Localized Islam in Lombok: Wali, Sacred Sites, and Ziarah Tradition

PHOTO COURTESY OF ERNI BUDIWANTI 36 Localized Islam in Lombok: Wali, sacred sites and ziarah tradition Erni Budiwanti is a senior researcher with the Center for Regional Resources at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences in Jakarta. T he process of converting local religions to Islam in Indonesia involved the vital role of the Wali Songo (the nine Javanese Islamic saints), venerated religious figures who left a tangible legacy in Indonesia, including Lombok, in the form of sacred sites (keramat) and the creation of the new tradition of ziarah (paying homage). The early stage of conversion was marked by contextualizing Islam into local cultural symbols and cosmology. Embedded in this stage were sacred attributes given to the proselytizers, the Wali, in the form of karomah, ngalap berkah and wasilah. The Wali and their sacred attributes obviously represent localized Islam in Lombok. Port trade and an epic journey The Dutch historian HJ de Graaf described Islam as spreading through Indonesia in three different ways: the peaceful course of trade; by the O C TO B E R -D E C E M B E R 2 0 1 5 / VO LU M E 5 / NU M B E R 4 venerated preachers known as the Wali; and through the use of force and the waging of war. Graaf was right in saying that Islam was brought to the Indonesian archipelago in a relatively peaceful manner, by means of trade and the physical mobility of the Wali. Overseas Muslim traders from Gujarat, Madagascar, Malabari and Yemen, with their trading vessels plying the Strait of Malacca, entered ports in Malacca, Penang and Sumatra and sold jewelry, household goods made of ceramic and porcelain, silk, spices and fragrances to royal families. Due to these services, they were called “royal traders.” Good relations between traders and local populations created a mutual trust and trading contacts created a colony of foreign traders in the local territorial kingdoms and marriage with members of royal families. Researcher and author Judith Nagata described the role of international trading in the Islamization of the Malay world as follows: “It is now widely accepted that the Islamization of the Malay Peninsula can be attributed to the influence and the activity of Indian Muslim traders, who carried the faith along with their worldly commodities. Some of these traders made regular circumnavigations of the entire Southeast Asian region, including Sumatra and other islands of the Indonesian archipelago, South Thailand, Myanmar (Burma), and then back to the Coromandel Coast in India. A number of them no doubt settled permanently in the region, marrying and becoming absorbed into the local (Malay population).” I n Indonesia, trade was not the only way that Islam was introduced to various communities. The Wali, using the sea route I N D O N E S I A 36 0 from Java to Lombok, Bali and Sumbawa islands, penetrated further to the hinterland and converted people living in remote rural areas. In this case, the Wali were not only recognized as legendary figures pioneering the process of Islamization all over Java, but also across Lombok and Sumbawa. The landmarks of their religious journey are obvious in locations across Lombok, bearing a direct association with the Wali and their services, such as Giri Menang, Bayan, Prapen and Labuan Carik. “Menang” literally means “victory,” hence, Giri Menang symbolically represents the success of Sunan Giri in bringing The Wali were not only recognized as legendary figures pioneering the process of Islamization all over Java, but also across Lombok and Sumbawa. Islam to Lombok and attracting many of the Sasak, the indigenous inhabitants of the island. Sunan Giri’s mission is thought to have been continued by his son, Sunan Prapen. Since 2009, Giri Menang has been the official complex of the West Lombok district government, while Prapen is a district in Central Lombok. The introduction of Islam to Lombok’s Bayanese dates back to the 16th century, when Sunan Prapen arrived at Labuan Carik from eastern Java, where he and his followers spread a type of Sufi Islam to northern and western Lombok. Labuan Carik is now a seaport in Anyar, a subdistrict town in Bayan, North 37 38 I N D O N E S I A 360 S T R AT E G I C R EV I EW northern, western and central Lombok. The sacred old mosques found in northern, central and eastern Lombok built by the Wali and their followers are today recognized as cultural heritage monuments by Indonesia’s Ministry of Tourism and Culture. (penghulu, lebai, ketib and modim), marked the Wali’s success in converting the Bayanese king and his people to Islam. Before the arrival of Islam, most people in Bayan were pagans. “Bayan,” meaning “explanation,” is an Arabic word taken from a verse in the Koran and the name is believed to have come from the Wali. This suggests that the influence of Sunan Giri and Sunan Prapen had already spread as far as he Wali’s attribution PHOTO COURTESY OF ERNI BUDIWANTI Lombok. Labuan Carik was the first landing spot of Sunan Prapen and his pupils, and Bayan was their main destination. They established friendly relations with the local royal authority, the Susuhunan Bayan. The old mosque of Bayan, with its religious functionaries Today, the living memory of the Wali as proselytizers is associated with the habitual practice of visiting the makam – a tomb to mark the mystical “disappearance” of the revered saints (Wali moksa). “Moksa” is a Sanskrit word meaning “to disappear,” as the Wali “disappeared” to continue their O C TO B E R -D E C E M B E R 2 0 1 5 / VO LU M E 5 / NU M B E R 4 missionaryworkinotherregions. Since people consider the sites sacred (keramat), they also call them makam keramat. Though a makam looks like a cemetery it is not a burial site. It is a landmark of the presence and departure of the Wali, coming after the periods of Sunan Giri and Sunan Prapen in the 15th to 16th centuries. Makams in Lombok are frequently visited at the end of Ramadan. Muslim religious life in Lombok is strongly related to the custom of paying tribute to the Wali’s missionary work across the island. Venerating the Wali is manifested in the tradition of visiting their sacred tombs (ziarah makam keramat). The beliefs regarding the Wali’s extraordinary piety and essential role in shaping the collective piety of the community have influenced the view that the Wali were not ordinary teachers. The Wali are believed to have had supernatural strength (karomah), a manifestation of God’s sacred blessing. Embedded in karomah is the Wali’s spiritual capability to intercede with God. People believe that the Wali can act as a liaison to bring God’s blessing to them. This is called wasilah and it is this belief that brings pilgrims to the tombs of Wali to pray for good health, children, a good career and other blessings. Embodied in the belief in karomah and the Wali’s mediating role is the flourishing tradition of ziarah makam (visiting the tombs of Wali). Ziarah represents the triangular relationship among God, the Wali as wasilah and believers. The purpose of visiting a Wali’s tomb is called ngalap berkah, meaning to receive the Wali’s blessings. This belief in the epic journey of the Wali, imbued with karomah, wasilah I N D O N E S I A 36 0 Muslim religious life in Lombok is strongly related to the custom of paying tribute to the Wali’s missionary work across the island. and ngalap berkah, did not develop only in Lombok or Indonesia in general. It can also be found in Southeast Asia’s Muslim regions, such as Brunei, Malaysia, southern Thailand and the southern Philippines, as well as in India. The belief in the Wali’s karomah, imbued with the saints’ intermediary role (wasilah) and intention for ngalap berkah, underlines the reason pilgrims pay homage and pray at the Wali tombs, as well as other sacred sites the Wali built and founded, such as the old mosques and water springs. It is believed that by saying prayers at the sacred Wali tombs, the prayers are more quickly accepted. Pilgrims usually put a bottle of water and flower petals at the side of the makam and squat while praying. After finishing, they open the bottle and rub water on their faces and hair, and wash their hands. Although the Wali left Lombok more than five centuries ago, they remain deeply rooted in people’s hearts. The spiritual bond between the Wali and their worshipers is viewed as a water current that never stops flowing. Pilgrims from Lombok, as well as other parts of Indonesia, flock to the makams, especially when important days of Islam are marked. The bond between the Wali and pilgrims resembles the one that tied the Prophet Muhammad with his sahabah (companions). Islam was taught by revealing the holy Koran 39 40 I N D O N E S I A 360 to the Prophet Muhammad, and then was followed and continued by the sahabah, tabi’in, tabi’a tabi’in and the generation after them including the ulama, who are very knowledgeable in Islam and spread religious knowledge. The Wali are viewed as inheritors of the Prophet’s teaching legacy (ulama wa rosatul ambiya) and transmitters of Islamic knowledge. These saints are incorporated into the unbroken chain of spreading knowledge, starting from the Prophet and followed by his sahabah. In Lombok, the Wali are recognized as prophetic figures, bearing different names for different places. People living in different areas tend to have different legendary narratives about the presence of the Wali in promoting Islam. In Bayan, for example, people say it was Sunan Prapen, the grandson of Sunan Giri, who made an evangelical mission and converted the local pagans to Islam. In Sesaid, a village in Kahyangan subdistrict of North Lombok, it was Syech Sayyid Rakhmat who came to promote Islam. The village’s name is taken from the evangelist’s name, Sayyid. Unlike Bayan and Sesaid, local narratives in Lingsar, West Lombok, depict the revered Javanese saint Raden Mas Sumilir, also known as Syech Haji Abdul Malik. He was considered to be one of Sunan Kalijogo’s disciples, who brought Islam to Lombok around the 15th century, and was the founder of a sacred water spring. The Rembitan and Pujut of Central Lombok, meanwhile, say Wali Nyatoq was the leading proselytizer, while those from Sade village in Pujut subdistrict believe Syech Ali Ramitan brought Islam to the island. S T R AT E G I C R EV I EW Symbols, cosmology and ritual A ccording to local legend, the Wali were blessed with the spiritual ability to interpret and adjust Islamic teachings for specific sociocultural settings. Embodied in the contextualization of scriptural teachings are forms of ritual and offering (pesajik) used as a medium to convey values. Some rituals were inspired by Koranic narration and held within the Islamic lunar calendar, named according to the ritual offering people make, such as Selametan Bubur Petaq, Bubur Beaq or Abang (white and red porridge ceremonies); and Lebaran Topat and Perang Topat (ceremonial rice cake war). These rituals characterize the White and red also symbolize the binary opposites: Adam and Eve, male and female, life and death, good and evil, sickness and health, young and old, weak and strong. uniqueness of Islam Nusantara in Lombok. Residents of Rembitan, Lingsar and Bayan observe Selametan Bubur Petaq and Bubur Beaq to commemorate the creation of Adam and Eve as the origin human beings and our eldest ancestors (leluhur tertua). In these three villages, Adam is commemorated on the 10th day of the first month of the Islamic calendar, with Eve commemorated on the 12th day of the second month. White porridge (bubur petaq) is the symbol of semen, from Adam, while red porridge (bubur beaq) is the symbol O C TO B E R -D E C E M B E R 2 0 1 5 / VO LU M E 5 / NU M B E R 4 of menstrual blood, from Eve. White and red also symbolize the binary opposites: Adam and Eve, male and female, life and death, good and evil, sickness and health, young and old, weak and strong. With the binary opposites, villagers are taught the differences and constant changes embedded in life. And these binary opposites were initially given clues by nature: barren and fertile, sunny and rainy, day and night, dark and light. The constant changing has delivered a conscious understanding of dual and contradictory realities that every living thing faces. The Bayanese of North Lombok recognize wulan kemetuan (meaning, respectively, “month” and “coming out”), marking the early existence of mankind via the creation of Adam and later Eve. This prompts them to mark Selametan Bubur Petaq earlier than Selametan Bubur Beaq. In these ritual celebrations, attendees collectively consume white and red porridges. Such local rituals on Lombok, aimed at introducing Islamic teachings, suggest that Islam was promoted peacefully. However, some orthodox Muslims at the time were not happy with the early stages of Islamization, believing that the Wali failed to eliminate the local custom of venerating one’s ancestors. They only valued the Wali as successfully converting locals from being pagans to being nominal Muslims, since local customary values and practices imbued with animism and animatism thrived alongside Islam. In other words, early Islamization conducted by the Wali produced the juxtaposition of universal Islam and continued belief in animism and animatism. Clifford Geertz, the late American I N D O N E S I A 36 0 anthropologist, defined this as syncretism – a mixture of or multistranded beliefs. The Wali’s tolerance of local cultural practices has, to some extent, contributed to the flourishing practice of syncretism. Local figures narrated that the Wali’s leniency toward local customary practices was part of a strategy to draw sympathy. The Wali Early Islamization conducted by the Wali produced the juxtaposition of universal Islam and continued belief in animism and animatism. cautiously introduced a new system of meaning to prevent refutation. Sunan Kalijaga, one of the nine Wali, introduced the missionary tactic “to follow and to influence them at the same time (mengikuti sambil mempengaruhi).” The practice of maintaining both local beliefs and Islam flourished after the Wali left Lombok to embark on the Islamization of other places, such as Bali and Sumbawa. According to local legend, Sunan Prapen gave the task of teaching Islam in Lombok to two prominent Sasak nobles, Raden Sumbulia and Raden Salut (Leeman, 1989), before leaving to continue his mission in Sumbawa. Not long after his departure, many Sasak women reportedly reverted to pre-Islamic practices, later followed by the men. This caused Sunan Prapen to return to Lombok to attempt to once again subjugate and force Islam upon the Sasak, a number of who fled to avoid the pressure to 41 42 S T R AT E G I C R EV I EW PHOTO COURTESY OF ERNI BUDIWANTI I N D O N E S I A 360 convert (Leeman, 1989). This helps explains why the next phase of Islamization, especially in the 19th century, was marked by attempts to purify Islam from syncretism. Conclusion I slam proliferated through trading contacts, promoting the principal values of honesty and trustworthiness among those involved in business transactions. Trading contracts were formed on the basis of mutual trust between the two sides, facilitating the conversion of local communities in Lombok that were mostly pagan to the religion of foreign traders in the early 13th century. In the post-trading era, the Wali were central figures in transferring Islamic knowledge to the remote hinterlands. In Lombok, continued Islamization occurred within a peaceful atmosphere, relatively free from violence and coercion, showing the essential role of Wali as proselytizers. The Wali were popularly described as pious, knowledgeable, charismatic and honorable, and beloved by the locals. They had a gentle attitude and were very persuasive in conveying their message – but were also very tolerant of local cultural practices. The Wali’s Islamic teachings were performed in accordance with the contextual understanding of the local population in Lombok. It is very common to find ritual O C TO B E R -D E C E M B E R 2 0 1 5 / VO LU M E 5 / NU M B E R 4 symbols and performances that obviously reflect Islam; traditional rituals were created in accordance with the legendary stories in the Koran and are held within the Islamic In the post-trading era, the Wali were central figures in transferring Islamic knowledge to the remote hinterlands. lunar calendar. Islam was introduced by using symbols and metaphors embedded within the local culture and was interpreted and domesticated into the local genre. The Wali are believed to have received divine inspiration and been highly skilled in catching the hidden meaning of occurrences, explaining the cosmological realm and understanding of the universe, and connecting people with the knowledge of the supernatural I N D O N E S I A 36 0 world. This is manifested in, among other things, the saints’ ability to explain the cosmological order, the essence of life and the ultimate purpose of life. Religious symbols taught by the Wali contained Sufi elements, and to some extent produced local cosmology and a mosaic of ritual traditions. Islamization is a continuing process that does not only involve activities to replace old pagan beliefs, but also produces specific cultural attitudes in the way followers appreciate the role of the Wali, their teaching legacies and sacred sites: tombs, mosques and water springs. The Wali are legendary figures within Javanese society. The Islam introduced by them possessed special characteristics: it was syncretic, mystical in tone and accommodated the influences and elements of Hindu-Buddhism, together with animistic practices. The Wali are a sacred phenomenon that thrives within the cultural milieu of the Javanese and, of course, the Sasak Muslims of Lombok. 43