Marc. 27.4.4. 41 Eutr. 4. 25; Fasti triumph. a. 111; Kallet-Marx 1995, p. 224. 42 Liv., Per. 63; Flor. 1.39; Fest. 9; Amm. Marc. 27.4.10; Iord., Rom., 219; Fasti triumph. a. 110. 43 Liv., Per. 65; Flor. 1.39; Fest. 9; Amm. Marc. 27.4.10; Iord., Rom. 219; Fasti triumph. a. 106. he adversaries of Minucius are listed in FD, 3.1, No. 526; SEG, 41, No. 570 and CID, 2, No. 121a; see a commentary in Iliev 2011, p. 320; Delev 2014, p. 170. 44 Iul. Obs. c. 43. 38 he Roman Conquest of hrace (188 B.C. – 45 A.D.) 135 – 101-100 B.C. Titus (or Marcus?) Didius annexed some hracian lands45; – 93-87 B.C. Gaius Sentius Saturninus fought unsuccessfully against the hracians46; – 89, 87 and 86 B.C. hracians invaded into Macedonia47; – 85-84 B.C. Lucius Cornelius Sulla ‘cut the hracians to pieces in several battles’48; – 77-75 B.C. Appius Claudius Pulcherus defeated the hracians in many battles49; – 73 B.C. in hrace Gaius Scribonius Curio subdued the Dardani50; – 73-63 B.C. in the course of the hird Mithridatic war some hracians take part on the side of Mithridates51; – 72-71 B.C. Marcus Terentius Varo Lucullus subjugated the hracians or (ater Sallust) the Moesians and conquered the Bessians52; – 62-58 B.C. Gaius Antonius Hybrida campaigned in hrace with little success53; – 59 B.C. Gaius Octavius, the father of Augustus, leading an army in the remote part of hrace and routing the Bessians and the other hracians in a great battle54. Information for thinking about the eventual areas of these campaigns provides the coin hoards, whose burial is dated at that time55. he attached maps show that in the end of the 2nd century B.C. possible areas of military actions are the Valley of Hebrus River, Rhodope Mountains and the lands to the northeast of 45 Flor. 1.39; Fest. 9; Amm. Marc. 27.4.10; Iord., Rom. 219. See also Loukopoulou 1987, p. 74 with commentary on the inscriptions from Knidos and Delos. 46 Liv., Per. 70; Oros. 5.18.30. 47 Liv., Per. 74, 81, 82. 48 Liv., Per. 83. About the hracians in the army of Sulla see Santangelo 2007, p. 46. 49 Liv., Per. 91; Fest. 9; Amm. Marc. 27.4.10; Oros. 5.23.17; Iord., Rom. 219. 50 Liv., Per. 95; Flor. 1.39; Fest. 7.5; Iord., Rom. 216. See also Papazoglu 1978, pp. 179-183. 51 App., Mithr. 69. 52 Liv., Per. 97; Serv., ad. Aen. 604; Eutr. 6.10; Oros. 6.3.4; Amm. Marc. 27.4.11; Fest. 9. On the discrepancy in the available sources see Papazoglu 1978, pp. 410-413. 53 Liv., Per. 103; Cass. Dio 38.10.3, 51.26.5, 51.72.2. 54 Suet., Aug. 94.5; 3.2. 55 About the coin hoards as temporary deposits for safe-keeping during times of crisis see Gerov 1980, pp. 361-432. 136 Jordan Iliev Haemus (see Figure 2). In these areas is concentrated the majority of the coin hoards. he coin hoards from the 1st century B.C. are found mainly in the river valleys (see Figure 3). he comparison between these two maps shows that most of the coin hoards from the 2nd century B.C. are found in the eastern part of hrace. A large group of hoards from the 1st century B.C. are concentrated to the north of Haemus. Unfortunately, the imprecise burial dates prevent any assumption for their connection with concrete historical events. Figure 2. Coin hoards rom the 2nd century B.C.56. 56 As listed in Thompson et al. 1973, No. 947 (1), 946 (2), 945 (3), 948 (4), 944 (5), 949 (6), 950 (7), 951 (8), 943 (9), 941 (10), 942 (11); 906 (12), 904 (13), 902 (14), 903 (15), 905 (16), 899 (17), 900 (18), 901 (19); 952 (20), 912 (21), 914 (22), 911 (23), 939 (24), 940 (25), 913 (26), 938 (27), 932 (28), 937 (29), 936 (30), 935 (31), 934 (32), 908 (33), 909 (34), 915 (35), 896 (36), 929 (37), 917 (38), 918 (39), 928 (40), 920 (41), 910 (42), 919 (43), 921 (44), 922 (45), 923 (46), 926 (47), 927 (48), 933 (49), 924 (50), 930 (51), 898 (52), 897 (53), 925 (54), 953 (55), 954 (56), 907. he Roman Conquest of hrace (188 B.C. – 45 A.D.) 137 Figure 3. Coin hoards rom the 1st century B.C.57. Ater the middle of the irst century B.C. the hracians played an important role in the Roman civil wars. Some hracian auxiliaries take part in the army of Pompeius58. In the period of the two triumvirates and of Augustus’ principate hrace was turned into client kingdom59, but some common principles of the client kingdoms60 are attested in hrace since the end of the hird Macedonian war. Studies on the hracian coinage show that the ‘late hracian dynastic coinage was inluenced by Rome as early as 42 B.C.’61. 57 As listed in Paunov – Prokopov 2002, No. 127 (1), 17 (2), 120 (3), 114 (4), 113 (5), 63 (6), 5 (7), 7 (8), 18 (9), 103 (10), 130 (11), 55 (12), 110 (13), 62 (14); 118 (15), 106 (16), 54 (17), 61 (18), 100 (19), 108 (20), 11 (21), 112 (22), 101 (23), 111 (24), 27 (25), 70 (26), 58 (27), 131 (28), 123 (29), 51 (30), 41 (31), 44 (32), 40 (33), 68 (34), 50 (35), 26 (36), 122 (37), 132 (38), 102 (39), 115 (40), 59 (41), 71 (42), 48 (43), 67 (44); 119 (45), 1 (46), 2 (47), 29 (48), 45 (49), 47 (50), 43 (51), 117 (52), 105 (53), 30 (54), 65 (55), 129 (56); 77 (57), 25 (58), 109 (59), 39 (60), 116 (61), 53 (62), 3 (63), 126 (64), 52 (65), 64 (66). 58 Caes., B. C. 3.4; 3.95. 59 On the history of the friendly kings in hrace see Tačeva 1995, pp. 459-467. 60 Summarized by Braund 2014, passim. 61 Paunov 2015, p. 279. 138 Jordan Iliev Figure 4. Silver drachm of the hracian king Rhoemetalces I with Augustus, ca. 11‑10 B.C.62. On the eve of the battle near Philippi Marcus Brutus campaigned successfully against the hracians for a little while63. In the battle itself an important role played the brothers Rhaiscos and Rhaescuporis64. In the following decades the Roman activities in hrace were connected with assistance of their vassal kings in times of revolutions: – 29-28 B.C. Marcus Licinius Crassus campaigned against Moesians and hracians65; – 24-23 B.C. Marcus Primus against the Odrysians66; – 19-18 B.C. Marcus Lollius subdued the Bessians67; – 15-11 B.C. Vologaesus make a revolt against Rhaescuporis, the son of Cotys68; – 13-11 B.C. Lucius Piso crushes the hracians69; – Around 12 A.D. the province of Moesia was organized70; – 21 A.D. Coilaletae, Odrysae and Dii took up arms71; – 26 A.D. Poppeius Sabinus crushed the hracian tribesmen72. 62 Image source: Paunov 2015, p. 282. Liv., Per. 122. 64 App., B. C. 4.11.87 sq. 65 Liv., Per. 134-135; Fasti triumph. a. 27; Cass Dio 51.23.2-27. See also Papazoglu 1978, pp. 414-430. 66 Cass. Dio 54.3.2. 67 Cass. Dio 54.20.3. 68 Cass. Dio 54.34.5-7. 69 Liv., Per. 140. 70 Tatscheva 2004, p. 22. See also Boteva 2014, pp. 110-137. 71 Tac., Ann. 3.38. 72 Tac., Ann. 4.46-50. 63 he Roman Conquest of hrace (188 B.C. – 45 A.D.) 139 Besides the listed political events, in the end of the Hellenistic age large-scale reorganization was implemented in the hracian kingdom. he country was divided into speciic ethno-political areas called strategies73. It can be argued that this reform has been performed by Rhoemetalces I (end of the 1st century B.C. – 12/13 A.D.). he reasons for this assumption are at least two: (1) the earliest epigraphic sources for strategists are dated to the second half of the 1st century B.C. and (2) Rhoemetalces reformed ater Roman pattern the hracian army74. his was assuredly an important aspect for the smooth annexation of hrace in 46 A.D. Figure 5. ‘People of the Bessians’ – an image in the so called ‘Simulacra gentium’75. 73 Gerov 1980, p. 229; Tatscheva 2004, p. 33; Tatscheva 2007, pp. 33-47. Flor. 2.27. About the signiicance of the strategies for the hracian recruits in the Roman army see Tacheva 2000, p. 32. 75 Image source: Inscriptions of Aphrodisias, http://insaph.kcl.ac.uk/iaph2007/ iAph090009.html. 74 140 Jordan Iliev Bibliographical references Braund 2014 = D. Braund, Rome and the Friendly King: the Character of the Client Kingship, New York, Routledge 2014 [irst published 1984]. 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Convivenze etniche, scontri e contatti di culture in Sicilia e Magna Grecia 8. La cultura a Sparta in età classica