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2015, The Conversation
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Australian Journal of Politics and History, 2014
Security Challenges, 2015
The ascent of China has irrevocably changed Australia’s external strategic environment. While China became Australia’s top trading partner during the mid-2000s, tensions in the bilateral economic relationship have posed a series of complications for Australian policymakers. In this article, we explore four areas where these complications have become salient: economic asymmetries, Chinese state capitalism, the so-called resource curse, and tensions with geopolitical imperatives. We argue these demonstrate that China’s rise is not only a security challenge for Australia but also an economic one, which demands new strategies that are sensitive to the challenges and vulnerabilities of the Sino-Australian economic relationship.
2009
While the history of the domestic determinants of Australian trade policy has been thoroughly studied, surprisingly little academic attention has been afforded to the drivers of foreign investment policy outcomes. This is at odds with Australia's historical reliance upon imported capital, generally high levels of foreign ownership and control across the Australian economywith several notable sectoral exceptions -and major policy changes over the forty year period from the mid-1960s. Moreover, at certain historical junctures, inbound FDI has both been associated with significant developments in Australia's pattern of international trade and was sometimes politically contentious. In keeping with the APEBH 2009 conference being hosted in Tokyo, this paper explores the historical political economy of Australian regulation of inbound FDI through a specific focus on Australia-Japan investment linkages. The paper first sketches a conceptual approach to the analysis of domestic constituencies for particular FDI policy outcomes, which has been more fully explored elsewhere (Pokarier, EBHA 2007). This informs the subsequent discussion, and attempted conceptualisation, of the structures of business interests, evolving over five decades or more, that have disciplined successive Australian governments as well as their Japanese counterparts. This discipline was most clearly evidenced in the late 1980s and early 1990s when Japanese FDI was politically contentious for a time. It has also been witnessed in the subsequent public management of the bilateral relationship, and in the contemporary breadth and depth of business and other constituencies for closer economic engagement with Japan.
Contemporary Security Policy, 2019
Donald Trump’s election precipitated a debate in Australia about the value of retaining close alliance ties with the United States. Similar dynamics are discernible in other U.S. allies as the negative impact of Trump administration policies becomes clearer. Yet despite this “Trump effect,” we argue Australia is unlikely to distance itself from the United States because at the core of Australia’s strategic culture is a very positive “cultural orientation” toward the United States that is highly institutionalized in treaties, formal bilateral ties, Track 2 diplomacy, and public opinion. Such institutionalized ties have powerful path dependent effects. Accordingly, we conclude that the Trump effect does not constitute a powerful enough “exogenous shock” to move Australia off its well-worn grand-strategic path. But this alliance relationship is marked by both high cultural affinity and high institutionalization: American policy-makers should seriously consider whether other U.S. allies can tolerate similar levels of “stress.”
Economic Papers: A Journal of Applied Economics and Policy, 2009
Interest has recently been reignited in the question of foreign ownership and the regulation of foreign direct investment into Australia. This paper briefly outlines macroeconomic and political factors that make continued regulation of foreign direct investment (FDI) highly likely, perhaps even inevitable. We present an historical analysis of the development of the regulation of FDI in Australia that highlights the political and economic elements of that regulation. Lessons from such analysis may guide the formulation of current policy in regard to the regulation of FDI.
Australian Journal of Political Science, 2013
Australia faces a complex set of dilemmas in foreign, defence, and economic policy. Australian governments have traditionally relied on the United States to underwrite the country’s defence policies, and have regularly demonstrated loyalty to the bilateral strategic alliance. Yet, Australia’s economic security has become more dependent on China, a country with which the US has a competitive relationship. This article first reviews theories of competition among great powers. It then analyses key factors that are shaping the region and the Australian policy environment. It is argued that Australia may have much to gain from acting collaboratively with other middle powers within multilateral institutions. In this context, Australia may also benefit from a clearer recognition of its own distinctive national interest.
Outlines changes in Australian economic policies that have occurred in recent decades in response to growing economic globalisation. It considers microeconomic reforms in Australia and changes to its industry policy (including important changes in national competition policy) its financial reforms (exchange rate and banking reforms), its liberalisation of international trade and of foreign investment, both inward and outward. Furthermore, particular consideration is given to Australia’s policies and its lobbying in relation to The World Trade Organisation (WTO), economic regionalism, and bilateralism. These policies provide further insights into the way that Australia has responded to growing economic globalisation.
Review of International Political Economy, 2009
The remarkable economic rise of China and the recent turmoil in US financial markets inevitably raises questions about the respective fortunes of both countries. This paper assess the relative standing of the US and China by placing their relationship in historical context. It is suggested that China’s accession to the WTO marked the highpoint of US influence and ascendancy. Since then, China’s position has been steadily improving, something that the recent emergence of its first sovereign wealth fund and its subsequent role in bailing out distressed US financial institutions has dramatically highlighted. If China’s form of ‘state capitalism’ continues to become more influential it will have major consequences for not only the US, but for the extant geopolitical order more generally.
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