'"The honour of letters": Bonaventura Vulcanius, Scholar and Poet"

© 2010 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands (ISBN: 978-90-04-19209-6) “THE HONOUR OF LETTERS”: BONAVENTURA VULCANIUS, SCHOLAR AND POET Harm-Jan van Dam A few days before Bonaventura Vulcanius died, his former pupil Petrus Cunaeus, professor of law, paid him his last visit. Vulcanius lited a trembling hand and said, “My end is drawing near; but you, younger men, protect the honour of letters.” It is Cunaeus himself who relates this moving scene in the funeral oration he delivered, and it is possible that these were truly the last words of his professor.1 Certainly, this anecdote seems to be ben trovato, true to type, as the life of Bonaventura Vulcanius had been dedicated to language and literature. For over thirty years Vulcanius was professor of Greek at Leiden University in its Golden Age, where he was a colleague of Lipsius and Scaliger. Although he is oten mentioned as one of the university’s luminaries, he has been relatively neglected by scholars until the 2008 symposium in Leiden.2 A competent and productive editor and poet, a good theoretical and practical linguist, luent in at least six languages, an experienced and adept translator, and an excellent administrator, 1 P. Burmannus (ed.), Petri Cunaei et doctorum virorum ad eumdem epistolae: quibus acc. Oratio in obitum Bonaventurae Vulcanii (Leiden: 1725), 405: literarum dignitatem tuemini. See the edition and translation of this piece by Chris Heesakkers and Wil Heesakkers-Kamerbeek in this volume pp. 69–102. 2 he most important contributions were the edition of his letters from 1573 to 1577, and the many articles on diferent aspects by Alfons Dewitte: H. De Vries de Heekelingen (ed.), Correspondance de Bonaventura Vulcanius pendant son séjour à Cologne, Genève et Bâle (1573–1577), précédée de quelques lettres écrites avant cette époque (La Haye: 1923). A. Dewitte, “Bonaventura Vulcanius en Philips Marnix van St. Aldegonde, 1577–1606”, in Album Albert Schouteet (Brugge: 1973), 57–74; Id., “Peter en Bonaventura de Smet, alias Vulcanius (1503–1571)”, Handelingen van het Genootschap voor Geschiedenis ‘Société d’Emulation’ te Brugge 115 (1978), 17–42; Id., “Bonaventura Vulcanius Brugensis (1538–1614): a bibliographic description of the editions 1575–1612”, Lias 8 (1981), 189–201; Id., “Een Arrianus-uitgave van Bon. Vulcanius: Genève, 1575”, Biekorf 82 (1982), 88–89; Id., “B. Vulcanius Brugensis: hoogleraarambt, correspondenten, edita”, Sacris Erudiri 26 (1983), 311–362. See also K. Meerhof, “Entre Lipse et Scaliger: Bonaventura Vulcanius (1538–1614) et la première réception des Essais de Montaigne” in Montaigne and the Low Countries (1580–1700), P.J. Smith, K.A.E. Enenkel (eds) (Leiden: 2007), with useful bibliography. he irst desideratum is an edition, or at least an inventory, of the remainder of Vulcanius’ correspondence. 48 harm-jan van dam he was appointed secretary of Leiden University almost on arrival and remained in function until old age let him blind and crippled. Vulcanius has been eclipsed by his famous colleagues Lipsius and Scaliger, as well as by his most gited pupils Grotius and Heinsius. Apart from other men’s brilliance, one reason for this relative neglect may well be the sheer amount of material let by Vulcanius: in 1587 he agreed to sell a large quantity of books and manuscripts out of his legendary private library to the new university library, to be opened later in that same year. Many more books and manuscripts were sold to it ater Vulcanius’ death by his brother Frans; of the manuscripts sold we count both manuscripts Vulcanius had used in preparing his editions and others of a more private nature. Books and manuscripts were catalogued by Professors Daniel Heinsius and Simon Episcopius some time ater Vulcanius’ death. During his wandering years he lost many books and manuscripts, as he informs us, but he seems to have clung to every scrap of written paper remaining, except for some papers and books that were lost in a shipwreck.3 Among his papers there are hundreds of unpublished letters, translations and editions, and also hundreds of poems, in drat and in fair copy. Ater a short introduction, I will irst discuss Vulcanius’ philological work, then his work as a translator, and, at more length, as a poet, trying to indicate some trends and tendencies. Needless to say that this is only a irst step in opening up and assessing his work.4 Bonaventura De Smet, generally designated as “Vulcanius,” just as his father Pieter before him, was sometimes also called Faber or Fortunatus Faber or Hephaistius. In an early poem, on a ire in the library of 3 All manuscripts mentioned in this article are located in Leiden University Library. On them, see P.C. Molhuysen, Codices Vulcaniani (Leiden: 1910), i-iv; on the shipwreck: De Vries de Heekelingen, Letter 60, written early 1574. 4 I have incorporated unpublished material from a paper given at the 12th Congress of the International Association for Neolatin Studies in Bonn in 2003. Some bits and pieces from my earlier Vulcanian studies have been published elsewhere, see especially H.-J. van Dam, “Grasping occasion by the Forelock: Dutch poets and appropriation of occasional poems”, in Latinitas Perennis Volume II: Appropriation and Latin Literature, Y. Maes, J. Papy, W. Verbaal (eds) (Leiden: 2009), 95–127; Id., “he Blacksmith and the Nightingale. Relations between Bonaventura Vulcanius and Daniel Heinsius”, in Syntagmatia. Essays on Neo-Latin Literature in Honour of Monique Mund-Dopchie and Gilbert Tournoy, J. Papy, D. Sacré (eds) (Louvain 2009), 557–67. I thank especially Kees Meerhof, Chris Heesakkers and Jeanine De Landtsheer for comments and material, and Hélène Cazes for her patient support. bonaventura vulcanius, scholar and poet 49 his Spanish protector, he introduces some fairly obvious puns on Vulcanus and Vulcanius, and in the late 1570’s, in an exchange of poems with Janus Dousa, both men play upon the marriage of Vulcanus not to Aphrodite, but to Pallas.5 Ater studies in Ghent, and medical training in Louvain for two years, his father sent him to Cologne to study philosophy and bonae litterae with his fellow countryman Cassander, an irenic Catholic. But in 1558, when Bonaventura was twenty years of age, his father decided that it was more than time for him to ind his own way into the world, and he arranged to place him with Don Luis de la Cerda, who served for a short time as governor of the Netherlands. his opportunity would allow him to live at court, Pieter wrote to his son, and to learn foreign languages, see something of the world and take an advanced course in mathematics with his protector. He strongly urged him to accept the ofer.6 In the end Bonaventura did go to Spain in 1559, but as secretary to Francisco Mendoza y Bobadilla, bishop of Burgos, a diplomat and Erasmian humanist. Vulcanius spent seven years with him, apparently to the satisfaction of both parties, until the death of the bishop in 1566. Following this he passed into the household of the bishop’s brother Ferdinand, who died in 1570. Ten years of real wandering followed First he applied for a professorship of Greek in Cologne, and he was appointed. But before he could give his inaugural lecture, he became involved in a lawsuit because he had insulted and beaten a prominent citizen and jurist. he consequences were severe, and Vulcanius had to lee the city in the summer of 1574.7 From there he went to Geneva, where he lived with Lambert Daneau and worked for the printer Henri Estienne. But he did not like the atmosphere and ater a year or so he moved to Basle where he worked on his editions and did odd jobs for the publisher Froben until 1577, when he returned to his native region. here he took up residence with the printer Sylvius in Antwerp, but he had already begun to seek out a professorship at the new university in the North, Leiden. His contact, the Delt minister Arent Cornelisz, informed him that the professor of Latin, Pithopaeus, had just died, 5 Cod. Vulc. 103 II fol. 91, no. 8, also Cod. Vulc. 97 fol. 19r, Janus Dousa Poemata (ed. P. Scriverius: Leiden 1609) 206; 254–62. 6 De Vries de Heekelingen, 274–7, 490–1, Dewitte “Peter en Bonaventura de Smet . . .”, 35–7. 7 On the brawl with Gilbert Regius, who insulted Vulcanius over a lower and was uppercutted in return, see De Vries de Heekelingen, 6–9. Vulcanius had already drated his lecture, see Cod. Vulc. 36 fol. 23–8. 50 harm-jan van dam but that it was far from certain that this vacancy would be illed. In the meantime, Vulcanius obtained a position as secretary of Marnix van Sint Aldegonde, burgomaster of Antwerp, diplomat and friend of William the Silent, and also tutored Marnix’ son.8 In February 1578 the Board of Leiden University decided to appoint him professor of Latin and Greek (he became a full professor of Greek only in 1585.) hree years later Vulcanius arrived, at last, to take up his work, and he remained in Leiden from 1581 until his death in 1614. Bonaventura Vulcanius’ philological works Let us return to Spain for a moment. Vulcanius’ protector Francisco Mendoza possessed various unpublished writings by the ith-century Greek father Cyrillus of Alexandria, copies made for him in Italian libraries, and he urged his secretary to translate and publish them. Cyrillus had been a proliic author of mainly dogmatic work, and his writings run to ten volumes of Migne’s Patrologia Graeca. All his life Vulcanius tried to collect more manuscript material of Cyrillus and to publish his works. He discusses this search in many of his letters and prefaces: this is a leitmotiv in his writings, and among Vulcanius’ papers, copies and Latin translations of Cyrillus—by Vulcanius himself and by others—, abound. However, his hopes were largely frustrated and he published only two partial editions.9 His work on Cyrillus may serve as an illustration of some aspects of Vulcanius as an editor: in the irst place, whenever possible he edited only authors of whom he 8 On Vulcanius’ eforts to get a job in Leiden, see J.N. Bakhuizen van den Brink, “Bonaventura Vulcanius en Leiden” in Varia Historica aangeboden aan Professor doctor A.W. Byvanck (Assen: 1954), 151–64, Dewitte in Album Schouteet and the contribution by Chris Heesakkers, “Bonaventura Vulcanius, Janus Dousa and the ‘Pleias Dousica’ ”, pp. 263–286 in this volume. In September 1577, Vulcanius asked the reformed preacher and translator Petrus Datheen (famous for his rhymed version of the Psalms) for a letter of commendation. Armed with it he approached several persons, among others Cornelisz and Dousa. 9 P.C. Molhuysen, “De Cyrillus-handschriten van Bonaventura Vulcanius”, Tijdschrit voor Boek- en Bibliotheekwezen 3 (1905), 71–74; Dewitte in Album Schouteet, note 1; Id. “B. Vulcanius Brugensis”, 332–3; see De Vries de Heekelingen, Registres IV and V, also e.g. 48–9, 142–5. Vulcanius’ translations of Cyrillus’ In anthropomorphitas and De adoratione in spiritu et veritate were ready in 1570, its dedicatory letter to Ferd. de Mendoza is in Cod. Vulc. 10 fol. 2–6. he book (rare now) appeared in Cologne 1573 and in a pirated edition Toledo 1575; it was included in Vulcanius’ Cyrillus edition of 1605. bonaventura vulcanius, scholar and poet 51 possessed one or more manuscripts.10 hat may be one reason why he published quite a few obscure authors.11 We can also see a ine example of Vulcanius’ passion for manuscripts in his work on Cyrillus. In a letter he complains that the library of his Spanish protectors passed to a barbarian heir, and pretends that this was his reason for leaving Spain. Much later, in a panegyric on Leiden university, he has nothing but praise except for one tiny suggestion: would it not be possible to ind sponsoring for the costs of copying Greek manuscripts in Italian libraries? As an example, he mentions the Fugger family of bankers, who provided Henri Estienne with manuscripts in the 1570’s.12 But he is, of course, also thinking of the late Mendoza, and in particular of his pet project, the manuscripts of Cyrillus, for he oten mentions Italian manuscripts of his works and Italian scholars who have promised help without doing anything. Among less familiar works published by Vulcanius are his irst edition of De hematibus, an antiquarian work by the tenth-century Emperor Konstantinos Porphyrogennetos, from a manuscript in Mendoza’s library; In Praise of he Sea, an oration by Gregorius II Cyprius, Patriarch of Constantinople 1283–89, published as an appendix to Vulcanius’ 1591 edition of the pseudo-Aristotelian De mundo; a irst edition of the History of he Reign of Justinian by the sixth-century poet and historian Agathias, out of a codex vetus in 1594. As Vulcanius states, he let no stone unturned in tracing a manuscript of Nilus of hessalonica, Patriarch of Constantinople 1380–88: in 1595 he published two works by this author. he Quaestiones physicae, an alchemistic work by the seventh-century author heophylactus Simocattes is another editio princeps, based on a manuscript in Vulcanius’ library.13 10 Not for his Iornandes, cf. H.-J. van Dam, “Filoloog en dichter in Leiden”, in De Hollandse jaren van Hugo de Groot (1583–1621), H.J.M. Nellen, J. Trapman (eds), 77–80, also for Vulcanius’ use of Scaliger’s manuscript of Procopius. 11 For some editions by Vulcanius, see below; the editions are listed in Appendix 1. 12 De Vries de Heekelingen, 34 (1574), P.A.M. Geurts, J.A. van Dorsten, “Drie redevoeringen van Bonaventura Vulcanius over de stichting van de Leidse Universiteit”, Bijdragen en Mededelingen van het historisch Genootschap 79 (1965), 406 f., esp. 411 (1592). 13 For a more detailed survey, see Dewitte in Lias. On the manuscripts used by Vulcanius, see the introductions to the various works: De thematibus, 37, De mundo, part 2, 13, the ‘candido lectori’ of his Agathias, where Vulcanius complains of his vain attempts to collate his ms. with manuscripts in Breslau, the inscription to the States General of his Nilus (an author probably not always clearly distinguished from 52 harm-jan van dam Bonaventura Vulcanius’ translations Before we turn to his poetry, I will briely discuss his work as a translator. In this ield he was able to combine his great linguistic and literary gits. His activity as a translator started early when he translated at the age of sixteen Callimachus’ Hymn to Zeus. His translation was such that Henri Estienne later included it in his own edition of Callimachus.14 In his Arrian edition, he complains that the three years he spent studying the translation of Bartolomeus Facius were lost, because of its many faults. Both Gronovius in 1704 and the Oxford text of Arrian in the twentieth century agree that Vulcanius’ translation of Arrian is a great improvement. As Vulcanius explains in the preface to his Agathias: Once I had settled on a method of translating Greek authors into Latin that suited my talents and character, I made an efort to develop it as best I could, and I have translated quite a number of ancient authors of theology, philosophy, history and poetry.15 Elsewhere, in his Callimachus, he stresses the diiculties of translating Greek poetry into Latin poetry, and of expressing the meaning of the author without adding or omitting anything. Even Scaliger, who was not generous with compliments, admitted that his colleague had a special talent for translating.16 Much of Vulcanius’ work in Antwerp in the 1570’s had been concerned with translation: Sylvius, who worked for the States General, engaged him as interpres into Latin and his namesakes of around 400 and Nilus of Rossano 910–1004), the dedication of his heophylactus to Simon Goulart. 14 Manuscript versions of his translations are in Cod. Vulc. 103 I B: a quire at the end with Callimachus, some of the ive Hymns ready for the printer, others full of corrections. Greek bucolic poetry in Cod. Vulc. 97. Vulcanius gives account of his principles in translating in the preface of his Arrian (1575) [* iiii]. On his translation of Callimachus in 1584, see [* 2v]: “non ipse mihi indulgens (but following the author’s) mera sententia.” 15 Agathiæ . . . De imperio et rebus gestis Iustiniani imperatoris libri, Lugduni Batavorvm, ex oicina Plantiniana, apud Franciscum Raphelengium, 1594, p. 1: “interpretandi Graecos auctores et in Latinam linguam convertendi rationem veluti genio naturaeque meae convenientiorem semper amplexus dedi operam hactenus ut pro virili ornarem et quidem non pauca veterum authorum heologica, Philosophica, Historica Poeticaque scripta . . . latine verti.” 16 Scaligerana 1666, s.v. Vulcanius: “il tourne fort heureusement ce qu’il a traduit.” Cf. his application for the Cologne chair “Ego . . .cum maximam aetatis meae partem in perdiscendis linguis collocarim tantumque graecis authoribus assidue legendis, explicandis et in latinum sermonem vertendis . . .” (De Vries de Heekelingen, 67). bonaventura vulcanius, scholar and poet 53 Spanish, and Vulcanius translated several oicial documents into these languages. In the service of Marnix van Sint Aldegonde, he spent much time on Marnix’ translation of the Psalms.17 As the secretary of Leiden University, Vulcanius was responsible for all oicial documents in Latin, and in 1595 he asked for, and received, a raise and the oicial position of “translator out of Greek into Latin,” something for which he had asked in order to translate and publish all his private manuscripts.18 Appropriately, he also published a bilingual lexicon and a book on the Gothic language.19 It was Daniel Heinsius, Vulcanius’ most gited pupil, who best articulated the essence of Vulcanius’ activity in a poem where he called him “the man who opens up a Greek Rome and a Roman Greece.”20 On Vulcanius’ Spanish work, I must remain silent; in his manuscripts several Latin translations of short Spanish poems occur.21 Bonaventura Vulcanius’ Poems From Vulcanius’ translations we now pass to his original poetry. While I do not intend to hail Vulcanius as a creative genius of equal standing to Heinsius or Grotius, he seems a quite competent and sometimes even skilful poet, superior to Scaliger for instance. However, more interesting than his rank as a poet is what we can learn from the poetical practice and principles of an international scholar, dedicated networker, and well-established professor. Ater some philological 17 A. Gerlo, “he unpublished Correspondence between Marnix of Sint Aldegonde and Bonaventura Vulcanius”, in La correspondance d’Érasme et l’épistolographie humaniste. Colloque international tenu en novembre 1983 (Bruxelles: 1985), 193–203; Dewitte in Album Schouteet, 59–61; A. Gerlo, R. De Smet (eds), Marnixi Epistulae Pars II (1577–1578), (Brussels: 1992), 167–9. See also A. Dewitte, “Bonaventura Vulcanius, Marnix van St. Aldegonde, and the Spirit of Bruges: Remonstrant Protestantism?”, pp. 245–260 in this volume. 18 P.C. Molhuysen, “De eerste secretaris van de Senaat der Leidsche Hoogeschool”, Jaarboekje voor Geschiedenis en Oudheidkunde van Leiden en Rijnland 6 (1909), 64–5. 19 hesaurus utriusque linguae (Leiden: 1600) and De literis et lingua Getarum sive Gothorum (Leiden: 1597), supplemented with snippets of many other obscure languages. 20 “ α νο ομο ν α Ἑ α ν Ῥώμ ν ‘Ε ά α Ῥωμα ν:” Cod. Vulc. 103 I A Heinsius. For the relationship between Heinsius and Vulcanius, and a complete catalogue of the poems they exchanged, see my “he Blacksmith and the Nightingale”. 21 Cf. Cod. Vulc. 103 I B fol. 99, rather free translations as Vulcanius himself remarks, also 103 II fol. 13v: ive aphorisms. 54 harm-jan van dam information I will discuss aspects of Vulcanius’ poetry, published and in particular unpublished verse, focusing on the contents of one manuscript, Vulc. 103.22 In Vulcanius’ lifetime only seventeen of his poems appeared as a collection, in Janus Gruter’s Delitiae. Far more poems were published individually, as adoptiva in books by friends and relations, annexes to his own publications, wedding poetry or verse attendant on the defence of theses.23 Toward the end of his life Vulcanius planned to publish his collected poetry: When I shall publish my own Greek and Latin verse, which some old friends, who used to think that this rubbish of mine amounts to something, insistently request. his will happen as soon as possible.24 It was not to be, for he died not long ater making this promise. he poetry in manuscript far surpasses the printed matter; several manuscripts in Vulcanius’ estate and elsewhere contain verse by him.25 he most important of those seem to be Cod. Vulc. 97 entitled Lusus poeticus, investigated by Dewitte, and Cod. Vulc. 103. It may be worthwhile to devote a few words to the composition of this last manuscript, for time and again my own muddled notes about it have confused me. his shelf number covers three folders: 103 I A and I B, and 103 II. I A and B contain poems addressed to Vulcanius, I A by authors beginning with A–H, I B by those from H to Z. In the irst folder, the most proliic poet is Anonymus and in the second folder (somewhat surprisingly) Vulcanius. he third folder, 103 II, contains poems by Vulcanius. So poems by Vulcanius in I B overlap with II, and this may even happen with poems in I A: one epigram there is ascribed to Anonymus: 22 Which is actually three manuscripts, see below. Ranutius Gherus, Delitiae poetarum Belgicorum IV (Frankfurt am Main: 1614), 562–72. Several more poems were published by De Vries de Heekelingen, Dewitte and Meerhof, see also my own “he Blacksmith and the Nightingale.” 24 “Dum mea ipse Graeca pariter et Latina, quae veteres aliquot mei amici qui solebant nostras esse aliquid putare nugas (cf. Catullus 1.3–4) summopere a nobis elagitant, publici iuris faciam, quod quidem iet primo quoque tempore:” Poemata et eigies trium fratrum Belgarum Nicolai Grudii . . . Hadriani Marii . . . Joannis Secundi (Leiden: 1612), Praefatio [*8–8v]. 25 Cod. Vulc. 36, 68, 97 (Lusus poeticus), 103 I B, 103 II, 108, Ms. Scal. 60 A, 60 B, Ms. Lips. 3 (24). Undoubtedly more may be found in Vulcanius’ unpublished letters (for Ms. London BM Burney 371, see the contribution by Chris Heesakkers in this volume pp. 263–286). I found a few transcripts in Paris BN Dupuy 699, 810, 837, 951, Lat. 11399, Nouv. Acq. 1554, and more are surely to be found in other libraries. 23 bonaventura vulcanius, scholar and poet 55 On the name Bonaventura Since my name derives from the omen of good fortune Why is fate not fairer to my life?26 In 103 II the same poem occurs under the title Bonaventura de se; nevertheless, this may well be (a variation on) an older poem popular with all Bonaventuras. he Vulcanius manuscripts are in rather a jumble. In a letter to J.-A. de hou Daniel Heinsius wrote that the heirs threw the papers together at random, and that it is diicult to ind things he had seen among them when Vulcanius was still alive; indeed that it is oten unclear what exactly the status of any manuscript is.27 When, how and by whom the manuscripts as we have them now were arranged is unclear; the leaves of number 103 were numbered more than once, most recently in 1974 by Chris Heesakkers. Some of these leaves are not in their original place any more: on folio 22 of number 103 II a poem is called Votum eiusdem (“A Wish by the Same Person”), but this cannot refer to the preceding leaf which is unsigned; and on folio 68 a poem on Janus Dousa is headed “in easdem aliaque eiusdem poemata” (“On he Same hings and Other Poems by the Same Author”), whereas an adoptivum on the Logice of a certain Carpenterus precedes. his should make us wary of any conclusions as to the original structure of these manuscripts. What we have is a collection of scraps, leaves and quires. An examination of the contents shows us that many poems occur more than once, sometimes as drat and fair copy with diverging texts, or on the contrary in (virtually) identical words, and sometimes one poem is not more than a few lines, a tryout. Many poems in 103 II are also found in Ms 97, some in 103 I A or I B as well, seldom in exactly the same words. One example may suice: no less than eleven poems in Greek and Latin on the death of the publisher “In nomen Bonaventurae Cum mihi sit nomen melioris ab omine sortis, Cur non est rebus sors magis aequa meis?” See Cod. Vulc. 103 II fol. 111, and on its inclusion in a letter from Vulcanius to Dousa, the contribution by Chris Heesakkers, pp. 263–286 in this volume. On a poem under Vulcanius in 103 I B, but actually by Heinsius, see my “he Blacksmith and the Nightingale,” 563. Whenever I quote the manuscript as “Cod. Vulc. 103”, this refers to 103 II. 27 Letter of 06.IX.1615, in De hou’s Historiae (London: 1733) vol. 7, 37–8, see also the other letters on 36–9. 26 56 harm-jan van dam Plantin in 1598 turn up in diferent places, and in diferent states.28 So what we see sometimes resembles a notebook, or a commonplace book where the author himself could ind ready-mades for inclusion in any poem; sometimes it resembles a laboratory or a poetry factory, where we can see the poet at work. hus it can give us a better understanding of occasional verse—for most poems here belong to the most important category of Neolatin verse. In some cases a note in the manuscript points out that poems have been published: six Odes in Anacreontic metre (both Greek and Latin) clearly belong together in Cod. Vulc. 103 II (they are also found in 103 1 B). In the manuscript we read “Some Anacreontic Odes on Christmas, in Greek and Latin, ofered to Johan van Oldenbarnevelt, Printed by homas Basson, 1609.”29 hey form a small booklet, with the Greek text on the let and the Latin on the right. Some of the Odes have been crossed out, as if this is a copy of a printed version rather than a copy for printing. However, this cannot be examined further, for I have not found the booklet among Basson’s publications. Of other poems it is, of course, certain that they were published, as we already saw. In 103 I B a poem on the heses of a young Danish nobleman, Michael Huass, is found, in both a handwritten and a printed versions.30 In comparing them, I have noticed ive textual diferences in these fourteen lines. And it turns out that almost each time when we can compare a printed version to Vulcanius’ manuscript (oten in the case of ‘carmina adoptiva’), the texts show signiicant diferences. hus a poem for the Hieratical of Balduinus Bilious of 19 hendecasyllabic lines is clearly a fair copy in the manuscript, without erasures or cor- 28 In Cod. Vulc. 103 I B s.v. Vulcanius fol. 7v: 20 Greek hexameters, followed by three Greek distichs and three Latin distichs. In Cod. Vulc. 103 I B fol. 12, the same twenty Greek hexameters in an ugly hand. In Cod. Vulc. 103 II fol. 93–4, 37 Latin distichs to Antwerp and Plantin. In Cod. Vulc. 103 II fol. 107–107v, the same three Greek distichs and the three Latin distichs followed by one and a half Greek distichs and one and a half Latin distichs. In Cod. Vulc. 103 II fol. 108, three diferent Greek distichs and three diferent Latin distichs, followed by the irst three Latin distichs with one correction. 29 Cod. Vulc. 103 II fol. 110: Bonaventurae Vulcanii Odae aliquot Anacreonticae Graecolat. In Natalem Domini et Servatoris nostri Iesu Christi ad . . . Ioannem ab Oldebarneveldt . . . Lugduni-Batavorum apud homam Basson, AN. MDCIX (Drat in Cod. Vulc. 103 I B fol. 5 f., one quire.) 30 In Michael Huass, heses De fortitudine (Leiden Basson: s.d.), fourteen iambic trimeters: “Quis novus hic fremitus modo Lugdunense Lycaeum” (For /Quis novus hic, see e.g. Vergilius Aeneis 4.10, also in Claudian, in Anth. Lat. and repeatedly in Neolatin poetry), and in Cod. Vulc. 103 I B fol. 1. bonaventura vulcanius, scholar and poet 57 rections. In the manuscript the following lines occur “O Felix nimium pio instituto / Qui inter tot salebras negotiorum.” In the printed version they become something altogether diferent: “O te terque quaterque Berlicome / felicem hocce tuo pio instituto,” apart from some minor diferences elsewhere.31 Although none of these variants changes the message of the poem (in principle every change produces a diferent poem, of course), some are signiicant. hese changes in poems which do not have any corrections in the manuscript demonstrate the luid state of these poetical products. Now I shall try to cast my net somewhat wider, irst with a reading of these poems as a source of historical information, or perhaps misinformation. hus we ind a manuscript poem addressed to Daniel Heinsius on the occasion of his public disputation, dated 1597.32 he disputation in question was clearly held in Leiden, and its ield was law, as lines 2 and 9 show: “hemidos” and “Heinsi, Leidensem personuere scholam.” However, Heinsius was only inscribed as a student of law in Leiden on 30.IX.1598. Either he held a disputation by right of his earlier studies in Franeker before he was inscribed in Leiden, or Vulcanius is wrong by one or more years. Another instance is the poem to Janus Dousa the Elder which Vulcanius included in his edition of Callimachus. he poet compares himself to a traveller who had lost his way in the dark until Dousa asked him to join the chorus of Pallas. I should have done so, had I not been stupid, trusting bad advice too much, for, deceived by the false lure of honourable oices, I divorced the Muses. How I grieved when I found myself landed at the court [. . .] When at last Pallas took pity on my complaints and freed me from the courtly chains.33 31 Similarly in a poem for the edition of Nonnos by Franciscus Nansius, in Greek this time, there are seven diferences in twelve lines, e.g. Ms. 2 άνων Print ο ων, Ms. 9 Νάν Print ά ο , Ms. 10 Νό ν οἰ ύο ῶν α α ῶν νό ων Print ίω νού ων ῶν ’ἄ ἀ α ων. 32 Heinsio disputaturo publice 1597, 103 I B fol. 26v, eight distichs; this poem precedes one on Meursius’ Lycophron from 1597 and the Tumulus for Raphelengius, from 1597 as well. 33 Fecissemque utinam neque mi mens laeva fuisset, Heu nimium vanis credula consiliis. Namque ego fallaci aucupio deceptus honorum, A Musis feci lebile discidium. 58 harm-jan van dam Scholars have oten wondered what kept Vulcanius away for three years ater he was appointed as a professor in February 1578. From his correspondence we know that in these years he worked for and travelled with Marnix, and that he was busy translating the Defense of the States General into Latin and Spanish for the abjuration of King Philip II. In this poem Vulcanius states that he was mistaken in not accepting the position he was ofered almost ive years ago, when bad advice held him back. he word ‘aula’ (23, 28) may imply not so much the home of Marnix or the States General, but the court of William of Orange, especially if we combine this with the fact that it was William himself who had recommended Vulcanius to Marnix, expressly mentioning his knowledge of Spanish. Maybe William rather than Marnix was also instrumental in keeping Vulcanius from Leiden for some time.34 he selection of Vulcanius’ poetry published in the Delitiae is representative up to a point: six adoptiva, four funerary poems, one on a doctorate and one descriptive epigram. he total of ive poems written for Janus Dousa and his family, is a misleading igure, somewhat disproportionate: it relects on the fame of Dousa more than on the poetry of Vulcanius. However, poetry on the founder of the University was an obvious choice for an editor, especially one who himself was a close friend of Dousa, and the poems for Dousa and his family are some of the longest and most elaborate composed by Vulcanius, who as networker and poet knew how to get another’s attention— send him poetry. he heart of the long adoptivum for Rerum caelestium liber primus by Janus Dousa the younger (composed before March 1588) is a catalogue of Dutch Latin poets, a device popular in Neolatin poetry at least since Poliziano’s Silvae, and repeatedly used by Dousa himself.35 his catalogue serves several purposes: it honours the elder Dousa by putting his favourites in the most prominent place; it advertises poets from Vulcanius’ own Flanders; and it is also in a way a canon of Dutch Quam dolui ut sensi mediam delapsus in aulam [. . .] Cum tandem assiduas Pallas miserata querelas 27 tristibus aulai nexibus absolvit Edition of Callimachus (Leiden: 1584) iii–iv 19–23, 27–8. he poem is dated 1582 in the edition. 34 See also the contribution by Chris Heesakkers, pp. 263–286 in this volume. 35 Janus Dousa Filius, Rerum caelestium liber primus (Leiden 1591), 6–7v; Cod. Vulc. 103 fol. 96–97; Gruter Delitiae n° 8, cf. Geo. Ellinger, Geschichte der neulateinischen Lyrik in den Niederlanden: vom Ausgang des fünfzehnten bis zum Beginn des siebzehnten Jahrhunderts (Berlin / Leipzig: 1933 [Berlin, 1969]), 141. bonaventura vulcanius, scholar and poet 59 Latin poetry. It starts, of course, with Janus Secundus, Dousa’s favourite and an object of veneration among Leiden scholars (lines 29 f.), followed by his brothers Marius and Grudius. Next comes Lucas Fruterius (c. 1538–63), who is chronologically displaced in the sequence, but put forward because of his friendship with Dousa. Hadrianus Junius and Erasmus follow, always paired in the mind of Leiden scholars, neither of them particularly famous for their poetry. Once more Junius as Dousa’s late friend precedes Erasmus, even though this contradicts chronology. hen follow two relatively unknown dead poets, mentioned since they were friends and fellow-countrymen of Bonaventura, Sylvius and Adeodatus Marivorda from Bruges.36 When it comes to living poets (line 52), Vulcanius starts with poets from Flanders who were also friends of Dousa: Janus Lernutius, Victor Ghiselinus and François Du hoor. He then mentions two Leiden students to whom he later dedicated a poem, Adriaan Blyenburg and Dominicus Baudius. he last four poets again belong to the elder Dousa’s inner circle: Janus Gruter and Benedicti Wertelo, and two older men who, just like Dousa ilius, have not yet published anything, Franco Duyck, a long term administrator of the city of Leiden and Janus Grotius, father of the child prodigy Hugo, and one of Dousa’s best friends, later to be curator of the university. It would be interesting to compare similar catalogues, those in Dousa’s own poetry for instance, and try to determine the respective roles of networking on the one hand, and of literary theory and criticism on the other hand. Codex Vulcanianus 103 For the rest of this paper I will focus on Cod. Vulc. 103. What kind of poems do we ind there? What are Vulcanius’ preferences in form and content? In every collection of this sort, the exceptions, the poems that stand out just because they are diferent or, for some reason, especially interesting, always get the most attention. I have tried to examine as many poems as possible in order to represent the rule rather than the exception. Nevertheless I could not resist the temptation to quote a few exceptional cases irst. 36 On this character, see J. IJsewijn, “he Life and Works of the Neo-Latin Poet Adeodatus Marivorda (1556–1584)”, Humanistica Lovaniensia 17 (1968), 1–49. 60 harm-jan van dam In the Vulcanius folder in Cod. Vulc. 103 I B. there is a long hexametric poem of 207 lines, a veritable epyllion, on an epic subject, the battle of the Dutch against the Sea. In this particular case we see the history of the so-called Hondsbossche Zeewering, a bank thrown up in the iteenth century in North Holland, there where the dunes are missing. he poem starts, “hat immense piece of work, that defence of the Batavian land built with enormous efort, I wish to describe.”37 In 1575 the dike burst and the countryside was looded. he poem is a curious mixture of an indictment against greedy noblemen who squeeze the local farmers, and epic descriptions. hese descriptions of the storm and the building of the dike draw mainly on Vergil’s Aeneid—the storm and the building of Carthage’s walls in Book One—, but also on Ovid and others. his is a highly topical poem, for the poet ascribes the looding of the land to the rising of the sea-level. he poetry is not bad at all; by its length alone it stands out among Vulcanius’ poetry. he popular sentiment against the nobles expressed in the poem seems to suit Vulcanius in a way, and the subject may have attracted him because one brother of the poet Janus Secundus, Grudius, famously lost his own money and that of the Knighthood of the Golden Fleece in an investment for impoldering some land in exactly this region. Vulcanius published the poetry of Grudius and his brother Marius in 1612.38 Another exceptional case consists in the booklet with six odes in Anacreontic metre on the subject of Christmas addressed to Johan van Oldebarneveldt. It contains six very pious poems, in a fair copy written in the trembling handwriting of an old man. hey seem impeccable from a doctrinal point of view.39 he verse inscription of the booklet runs, in Greek and Latin: Most worthy counsellor and Nestor of Holland, who cures and protects our country, accept from me this small present, from a friend, by which I hope and pray that always will counsel and stand by you the son of God, Jesus, whose birthday I sing.40 37 “Ingens illud opus magno molimine structum / munimen Batavae mens fert describere terrae,” cf. Ovidius Metamorphosen 1.1 fert animus. he poem is in 103 I B s.v. Vulcanius. I plan to publish the Latin text with Dutch translation in the near future. 38 See note 24. 39 It is well known that the private convictions of Oldenbarnevelt himself on grace and salvation were old-fashioned and ‘correct’ rather than ‘Arminian’. 40 In Latin, for convenience’s sake (although the Greek comes irst): “Consiliariorum praestantissime / Hollandiaeque Nestor, / Patriae medela laborantis / Et auxil- bonaventura vulcanius, scholar and poet 61 Vulcanius is without exception seen as an irreligious man, who lived among Catholics in Spain and Cologne as easily as in Calvinist Geneva. In more liberal Leiden, Scaliger is said to have observed that Vulcanius’ religion consisted of dice and drink, and rumour had it that Vulcanius sent away a minister in his last hours. In these poems however, in fact in many poems in these manuscripts such as the epitaphs and adoptiva for religious books, he expresses his belief in Christ. Certainly, the occasion oten demanded that he do so, and Vulcanius sometimes used the same manuscripts and plans for publication in applying for diferent jobs. When he recommended himself for the professorship in Cologne, for example, he wrote that he planned a irst edition of many treatises by Cyrillus, and that the Fathers could be a very useful book in a period when heresy was rife. His Catholic correspondent urged him to publish Cyrillus since this Father makes it clear that the Calvinists are mistaken, but in his 1605 preface, dedicated to the Curators of Leiden university, Vulcanius emphasized Cyrillus’ use for the church in general, and, one assumes, the Protestant church in particular.41 Yet I do not think that he was (or remained) an unbelieving man since more than once he wrote that it was his dearest wish to devote himself to the church by his work as an editor and translator. His “prayer that language is teachable,” one of his unpublished poems, looks serious enough. Whether Vulcanius was a Calvinist or a Catholic at heart was less relevant in university surroundings. What happened ater Cunaeus delivered his funeral oration on Vulcanius is telling—it caused some stir, he tells us, and he was made a butt of gossip and slander for comparing Vulcanius to Lipsius and Erasmus, two Catholics. But it turns out that the source of the trouble was not his fellow professors or the politicians, but one of the city preachers.42 Vulcanius dedicated some of his books to Calvinists, others to the city council, the States of Holland and the States General (a promising source of income) and yet others to Catholic ecclesiastical oicials such as Dirk Canter and ium in rebus perplexis, / Habeto hoc a me / Exiguum sed amicum donum / Quo opto et voveo ut tibi sit / Assidue cooperator / Et consiliorum adiutor / Filius Dei Iesus / Cuius natalitia cano.” 41 Letters by Joh. von Rheidt 18.XII.1572, and to Joh. von Rheidt 06.I.1573: De Vries de Heekelingen, 282–3, 33–4. 42 See Cunaeus’ letters 48, 65 and especially 78, where he defends himself against the attack by the Reverend Plancius, who had not even heard the oration, see Burmannus, 93 f. 62 harm-jan van dam Gerard van Groesbeek, without any problem, or so it appears.43 Similarly, in his attitude to Spain and Spaniards religion does not seem to play a part; rather the turning point is the so-called Spanish Fury in his father’s city Mechlin (and the resulting damage to his property) in the spring of 1572. It is only ater that traumatizing experience that again and again he vents his hatred of the ‘barbarian’ Spaniards.44 A inal exceptional poem is a short epigram in the Petrarchist mode: Julia pelted me with an icy snowball, then love set the heart in my breast on ire with a double lame. Julia, you were able to quench the old lame of love, not with snow but with a similar lame and love.45 he snowball thrown by the girl Julia is actually a ball of ire, the cold snow fans the lame of love. he poem is a little surprising at irst sight, for the epigrammatic style its Vulcanius but the Petrarchist concetti do not seem to belong to Vulcanius’ sensibility and literary world. It recalls Janus Secundus—also because Julia is the name of his lame—, and in his work we do ind a similar poem, opening like this: My darling Lydia hit my breast with icy snow. I said: these weapons clearly have no lames. hey had, however: the water hid hot ashes, and a wet lame spreads through my veins . . .46 hat poem in its turn varies upon a popular and much-imitated piece from the Anthologia Latina with the same conceit; there the girl is called Julia again.47 I think that Vulcanius did know the original poem 43 See Appendix 1 column 3. Cf. his letter of 06.I.1573 to Joh. von Rheidt: “Perinde vero ac si non haec calamitas suiceret, accessit direptio urbis Mechliniensis, ubi non parvam etiam jacturam fecimus.” (De Vries de Heekelingen, 35.) 45 “Julia me gelida petiit nive, mox mihi lamma; Succendit penitum pectus amor duplici. Ah veterem poteras lammam restinguere amoris Non nive, Julia, sed lamma et amore pari,” Cod. Vulc. 103 I B f.10v. 46 Elegiae 2.4 (5 distichs): “Cara meum gelida feriit nive Lydia pectus, Dicebam: lammas haec, puto, tela carent. Nec caruere tamen: sub aqua latuere favillae Flammaque per venas stillat aquosa meas . . .” 47 Anth. Lat. IV 101 Baehrens, ascribed to Petronius: “Me nive candenti petiit modo Iulia; rebar Igne carere nivem; nix tamen ignis erat 44 bonaventura vulcanius, scholar and poet 63 from the Latin Anthology—he was an expert on epigrams, and such varied, mixed, cento-like or mosaic-like collections as the Anthology were the fashion. But he was surely inluenced by Secundus’ version of it in his decision to adapt it. More than 50 years ater his death, Secundus was very much alive in Leiden, as an object of veneration for many professors, and most of all for Dousa. Vulcanius frequently praised him in his verse for Dousa, and published work by him. And he must, I think, have felt some kinship with Secundus, a young man of letters, who, like Vulcanius, had lived in Spain for some time.48 So far I have discussed the ‘unusual’ poems. As to the ‘regular’ poems, one important aspect of Vulcanius’ poetry is oten neglected, and it is possibly the most signiicant fact about him as a poet—so much of his verse is in Greek. When he announced his collected verse, he spoke of ‘graeca et latina’49 for good reason. he majority of his adoptiva is in Greek, followed by a Latin translation, oten under the title “Idem Latine” [and now in Latin], emphasising that the Greek text is the original. Frequently he ofers more than one Latin alternative, under headings such as “vel ita” [another possibility]. hus whenever there is a Greek and a Latin version, the Greek was clearly the startingpoint. His Greek poems are found, naturally enough, in his own editions of Greek authors, and, as one would expect, mainly in poems addressed to editors and academics, such as Meursius and Heinsius, the best young Hellenists of Leiden, or the Dousa’s, men who published Greek editions, and Plantin. But he also wrote a series of epigrams in Greek on the engineer Simon Stevin and his sand yacht (“zeilwagen”),50 and Greek Odes for a politician. Sometimes we also notice imitations of Greek poetry in Vulcanius’ Latin verse, for instance in the opening simile of the poem to Dousa in the Callimachus edition which owes its inspiration to Apollonius Rhodius’ Argonautica.51 Discovering translingual imitation and appropriation, mostly from Greek to Latin, Quid nive frigidius? nostrum tamen urere pectus Nix potuit manibus, Iulia missa tuis.” On the imitations and ramiications of this poem, see P. Bosscha, Ioannis Nicolaii Secundi Hagani Opera Omnia (Leiden: 1821), 111–3. 48 C.L. Heesakkers, “Secundusverering in Nederland”, Handelingen van de Koninklijke Kring voor Oudheidkunde, Letteren en Kunst van Mechelen 90 (1986), 25–37. 49 Poemata et eigies trium fratrum Belgarum Nicolai Grudii . . . Hadriani Marii . . . Joannis Secundi (Leiden: 1612), Praefatio [*8–8v]: excerpt commented above note 24. 50 Cod. Vulc. 103 fol. 7. 51 See note 33 above. 64 harm-jan van dam demands more time, energy and learning than I could muster for this paper, but such research will yield important results. Among the manuscript poems there is a copy of Catullus’ Carmen 65, which is a letter in verse to a friend accompanying Catullus’ Latin translation of a Greek poem by Callimachus, he Lock of Berenice. Vulcanius then translated Catullus’ Latin original, which introduced a Latin translation, into Greek. In Vulcanius’ time, luency in Greek composition was much appreciated. Daniel Heinsius’ book of Greek poetry was highly esteemed all over Europe, and similar praise could perhaps have fallen to Vulcanius had more of his poetry been published. Of some 250 to 300 poems which I have seen (this is a very rough estimate), the majority consists in adoptiva, next come all kinds of funerary verse, then (a diferent kind of ‘genre’) epigrams. A survey of all the recipients of adoptiva in Cod. Vulc. 103 II (but not of those of funerary poems) is given in Appendix 2. hey seem to illustrate one of Vulcanius’ catchphrases: “life without books is death.” In fact it is “Life without books and children is just Death,” but the children seem to have been thrown in for the sake of its efect in Latin.52 he distribution of all the poems mirrors to some extent the various stages of Vulcanius’ career: most of the adoptiva date from his period as a professor in Leiden, combined with epitaphs, a kind of verse to be expected from an aging professor with aging colleagues and friends. His wandering years yield a mixed harvest of epitaphs, adoptiva and satire, whereas in his earlier, Spanish years, short, witty, epigrammatic poetry seems dominant. Among recipients of verse one colleague is strikingly absent—Scaliger. here is one contribution to his tumulus, also a poem on Lipsius’ departure and Scaliger’s arrival., Surely more poems were exchanged between the two, but we do not ind them in this manuscript. Compared to the endless tributes by Heinsius, Grotius and others to Scaliger this seems a bit disappointing for the man who according to contemporary reports was a good colleague. In the ield of Latin metre as in all Neolatin poetry, elegiac distichs dominate, but Vulcanius’ personal favourite seems to be the alternation of a hexameter and iambic trimeter, or sometimes hexameter and iambic dimeter, the so-called Archilochean metre (ater the Greek poet Archilochus), which is frequent in Greek, but rare in Latin. 52 “Vita absque libris liberisque Mors mera est,” Cod. Vulc. 103 II fol. 20. bonaventura vulcanius, scholar and poet 65 Most of these poems, adoptiva, the majority of the epitaphs, and by deinition the epigrams, are short. One characteristic of the poetry is Vulcanius’ preference for short forms in metre (iambics and also hendecasyllables). We can note his love of the epigrammatic mode and his taste for wit perhaps most markedly when he was young and impetuous. We ind his translations of Greek epigrams from the Anthology repeatedly in Vulcanius’ editions, thrown in as a kind of extra, oten in three or more versions of the same poem. Latin epigrams and sententiae are scattered throughout the manuscript. he following instance comes from a page with several one-liners and epigrams: What is characteristic of the Spanish people? Arrogance and cunning. But both are quelled by the virtue of the Dutch people.53 Some are downright obscene, in the vein of Martial and Catullus: All John’s limbs are stif, rigid, inlexible, all but his prick, soter than the lobe of the ear.54 In Vulc. 103 II, there is a series of folded leaves with poetry in fair copy under the title Sylva variorum carminum Bonaventurae Vulcanii. he earliest poetry in this Sylva dates from his stay with Cassander in Cologne and his Spanish years, with constant additions, rewritings, corrections and creations, written down during his whole life. his is clearly a collection made ready for a printer, but it is not easy to say how many poems exactly it contains. he sheets in this manuscript have been separated in the past, and I think that more poems belong to the planned collection than the forty poems which are now taken together according to the modern numbering, and that in fact a substantial part of the poetry in this manuscript was meant to be published, whether as the book mentioned in 1612 or not—probably not, for it does not include Greek poetry.55 On the other hand, this text may well have been planned as Part One of Vulcanius’ collected verse, to be supplemented by poems from the Leiden years and especially, I think, 53 “Quid proprium genti est Hispanae? Fastus et Astus. At Batavae gentis virtute retusus uterque est.” Cod. Vulc. 103 II fol. 46. 54 “Membra rigent Jano, irma omnia, nescia lecti. Mentula sola imâ est mollior auricula.” Cod. Vulc. 103 II fol. 69v, cf. Catullus 25 and commentaries, Erasmus Adagia I, 7.36. 55 Sylva Variorum carminum Bon. Vulcani, Ms II 103 fol. 91. 66 harm-jan van dam by Greek poetry. And yet, if this really is the beginning of a planned volume, the arrangement would be chronological rather than systematical, whereas these volumes, especially when they are called Silvae, generally combine related poems. hus Vulcanius himself had promised much earlier, in 1576, to publish his funeral poetry on homas Rehdiger together with other epitaphs.56 Whatever the case may be, the genres represented here are similar to those in Vulcanius’ poetry as a whole, but with far more emphasis on epigram and invective than on adoptiva and epitaphs. Here we ind the poem on the ire in the library mentioned earlier, but also a poem of praise for King Philip II at the peace of Cateau-Cambresis of 1559.57 here are also two epigrams criticising the false quantities in the Latin verse of a Spanish courtier, a eunuch, and therefore both semivir and semipoeta—interesting, since I have also seen unexpected quantities in Vulcanius’ own verse; but apparently he had examples for those.58 Quite a few poems of this collection were written in Germany and Switzerland in Alba amicorum, for weddings and similar events, while others are dedicated to his Leiden friends. Vulcanius remained true to a certain preference for the short, pointed, witty form, but his poetry became more balanced, easier and less harsh over the course of time. In 1612, when Vulcanius wrote of a possible edition, he was already too old to devote serious attention to it; in May 1614 Heinsius described him as a walking corpse.59 But what if he had taken up the task a few years earlier and published his Poemata omnia?Which texts would he have chosen? in which version? and how exactly the inal poems would have read? However that be, I feel conident that his readers would have appreciated the pleasant, sometimes sharp and witty, sometimes luent verse written by this likeable, social scholar. 56 De Vries de Heekelingen, 144, of 05.4.1576. he opening poem of fol. 91; it is also found in Cod. Vulc. 97 fol. 16, and BM Sloane 2784 fol. 45. 58 Ellinger 141 comments on “die Härten” in Vulcanius’ verse. 59 In a letter to J.-A. De hou (in De hou’s Historiae 1733 vol. 7, 36–7) “ut truncus aut statua . . . superstes sibi.” 57 bonaventura vulcanius, scholar and poet 67 Appendix 1. Works published by Vulcanius60 Author, title date dedicated to Cyrillus In anthropomorphitas and De adoratione in spiritu et veritate Arrianus Isidorus Etymologiae and Martianus Capella De nuptiis philologiae Callimachus Moschus and Bion Corn. Aurelius, Batavia 1573 (Ms. 1570) Ferd. de Mendoza 1575 1577 homas Rehdiger Gerard van Groesbeek, Bishop of Liege 1584 1584 1586 Dousa senior Lipsius Praetor, consules, senatus civitatis Leidensis Konstantinos Porphyrogenneta 1588 (before Almonde, Buijs, Dousa De thematibus Apuleius) (University curators) Apuleius De deo Socratis 1588 Canter, Dirk Aristoteles / Apuleius De mundo 1591 Maurice of Orange Gregorius of Cyprus: Encomion tes 1591 Henri Estienne thalasses Apuleius Opera Omnia 1593 Dirk Canter Agathias De imperio . . . Iustiniani 1594 States of Holland (ed. pr.) Agathias Notes 1594 Johan van Oldebarneveldt Nilus De primatu papae and De 1595 States General igni purgatorio Iornandes, De . . . Gothorum . . . 1597 States of Friesland origine De literis et lingua Getarum sive 1597 States of Friesland Gothorum heophylactus Simocattes 1597 Claude Goulart, eques et Quaestiones physicae (ed. pr.) supremi senatus and Epistulae morales Rothomagensis princeps Apuleius Opera Omnia 1600 — hesaurus utriusque linguae 1600 States of Holland Cyrillus Adversus 1605 Mathenes and Nieustadt anthropomorphitas curators, Duijck, Toornvliet, Warmont burgomasters Tres fratres (poetry of Grudius and 1612 Mathenes and Van der Hadrianus Marius, brothers of Myle curators Janus Secundus) 60 his is a shortlist, based on autopsy. For more detailed information see Dewitte 1981. 68 harm-jan van dam Appendix 2. Table of adoptiva in Cod. Vulc. 103 Author Title Year Aurelius, Corn. Baudius, D. Berlicom, B. van Bertius, P. Burg, Adr. vanden Batavia Poemata Hierosticha Tabulae geographicae Sententiarum et exemplorum centuriae III Logice Liturgica Rariorum plantarum historia Apuleius Historia nostrorum temporum In arithmethicam rationem Euclidis Petronius Odae Brittanicae Tragoediae Icones et elogia Martianus Capella Synopsis heologica Tacitus Crepundia Siliana Auriacus Seneca tragedies Methodus (Praxis) Medicinae De morbis capitum Prognostica Psalms in Dutch De Constantia Critica De Cruce ?Satyra Ennius Lycophron Glossarium De Gloria Poemata Nonnos Psalms in Greek Plato Inscriptiones Apophtegmata quinque linguarum Genealogia Ducum Sabaudiae De naturalium rerum scientia . . . ? Liber De . . . 1586 1607 1598 1598 1599 Carpenterius, Petr. Cassander, Geo. Clusius, C. Colvius, P. De hou, J.A. Dibuad Dousa, Janus Dousa, Janus Duym, J. Giovio, Paolo Grotius, H. Grynaeus, S. Halsbergen, Heinsius, D. Heinsius, D. Heinsius, D. Heurnius, O. Heurnius, O. Heurnius, O. Jamotius Lipsius, J. Lipsius, J. Lipsius, J. Lucenburgius, J.? Merula, P. Meursius, Joa. Meursius, Joa. Meursius, Joa. Meursius, Joa. Nansius, F. Serranus, J. Serranus, J. Smetius, M. Tuning, G. Vandenburg, Lamb. Vandevilius, A.F. Wolf, Hier. ? 1561 1601 1588 1605 1605 1585 1586 1606 1599 1599 1579 ? 1601 1602 1611 1590 1594 1596 1593 (?) 1584 1585 1594 ? 1595 1597 1610 1601 1602 1589 ? 1578 1588 1609 1595 1592