Open Access Theory
Making Social Work Research Black - Beyond Number
Politics
Patricia Bailey-Brown, MSW, RSW1*
Citation: Bailey-Brown,
P. (2025). Making Social
Work Research Black Beyond Number Politics.
Journal of Critical
Research Methodologies.
Editor: Dionisio Nyaga,
Ph.D.
Editor: Rose Ann Torres,
Ph.D.
Accepted: 11/02//2024
Published:01/02/2025
Copyright: ©2025 BaileyBrown, P. Licensee CDS
Press, Toronto, Canada.
This article is an open
access article distributed
under the terms and
conditions of the Creative
Commons Attribution
(CC BY) license
(http://creativecommons.o
rg/licenses/by/4.0/)
1
Faculty of Health, York University, Canada
ORCiD: https://orcid.org/0009-0006-6972-2425
*Corresponding author: Patricia Bailey-Brown,
[email protected]
2
Abstract. Current approaches to social work research have continued to
push Black lives, bodies, experiences, and ways of doing, thinking, and
being to the margins. When researchers do turn their attention to Black
people and communities, so-called anti-oppressive and intersectional
practices do little to center the humanity of their subjects. Instead, Black
research subjects are objectified, othered, and silenced. Furthermore,
research often appeals to political climates steeped in anti-Blackness;
appeases the expectations of funders with their own biases and agendas; and
paternalizes Black people and commodifies their realities rather than giving
voice and honor to their truths. This article seeks to disrupt these colonial
and Western approaches to research by challenging the systemic racism
embedded in both our society and social work practice. With particular focus
on some of the most vulnerable members of Black communities –
2SLGBTQ+ immigrants, refugees, women, and youth—the article explores
research methodologies and practices rooted in theories that validate Black
people’s ways of doing and being and decentres colonial values. As people
experiencing oppression are best equipped to identify its ways of operating
and pathways to disrupting it, Black and feminist theories are crucial to this
work. This includes Critical Race Theory to disrupt the inherent racism in
current research practices; Systemic Theory to examine how Black voices
are silenced and sidelined to bury historical and contemporary truths; and
Black Feminist Theory to critique the way that women, queer, and gender
nonconforming people are objectified.
Keywords: Race and racism, colonialism, Black, feminism, 2SLGBTQ+
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Introduction
The summer of 2020 marked a global pivot point for anti-Black
racism. After the brutal and unjustified death of George Floyd, a Black
American man killed by white Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin,
the subject of systemic anti-Blackness was placed at the center of collective
consciousness. Professionals, institutions, organizations, and entire sectors
began to critically reflect on the way that anti-Black racism had, for
centuries, threatened the wellbeing of Black people in Western society. The
field of social work was not exempted from this reckoning. A profession
rooted in addressing inequity and injustice found itself wrangling with the
way that anti-Black racism has shaped the history of the field and continued
to influence present-day practice and the research that informs it.
The unfortunate reality is that existing approaches to social work
research have marginalized Black communities, bodies, and experiences.
This marginalization has been two-fold. On the one hand, there has been a
marked lack of research into the experiences of Black people and
communities and how they are specifically affected by the social issues that
social work exists to address. While as social work researchers, we know
that issues like homelessness, mental health, substance misuse, precarious
employment, and food insecurity can affect any demographic, it is also well
understood that marginalized identities can have significant impact on the
wellbeing of an individual. Yet, there is often shortage of research that
contextualizes Black people’s experiences of these challenges in the
realities of race, racism, and Black identity.
On the other hand, where social work research has attempted to
answer the call to be more inclusive and equitable, the Eurocentric research
approaches that are considered the golden standard in our field often miss
the mark. Quantitative studies reduce the complexities of Black experience
to numbers and statistics that lead to generalizations and stereotypes that
often do more harm than good. Positivist paradigms reduce Black people
and communities and their concerns to subjects of scientific study. Even
anti-oppressive approaches meant to humanize and center Black research
subjects often objectify, other, and silence them instead.
We also cannot ignore the context in which research about Black
people and communities happens. Politics and institutions are still coloured
by the historical legacies of anti-Blackness. Research is often conducted by
organizations and individuals with biases and agendas which make it
difficult for studies to be truly anti-oppressive and anti-racist. Instead, Black
people are paternalized, their realities are commodified, and their truths are
ignored. Black researchers pay the price too. Patricia Hill Collins (1989),
for example, described the way that Black women researchers are often
encouraged to conduct studies in ways that ‘use their authority to help
legitimate a system that devalues and excludes the majority of Black
women” (p. 753) and risk being ostracized if they dare to colour outside the
lines. Similar assertions could be made for many other Black researchers,
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especially those who hold intersecting marginalized identities (e.g.,
queerness or disability).
These issues—the outright exclusion of Black people in social work
research and the use of ill-fitting Eurocentric models when Black
communities are studied—represent two sides of the same coin. At best,
research that disregards and reinforces racism informs policy that does not
meet the needs of Black communities. At worst, it actively harms them and
results in poor and inequitable outcomes for Black people engaging with
societal systems and social services. Over my career as a social worker, I
have seen the effects of these policies play out in the lives of real clients.
As a psychotherapist working with Black refugees and newcomers to
Canada, I have seen the bureaucratic red tape clients have had to jump
through to access social services while refugees from predominantly white
countries have been given ample resources. Black clients who have visited
healthcare institutions seeking mental health care have reported having their
symptoms downplayed and concerns dismissed by healthcare providers.
While these experiences are anecdotal, they are representative of a
larger and well-documented systemic issue of anti-Black racism within
institutions that are led or engaged by social work. Anti-Black racism is
apparent in the over-policing of Black communities on both sides of the
Canada/US border; the disparate outcomes of Black communities during the
height of the COVID-19 pandemic; the disproportionate suspensions and
expulsions of Black students in schools; and, most recently, the refugee
crisis that left hundreds of Black asylum seekers sleeping outside of Toronto
shelters and two of those refugees dead from inadequate care.
Remedying the issue of Black exclusion and marginalization in
social work research is more than a DEI initiative or an academic pursuit.
Until social work research intentionally and effectively reframes its
approach to properly include and consider Black people and communities,
our policies will continue to be harmful and potentially deadly. While the
need to make social work research Black is pressing, it will not be an easy
problem to solve. It will require a significant transformation of the way we
approach and practice research of Black bodies, communities, and
experiences. Specifically, challenging the Eurocentric research practices
that have dominated social work calls for methodologies and practices
rooted in theories that decentre colonial values, actively confront anti-Black
racism, and validate Black people’s ways of being and doing. We need
approaches that ensure that social work research does not study Black
people as objects and ‘others,’ but values their lived experience as a critical
tool to identify and disrupt oppression in our practice and policy.
This article will provide you with a pathway to producing social
work research that is truly anti-racist and equitable. We will explore
methodologies, frameworks, and theoretical lenses that will disrupt racism
in current practices, intentionally amplify and center Black voices (both as
researchers and participants), and value Black people’s ways of knowing,
being, and doing. However, before we can set our sights on a future of Black
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social work research, we must look back at the history that has created the
problems we aim to fix.
The Dark History of Anti-Blackness in Social Work Research
If the history books are to be believed, the field of social work was
founded by white sociologists. Most social work textbooks name figures
like Jane Addams, Mary Ellen Richmond, and John Agustus as the pioneers
of a field dedicated to remedying social issues. Those textbooks leave out
the rich legacy of Black scholars and activists who made considerable
contributions to the field of social work as we know it. Wright et al. (2021)
rightfully highlight W.E.B. Du Bois for his research on social phenomenon
and social justice advocacy; Frederick Douglas for his study of social
welfare; and Eugene Kinckle Jones who made major contributions to the
development of social work as a profession. The erasure of these Black
forefathers of social work is not a coincidence. Social work emerged at a
time when racism was the norm, and the profession is underpinned by the
racist ideologies that were pervasive at the time. Those early social work
organizations and institutions did little, if anything, to consider and care for
the needs of Black communities.
Este et al. (2017) paint a powerful picture of how Black-led
organizations in the late 1800s and early 1900s emerged in response to the
disregard of Black people in social welfare. They write about the Coloured
Women’s Club of Montreal, a group of Black women who “were driving
forces in identifying, addressing, and delivering services needed in order to
survive in a society where racism was pervasive” (p. 92). Similarly, Black
churches and charities stepped up to fill the gaps that white-led social
welfare organizations disregarded or perpetuated, taking on significant
political risk to counter the racist policies that marginalized Black
communities. (Wright et al., 2021).
Social work research was as exclusionary as the practice was. When
Black people were discussed, it was through the lens of ‘racial sciences’
that positioned them as inferior. Accepted as scientific fact, these assertions
were used to justify slavery, dehumanize Black people, and ultimately
exclude them from contributing to official social welfare reform (Wright et
al., 2021). Some of the research that has focused on Black people has been
outright exploitative and discriminatory. Healthcare research, for example,
has a long and violent history of dehumanizing Black research subjects.
Examples include Marion Sims, who is known as the ‘father of
gynaecology,’ conducting experimental surgeries on enslaved women; the
medical industry’s use of Henrietta Lacks’ stem cells without her
knowledge or consent; and the Tuskegee Syphilis Study that denied Black
men treatment for the disease to examine its progression when left untreated
(Brooks and Fields, 2021).
It is only in recent years that studies in social work have turned their
attention to Black lives and experiences (Este at al., 2017), and even still,
that research rarely examines their psychological and social experiences or
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intentionally counters the racist assumptions and ideas that treats Blackness
as a deficit (Cramer and McElveen, 2003). Furthermore, research on Black
people and communities has tended to be one dimensional, compounding
the marginalization of Black people with intersecting identities. Black
Feminism emerged from the way that Black women were excluded from
racial justice and feminist works (Collins, 2000).
But while Black scholars and activists, like Black Feminists, have
fought to counter the marginalization of Black people in research, the
history of social work research is defined by the continued exclusion of
Black scholarship that began with the disregard of Du Bois, Douglas, and
Kinckle Jones. Razack and Jeffery (2002) point to the “lack of ethnic,
cultural, and racial diversity among social work professionals in social
services and the universities” (p. 261). Collins (1989) echoes this when she
discusses how Black women’s access to positions of influence in academia
has been intentionally limited and their knowledge has been dismissed.
Ultimately, as an institution that has been dominated by whiteness, social
work has not made room for Black researchers or research subjects to be
seen as legitimate and valuable to the profession.
From a Dark History to a Bright Future
We cannot move beyond the dark and racist history of social work
research by pretending it does not exist. Of course, we do not want to repeat
a history of research that dehumanizes, marginalizes, ‘others,’ and excludes
Black people, communities, scholars, and researchers. Understanding how
social work research began allows us to recognize the ways in which antiBlack racism has manifested in the past and how it continues to shape the
present-day practice of social work research. It is only with that
acknowledgement that we can begin to chart a different path forward.
The importance of this acknowledgement of history and
commitment to a more anti-racist future in social work has been voiced by
social work associations on both sides of the Canada/US border. America’s
National Association of Social Workers (2021) recently issued an apology
for the racist policies the profession upheld in the past, including support of
eugenics, segregated settlement houses, and the blocking of African
American suffrage. Similarly, the Canadian Association for Social Work
Education (2020) acknowledged how the social work profession “has
historically been and is currently complicit in perpetuating anti-Black
racism through practices of segregation, surveillance, policing, and
exclusion of Black communities from health and social services.”
These moments of recognition are a first and critical step toward a
more inclusive and anti-racist approach to social work research. By
acknowledging the dark history of social work research and being sensitive
to the historical trauma Black communities have endured, researchers can
move toward decolonizing research practices, amplifying underrepresented
voices, and contributing to a more just and equitable social work landscape.
As the Canadian Association of Social Workers (1991) eloquently put it:
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“[W]e are being called upon to question traditional assumptions
and theories, re-examine admissions criteria and teaching
modes, broaden our worldview, and act deliberately to respond
to the realities of diversity. At the same time, we have an
unprecedented opportunity to reaffirm, in new ways, the very
tenets that underlie our profession” (pp. ii-iii, cited in Razack
and Jeffery, 2002, p. 257).
It is time to answer that call, and develop social work research
that prioritizes race, racism, and the lived experiences of Black
people. This will require us to challenge hundreds of years of systemic
racism, and that will not be an easy task or a short-term one. However,
with thoughtful and intentional effort, we can reframe how we
approach social work research in ways that honour, value, and benefit
Black communities, subjects, knowledges, and issues. This will
require us to ground research in theories that challenge Eurocentric
ways of knowing and center the humanity of Black people; redefine
research paradigms and embrace methods that reflect the complexity
of the Black experience; centre Black voices and prioritize cultural
sensitivity in research design and execution; and take a holistic
approach to research that considers the diversity of Black experience
and how race, gender, and other identities complicate social issues
within the Black community.
As we continue our exploration of a framework for making
social work research Black, we will review theoretical lenses like
Critical Race Theory, Black Feminist Theory, and Intersectionality;
examine the impact of qualitative research methods, communityengaged research, and participatory research; and consider the
importance of researcher positionality, power dynamics, and research
accessibility.
The Lens: Theoretical Frameworks
Research without a theoretical framework is like a ship lost at sea—
it may float, but it will lack direction. Theoretical frameworks allow
researchers to study and explain a phenomenon through a specific lens. That
lens shapes every element of the study. As Luft et al. (2002) note, “The
framework shapes the types of questions asked, guides the method by which
data are collected and analyzed, and informs the discussion of the results of
the study. It also reveals the researcher’s subjectivities, for example, values,
social experience, and viewpoint” (p. 5). The theoretical framework also
reflects the assumptions the researcher has made about the subject, the
values they hold as a researcher, and how they will process what they learn
through their study (Collins and Stockton, 2018; Luft et al., 2002, p. 5). In
simpler terms, a theoretical framework colours the study, and the findings
may be significantly shaded by the framework applied.
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By this token, we can conclude that using theoretical frameworks
that do not center Black voices, acknowledge Black ways of being, thinking,
and doing, and value the lived experience of Black people as a source of
expertise will result in studies that do not properly represent or empower
Black communities. If we want to effectively make social work research
Black, it is important to ground research about Blackness in theoretical
frameworks that are rooted in the realities of Black life and culture. Let us
explore three frameworks that do exactly that.
Critical Race Theory
The professional study of race as a social issue began with social
workers and social welfare leaders who were committed to addressing the
structural and systemic inequities experienced by Black people in the
United States (Lauve-Moon et al. 2023). Scholars and activists like W.E.B.
Du Bois, Ida B. Wells, Alexander Crummel, Sara Collins Fernandis,
Edmund Hynes, E. Franklin Frazier, Eugenia Burns Hope, and Mary
Church Terrell stood at the forefront of the effort to remedy the effects of
racism. Critical Race Theory (CRT), created by Derrick Bell, emerged as a
formal theory with a “broad mission to investigate, deconstruct, and
ultimately eliminate racist structures and inequities” (Daftary, 2020, p.
442). At its core, CRT asserts that race is a social construction and racism
is a permanent and formative part of Black people’s lived experience. It
calls for an intersectional understanding of Black lives and prioritizes the
voices and narratives of Black people as valid sources of knowledge
(Daftary, 2020). CRT also defies the typical ‘objectivity’ prescribed in
Eurocentric models of scientific inquiry and acknowledges that the
researcher plays an integral role in shaping their studies (Daftary, 2020).
Benefits of Critical Race Theory
As we have noted, social work research has historically objectified
Black bodies, culture, and community and positioned researchers as experts
and Black people as mere objects of study. CRT provides a meaningful
antidote for that in three important ways. Firstly, it places Blackness in
context, acknowledging that race and racism directly impact the social
issues that Black people experience (Lauve-Moon et al., 2023). CRT
demands that the problem being studied is “placed in social, political, and
historical context” (Daftary, 2020, p. 439) and that the impact of power,
privilege, oppression, structural inequality, and white supremacy be
considered in research design and analysis (Razack and Jeffery; Daftary,
2020; Lauve-Moon et al, 2023).
Secondly, CRT acknowledges Black people as experts on their own
lived experiences, recognizing that they have “special access to knowledge
to which privileged groups do not have access” (Lauve-Moon et al., 2023,
p. 114). As such, it leans into methodologies that give voice to the research
subjects through counter-storytelling and narrative. CRT researchers often
use qualitative methods like focus groups, two-way interviews, and
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autoethnography (Lauve-Moon et al., 2023). Daftary (2020) notes, “This is
not only a stylistic choice, but a conscious political statement aimed at
revealing the self-serving nature of the carefully constructed metanarrative
surrounding race set by the white dominant group” (pp. 445-446). In other
words, a CRT framework counters the silencing and marginalization that
Black people have faced in social work research and society at large.
Finally, CRT prioritizes social justice, requiring that the injustices
discovered by research be properly addressed (Daftary, 2020). CRT is both
a framework and a call to action. Derrick Bell notably believed that “the
standard and institutions created by and fortifying white power ought to be
resisted,” and he saw academic study as a foundation for societal resistance
(Daftary, 2020, p. 422). As social work is a profession aimed at addressing
social inequities and fostering social justice, a CRT approach offers a
“critical analysis of the status quo” (Collins and Bilge, 2016, pp. 29-30) that
is well-suited to research designed to shape anti-racist policy and practice.
Black Feminist Theory
Like Critical Race Theory, Black Feminist Theory was developed
as a response to marginalization. For Black women, the battle was two-fold,
as they were required to confront both sexism and racism and the way those
oppressions converged. Notably, Black women were excluded from
movements meant to address both kinds of oppression, with scholars
highlighting “sexism within the Black Power Movement and racism within
the second wave feminist movement of the 1970s” (Lewis and Williams,
2023, p. 230). A group of Black, queer women, known as the Combahee
River Collective, were integral at planting the seeds of Black Feminism.
Scholars like Audre Lorde, bell hooks, and Patricia Hill Collins grew those
seeds into a formal Black Feminist Theory that “encompasses theoretical
interpretations of Black women’s reality by those who live it” (Smith
Budhai and Lewis Grant, 2023, p. 11). Like CRT, Black Feminist theory
positioned Black women as experts on their realities (Smith Budhai and
Lewis Grant, 2023) and situates those realities in their political, socioeconomic, and historical contexts through Black women’s scholarship and
standpoints (Bryson, 2001).
What Black Feminist Theory does that CRT does not is examine the
intersection of race and gender and the specific inequities that comes from
those interlocking oppressions (Smith Budhai and Lewis Grant, 2023). It
centres Black women, rather than obscuring their unique and specific
experiences in general studies of Black people or women (Lewis and
Williams, 2023). It takes a holistic approach that sees Black women’s
multiple marginalized identities as its own phenomenon (Collins, 1986)
rather than taking an “add-on” approach that simply forces Black women’s
unique experience to fit into existing theories.
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Benefits of Black Feminist Theory
Black Feminist Theory’s historical reflection considers the gendered
stereotypes and narratives—such as the Jezebel, the Mammy, the Sapphire,
and the Welfare Queen—that have been used to categorize, generalize, and
marginalize Black women. Lewis and Williams (2023) aptly note, “These
controlling images, ideologies, and stereotypes of Black womanhood
encompass the interlocking systems of racism, sexism, and classism
experienced by Black women” (p. 233). One of the ways Black Feminist
Theory counters these interlocking oppressions is through self-definition
(Lewis and Williams, 2023, p. 230). Self-definition is rooted in providing
space and platforms for Black women (and Black people, more generally)
to speak for themselves. It includes “validation of silenced experiences,
storytelling, and engagement in discourse to understand new information
and make meaning of what is there” (Smith Budhai and Lewis Grant, 2023,
p. 12). Self-definition allows Black women to create a narrative that
counters the negative images that devalue and disenfranchise them and
instead define for themselves what is true and important (Bryson, 2001, p.
10; Collins, 1986, pp. S16-S17).
Another value of Black Feminist Theory is that it embraces the
complexity of research subjects, allowing for research questions, findings,
and policy and practice recommendations that consider multiple realities.
Smith Budhai and Lewis Grant (2023) note that Black Feminist Theory
allows researchers to fully account for the complexity of research problems
impacted by interlocking oppressions and create “the action-oriented
research designs required to envision just- and equity-centered solutions”
(p. 10). Simply put, this framework ensures that Black research subjects—
women or otherwise—are seen holistically enough to create interventions
that will actually be effective.
A third benefit of Black Feminist Theory as a theoretical framework
is that is creates space for Black researchers to pursue studies in ways that
do not reinforce the objectification of their research participants or
themselves. Like CRT, Black Feminist Theory challenges the idea of
research objectivity. Collins (1989) describes Eurocentric research methods
that require researchers to detach emotionally from their research, remove
their personal values and ethics from the process, and engage in debates to
defend their arguments (p. 754). While these expectations are presented as
standards of academic rigour, they contribute to the objectification of Black
women by requiring scholars to “devalue their emotional life” and “displace
their motivations for furthering knowledge about Black women” (Collins,
1989, p. 754-755). By contrast, Black Feminist Theory invites researchers
to own their ideas and take positions on issues that are shaped by their
personal experience (Smith Budhai and Lewis Grant, 2023, p. 12). This
invitation also comes with certain obligations for the researcher to take
accountability for their knowledge claims and practice empathy in their
research approach (Smith Budhai and Lewis Grant, 2023).
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Finally, Black Feminist Theory addresses the power imbalance so
often present in research, where researchers are seen as objective experts
and research participants are treated as objects of study. Through the use of
dialogue rooted in care and connection, Black Feminist Theory allows for
co-creation of knowledge between researcher and research participants
(Smith Budhai and Lewis Grant, 2023). This approach is in keeping with
Black women’s cultural tradition of exploring and validating new
knowledge through dialogue in community and sharing of personal
viewpoints (Collins, 1989).
Intersectionality
This article has already made mention of intersectionality as a
component of both Critical Race Theory and Black Feminist Theory, but it
is also a theoretical framework on its own that can be applied to social work
research. In fact, it is vital for social work research studying Black
communities, which have too often been reduced to singular identities. First
developed by Kimberle Crenshaw, Intersectionality “examines how various
forms of discrimination and oppression intersect to create a distinctly
different and compounded from of oppression and discrimination” (LauveMoon, 2023, p. 115). If this sounds reminiscent of Black Feminist Theory,
it is because that is where Intersectionality got its roots. However, as a
theory, it has been expanded to consider how other identities interlock to
form unique forms of exclusion, stigma, and marginalization (Wu, 2021).
Consider, for example, how differently people who are Black and queer,
Black and disabled, Black and homeless, or any other combination of
marginalized identities might experience the world. Intersectionality offers
a way to understand how diverse and complex the experiences of Black
people are and how their realities are shaped by multiple axes of social
division (Collins and Bilge, 2016).
Intersectionality as a theoretical framework does share other
similarities with both Critical Race Theory and Black Feminist Theory. It
values the knowledge and expertise of marginalized people, especially for
their understanding of how their social identities create negative outcomes
and how they have learned to navigate and resist those challenges (Bailey
et al, 2019). It also calls on researchers to place their research problem,
question, and findings in the sociocultural and systemic contexts where the
people and phenomenon they are studying exist (Lewis and Williams,
2023). These similarities mean that Intersectionality, like Black Feminist
Theory and CRT, contributes to research findings and interventions that
tend to the real needs, concerns, and experiences of the Black people they
study.
Benefits of Intersectionality
Intersectionality as a theoretical framework is also beneficial to
social work research on Black people, communities, and issues in unique
ways. For one, Intersectionality is rooted in social justice goals and action.
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Matsuzaka et al. (2021) write that responsible stewardship of
intersectionality requires that researchers weave social justice aims into
every stage of their research. The authors go on to argue that research rooted
in Intersectionality can be a catalyst for sociopolitical action, especially if
the researchers engage the community they study. Additionally, Matsuzaka
et al. (2021) assert that researchers should be diligent about ensuring their
positions and practices do not maintain the marginalization of Black people
in academia, reproduce exclusion and dominance in knowledge production,
or misappropriate Intersectionality for the benefit of the researchers and
their institutions.
An Intersectional theoretical framework also resists the tendency of
social work research to adopt dominant group thinking. For one, it does not
position marginalized identities as opposite of dominant identities —
“BIPOC versus White, sexual minority versus heterosexual, transgender or
gender nonconforming versus cisgender, disabled versus able-bodied or
neurotypical” (Wu, 2021, p. 222). Instead, it considers them as complete
identities, not defective or divergent by nature, but affected by the
oppression our society places on them. Additionally, intersectionality does
not ask people to choose, rank, or prioritize one identity over another (Wu,
2021). Rather, it sees intersecting identities as part of an inseparable whole.
Intersectionality also drives researchers to study the social processes that
affect marginalized identities (e.g. patriarchy, homophobia, ableism, etc.)
rather than problematizing identities and categories that have been
marginalized (Wu, 2021). In other words, Intersectionality seeks to
understand and challenge oppression and how it impacts people with
marginalized identities.
A Final Thought on Theory
Black researchers, scholars, and activists have provided a solid
foundation for social work research that explores Black lives, experiences,
culture, and issues. Blackness is distinct from whiteness. It cannot be
effectively studied by examining it through theories that are rooted in
Eurocentric and colonial values and beliefs. Instead, Black-centered
research requires theoretical frameworks that are specific to the complex
realities of Black people. Critical Race Theory, Black Feminist Theory, and
Intersectionality all hold merit as lenses for studying social issues and their
impact on Black communities. These frameworks are effective because they
counter the deficit models and negative narratives about Black people that
have been created by years of racism in research and science. Each of these
frameworks considers the social, political, and historical contexts that shape
Black lives, and recognizes that Black people are equipped with an expertise
about their lived experiences that cannot be learned from textbooks. Most
importantly, these frameworks are all designed to build knowledge that can
be used to foster social change and justice for Black people and
communities through policy and interventions. These frameworks
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transform research from a means of observation and objectification to a tool
for action and empowerment.
The Method: Research Design and Methodology
Your theoretical framework is not just a lens for how you approach
your research question; it also shapes the way you design and approach your
research (Luft et al., 2002). Your lens decides what you see and how you
work to see it. As Critical Race Theory, Black Feminist Theory, and
Intersectionality have many commonalities in the way they approach
research—centering Black voices, recognizing social, political, and
historical context, acknowledging the positionality of the researcher—many
of the same research methodologies can be applied. In this next section, we
will be exploring three methodologies that are well-suited to Black
theoretical frameworks: Qualitative Research, Participatory Research, and
Community-Engaged Research.
Qualitative Research
For decades, most research that explored Black lives was
quantitative, reducing Black people’s experiences to metrics and statistics.
Studies, for example, looked at how often Black students were expelled
from school, the frequency of Black men’s interactions with police, the
number of incarcerated Black people, or the percentage of Black people
with post-secondary degrees. While this kind of data can be useful for
identifying a social issue, it is very one-dimensional. It sees what is
happening, but it does not answer how or why. This kind of research can
exclude critical context that can lead to harmful misperceptions and
generalizations. Let us revisit one of our examples. A study that finds that
Black students are expelled from school twice as often as their non-Black
peers might lead one to conclude that Black students behave badly. As
quantitative research has often been seen as more credible because the
results are quantifiable and measurable, those findings are likely to be
accepted as fact (Black, 1994).
Benefits of Qualitative Research
Qualitative approaches challenge the cut-and-dry nature of research
by asking the questions of “What?” and “Why” instead of “How much?” or
“How often?” This aligns well with Critical Race Theory, Black Feminist
Theory, and Intersectionality in that it requires researchers to center the
voices, experiences, and expertise of Black research participants.
Qualitative approaches use data collection methods like interviews,
observation, and narrative (Black, 1994; Daftary, 2020; Watkins, 2012).
These methods allow research participants to articulate their experiences,
behaviours, and attitudes with more depth and complexity than numerical
data could (Pope and Mays, 1995). Nick Black (1994) provided a great
example of this in his paper on the importance of qualitative research, citing
a study in the UK that found that participants responded to surveys about
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their health with what they perceived as ‘correct’ answers, but they were
much more honest about their private opinions and experiences in
unstructured interviews with researchers.
That kind of rich data is critical to the goal of not just measuring a
particular phenomenon but developing concepts that allow us to understand
it and make meaning of it (Pope and Mays, 1995). If we circle back to the
example of Black student expulsions, a qualitative study might reveal that
students report being punished more harshly than their non-Black peers for
the same offenses or being watched more closely and critically by teachers
and administrators. That is the kind of information that, if grounded in a
framework like Critical Race Theory that acknowledges the pervasiveness
of racism, would inform meaningful interventions like challenging antiBlack racism among educators and administrators or reviewing the
application of policies on expulsion.
Another valuable element of qualitative research is the way it shifts
power in the researcher/participant relationship by allowing the study to be
shaped by the participants themselves. Pope and Mays (1995) explain:
Rather than starting with a research question or a hypothesis that
precedes any data collection, the researcher is encouraged not
to separate the stages of design, data collection, and analysis,
but to go backwards and forwards between the raw data and the
process of conceptualisation, thereby making sense of the data
through the period of data collection. (p. 44)
Watkins (2012) echoes this by recommending that qualitative
research should be exploratory (p. 155). The author suggests that
questions should emerge and evolve as the study progresses and the
approach should be interpretive and open-ended. This ensures that
research participants are not only engaged in the study but actively
impacting the direction the study takes.
Qualitative research, as the title of this article suggests, moves
beyond number politics. As Critical Race Theory, Black Feminist
Theory, and Intersectionality demand, qualitative research pushes
Black research participants from the margins to the centre, giving
them room to share the full context of their experiences and explore
what is relevant and meaningful, even if it is not measurable.
Participatory Research
While qualitative research centers the voices of research
participants, participatory research empowers the subjects of the study to
shape the research itself at every stage. Jones (2020) explains,
“Participatory research can be defined as a process by which the individuals
being researched are involved in the conduction of the research, including
the planning, design, data collection, and data analysis, as well as the
distribution and application of conclusions. The ultimate goal of
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participatory research is to bring about more meaningful change” (p. 5).
Unlike other research methodologies, participatory research makes
participants co-creators of the research project. This kind of research is
often done in partnership with grassroot research projects and action
organizations in the community being studied (Eubanks, 2009). Brooks and
Fields (2021) describe participatory research as an “action and solutionoriented methodology” that “values scientific and experiential knowledge
equally” (p. 261). For this reason, participatory research works especially
well with theoretical frameworks of Critical Race Theory and Black
Feminist Theory that call for researchers to recognize the expertise of their
research participants as valid and valuable.
Benefits of Participatory Research
The positioning of research participants as co-creators and coowners of knowledge about their lived experiences is one of the key benefits
of participatory research. This approach works to counter the ways that
Black people have been silenced, excluded, and misrepresented in research
about the social issues that affect them. It pushes back against models of
research that treat scholars as better equipped to construct identities for
racialized people without their input (Williams, 2001). Instead,
participatory research leans into insider scholarship and calls researchers to
recognize “that the presuppositions, ideas, interests, and values with which
we invariably enter into research may not be those of the people with whom
we do research (Elabor-Idemudia, 2011). It asks researchers to confront
their own agendas to hear and amplify what Black people have to say about
themselves, a tenet of both Critical Race Theory and Black Feminist
Theory.
Participatory research also challenges Eurocentric models of both
research and practice, validating racialized people’s ways of knowing and
being. Williams (2001) gives the example of studies on mental health in
Indigenous communities that presented those communities’ tendency to
intervene in mental health crises with spiritual and emotional counsel, social
support, and fortifying treatments as “peculiar and ineffective” (p. 241).
That piece of literature reflected a Eurocentric bias on the research subject,
seeing Western approaches to mental health as both superior and necessary,
reinforcing the dominance of Eurocentric narratives about mental health.
However, Williams (2001) suggests that a participatory research model that
partnered with Indigenous communities to recognize their approaches to
mental health as legitimate could transform the treatment system in ways
that engender trust and positive outcomes (p. 239-240). Similar notions
could be applied to the research with Black communities, where
participatory research could be used to validate and integrate Black people’s
ways of being and doing into interventions and action.
This points to a third benefit of participatory research—its capacity
for empowering Black communities. Murray-Lichtman and Elkassem
(2021) discuss the concept of academic voyeurism in social work, which
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describes the way that research has often been used to “scrutinize the
suffering, pain, and violence of racism” (p. 186) rather than confronting and
addressing it. Participatory research challenges the economic and political
power imbalances inherent in research by shifting Black people and
communities from observed, ‘othered,’ and objectified to putting them in
positions to investigate their own worlds and experiences (Eubanks, 2009).
This kind of participatory research makes room for the self-identification
encouraged in Black Feminist Theory, as well as the centering required in
Critical Race Theory. It also allows for an exploration of the complexity of
Black people’s experiences, as Intersectionality demands. Ultimately, a
participatory research method rightfully gives Black people and
communities being researched more power to determine not only how
they’re studied but to what end those studies are conducted.
Community-Engaged Research
Community-engaged research shares several similarities with
participatory research. For one, it invites collaboration and partnership
between the people being studied and the researchers (Ohmer et al., 2023).
It also asks the researcher to prioritize and center the lived experiences of
the community and use their insights to shape the study. What makes
community-engaged research distinctive is that it “involves engaging with
the community to discover, by interacting with the community, what shared
goals and negotiated procedures would be mutually satisfactory, rather than
to impose on a community what worked somewhere else” (Sieber, 2010, p.
3). What is also critical is that the researcher is called to practice selfreflection, cultural awareness, and humility to ensure that their positionality
and cultural and/or institutional privilege does not pull the research away
from the interests of the community and toward their own (Ohmer et al.,
2023). In other words, the priority in community-engaged research is a
study that directly serves the needs of the community in question.
Benefits of Community-Engaged Research
Community-engaged research is a great tool for empowering Black
communities. Ohmer et al. (2023) note, “Community-engaged research has
the potential to empower individuals, families, communities, and
organizations through building capacity to answer questions most important
to the communities themselves” (p. 259). In the context of Black
communities, this is especially important as, historically, research has either
disregarded Black people’s social issues or made decisions about what
issues should be studied with little consideration for what mattered to the
community. This methodology has significant implications for research
grounded in Intersectionality because community-engaged research can
help to tease out the specific issues that exist at the intersections of certain
identities. For example, community-engaged research that collaborates with
Afro-Caribbean LGBTQ+ refugees would be able to research the challenges
that demographic faces with accessing mental health and support the
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development of interventions that consider the unique lens through which
they experience and view mental health care. As Leung Rubin et al. (2016)
note, “Community partners can contribute invaluable insights about internal
needs, culturally appropriate responses, and offer linkages to existing
resources and relationships needed to mobilize collective action” (p. 479).
Another benefit of community-engaged research is its capacity to
disrupt systematic barriers in social work research. Considering that
traditional approaches to research have othered Black people, exploited
their bodies, and disregarded their needs and preferences in favour of
institutional research interests, an alternative that puts Black communities
at the helm of the research process is an important alternative. Ohmer et al.
(2023) suggest that social work researchers should be working with
stakeholders to develop research processes and practices that allow for “coleadership and co-learning models” where the power is not reserved for the
researcher but extended to the community as well. This reflects values
presented by both Critical Race Theory and Black Feminist Theory in the
way that it centers the voices of Black communities and positions them as
experts and equals in research about themselves.
A word of caution on community-engaged research
While community-engaged research has the potential to disrupt the
status quo in social work research by putting Black people at the center of
the process, it comes with a unique challenge. Flicker and Nixon (2018)
share the story of a community-based partner on one of their research
projects who reported that her reputation with her community had suffered
because they saw her organization’s participation in the study as “selling
out” (p. 153). What this anecdote illustrates is that there are real risks for
community members who engage in research projects, even ones that they
are confident will serve their communities. The onus to navigate that lies
with the researcher, who must be prepared to honestly discuss the risks of
engaging in a study and to ensure that they are able to effectively
communicate to participants and the community at large how their research
will support the well-being of the community (Flicker and Nixon, 2018).
This echoes Black Feminist Theory’s assertion that researchers must
practice care and empathy for the communities they research.
Research Practices
In this article, we have explored theoretical frameworks and
research methodologies that support social work research that studies Black
people and communities beyond number politics. The theoretical
frameworks provide a lens through which to approach research, while the
methodologies offer direction on how to conduct a study. Throughout these
discussions, there has been passing mention of certain research practices
that are important for conducting research that is respectful of and
empowering to Black communities. These include cultural sensitivity,
addressing power imbalances, acknowledging researcher positionality, and
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making research accessible beyond academia. These practices are essential
to applying the theoretical frameworks and methodologies outlined in this
article, so let us explore them in more depth.
Cultural Sensitivity
In his insightful article, “Race, Culture, and Researcher
Positionality,” Richard Milner (2007) writes, “People of color are not white
people with colored skin. Their experiences are shaped by (among other
qualities) their racial, ethnic, and cultural heritage” (p. 389). In saying this,
Milner echoes the sentiments of Critical Race Theory, Black Feminist
Theory, and Intersectionality, which all assert the importance of placing
Black people as research subjects into their social, political, and historical
contexts. His point that Black people are unique and distinct from their
white peers supports the need for Africentric theoretical frameworks. It also
draws attention to the fact that understanding Black culture (or failing to
account for it) will have direct impacts on the effectiveness of research into
the social issues affecting them.
Before we can explore this point further, we need a shared
understanding of ‘culture.’ In this context, culture refers to the values,
worldviews, ways of thinking, knowing, and believing, experiences, forms
of expression, and behaviours that a group shares (Tillman, 2002). Tillman
(2002) clarifies that this definition does not mean to imply that all Black
people have one singular culture. Instead, she argues that Black people do
have a shared cultural knowledge (p. 4). With that in mind, researchers who
want to study Black people and communities have to be able to consider
how their culture shapes their experiences. Milner (2007) notes that the
emergence of theories like Black Feminist Theory, Critical Race Theory,
and Intersectionality, among other academic discourses, methodologies,
and perspectives, were created by Black scholars to ensure that research
considered Black culture. Researchers who want to study Black people and
communities should not only be employing those theories and
methodologies but should be committed to “maintaining the cultural
integrity of the participants and other members of the community” (Tillman,
2002, p. 6).
Tillman (2002) recommends that culturally sensitive research
employ qualitative methods that allow researchers to capture Black life
holistically and in context, reveal and respond to unequal power dynamics,
legitimize Black people’s experience and knowledge as valid and critical,
and be rooted in a certain degree of competence with an understanding of
Black culture. Cultural sensitivity also requires that Black people’s
knowledge and culture be central to any inquiry or study about them (SecorTurner, 2010) and that they be given room to self-define and offer an
interpretation of the research subject (Davis et al., 2010).
By these definitions, the theoretical frameworks and research
methodologies presented in this article all meet the criteria of cultural
sensitivity, but what does that mean for researchers in a practical sense? It
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means that researchers must be intentional about countering deficit
perspectives that have been typical in research about Black communities
(Tillman, 2002). It also requires that researchers do not value “neutrality of
knowledge” above honouring Black people’s cultural knowledge (SecorTurner, 2010). Cultural sensitivity also means that researchers must be selfreflective about their motivations, assumptions, and cultural competence
(Huang and Coker, 2010). Huang and Coker’s exploration of the issues
affecting African American’s participation in research inspired some
questions that may be helpful for researchers’ self-reflection:
●
Am I approaching this research with the intention to benefit the
wellbeing and advancement of the Black community?
●
Do I have a deep enough understanding of oppression, identity, and
Black culture and how they shape Black people’s experiences?
●
Am I prepared to address the anxieties and concerns that Black people
might rightfully have about my motivations, considering the history of
exploitation in research?
●
Do I understand the socioeconomic and political context of the
research participants I intend to work with?
●
Do I respect the diversity of Black communities enough to understand
that findings about one part of the population cannot necessarily be applied
to the population at large?
Davis et al. (2010) offer another set of questions that can be helpful
for producing culturally sensitive research:
First, in relationship to the research question, what are the
historical issues from which the community needs to heal.
Second, in relationship to the research question, what are the
myths and misperceptions about the behaviour of the
community? Third, in relationship to the phenomenon, what are
the culturally relevant examples of how the community has been
transformed? Finally, in relationship to the phenomenon, how
has the community mobilized others to affect change? (p. 348)
By taking the time to sit with and carefully answer these questions,
you can ensure that cultural sensitivity is not an afterthought in your
research but an intentional and guiding practice.
Addressing Power Imbalances
Traditional approaches to research and scientific inquiry have
always established a clear hierarchy—the researcher holds the expertise
while the research subjects do not (Brooks and Fields, 2021; Ohmer et al.,
2023). It is typical for these power imbalances to be ignored by those in
power, but they are often recognized and most deeply felt by those who feel
disadvantaged by the hierarchy (Leung Rubin et al., 2016). Anti-racist and
feminist scholarship, like CRT, Black Feminist Theory, and
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Intersectionality, have worked to name and address these power imbalances
(Jones, 2020).
What can we, as researchers, do to ensure that the hierarchies
enforced by traditional research methods are not impacting our study?
Leung Rubin et al. (2016) point to Lisa Delpit’s ‘culture of power’
framework. Though this framework was initially created to explore power
imbalances between teachers and students, its tenets fit well in describing
the relationship between researcher and research participants. Modified to
fit our discussion, those tenets are:
●
There is a power differential between [researchers] and [research
participants];
●
There is an unspoken set of rules that govern these settings;
●
These unspoken rules reflect the experiences of those in power;
●
Making explicit these unspoken rules helps those with less power in
the situation access power;
●
Those in power are not willing to acknowledge the existence of a
power differential.
The solution is clear—name the power differential and the unspoken
rules that maintain it so that those who are disadvantaged by the imbalance
can better access power. As a researcher, be prepared to acknowledge to
your research participants that your position as a researcher with an
institution does privilege you and name how you will mitigate that privilege
so that they are not exploited. Wu (2021) takes this a step further, advising
researchers to cede power to the community being researched wherever
possible. This might be in the development of research questions and goals
or the way that research is shared with the community.
Brooks and Fields (2021) also recommend equipping community
partners in community-engaged research with “improved access to
scientific protocols and parlance” and building their capacity in research
methodology (p. 262). Not only does this better prepare community
members to be effective co-creators of knowledge, but it also allows them
to hold researchers accountable to the needs of the community.
Positionality
One of the key ideas of Black theoretical frameworks for research is
that the researcher does not get to claim objectivity or neutrality. Black
Feminist Theory, Critical Race Theory, and Intersectionality all ask the
researcher to name and recognize their own position as a researcher and
how their values, beliefs, and motivations affect their research. In the same
way that these theoretical frameworks ask researchers to consider how
identity impacts the experiences of research subjects, Milner (2007) notes
that it also affects the researcher. He writes: “I argue that researchers in the
process of conducting research pose racially and culturally grounded
questions about themselves. Engaging in these questions can bring to
researchers’ awareness and consciousness known, unknown, and
unanticipated issues, perspectives, epistemologies, and positions” (p. 395).
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Milner presents a framework for meaningful reflection for researcher
positionality that also includes the researcher reflecting about themselves in
relation to others; reflecting together with research participants about the
relevant research community; and contextualizing their new consciousness
in political, social, historic, cultural, and racial realities.
Making Research Accessible
One of the difficult realities of social work research about Black
people is that it is conducted on and about Black communities, but it is often
written and published for the world of academia. Research is typically
written in academic language that is not always accessible to laypeople and
published in journals that are not readily available to the subjects of the
research. This reinforces the notion that Black people are objects of research
and not valid experts on their own experience. Flicker and Nixon (2018)
wrote about community partners in their research who reflected a similar
sentiment, noting that they believed that research that is published
inaccessibly serves “dominant, colonial interests” (p. 153).
Colombian sociologist, Orlando Fals Borda directed researchers be
avoid making research inaccessible to everyday people. He advised:
Do not impose your own ponderous scientific style for
communicating results but diffuse and share what you have
learned together with the people, in a manner that is wholly
understandable and even literary and pleasant, for science
should not necessarily be a mystery nor a monopoly of experts
and intellectuals. (De Roest, 2020, pp. 206-207)
Flicker and Nixon (2018) echo Fals Borda’s advice
recommending that, when possible, researchers write in accessible
language (p. 154). They also recommend publishing in open-access
journals so that community members are not required to pay to read
research about themselves (p. 154) and publishing communityfriendly summaries of manuscripts on platforms that the community
can easily access. Making research available in these ways is another
opportunity to mitigate power dynamics that marginalized Black
research participants and the broader Black community. It
acknowledges their rights, as co-creators of knowledge about
themselves, to not be barred from accessing that knowledge.
Conclusion
If the field of social work wants to live up to its mission to
remedy social inequities, it will need to confront its history of
excluding and marginalizing Black people, communities, culture, and
issues in research. This article presents a pathway to begin this work
through theoretical frameworks, research methodologies, and
practices that reimagine social work research in ways that include and
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center Black people, their experiences, and the matters that are
important to them. When researchers lean into lenses that do not just
observe Black people but truly see them, we open a world of research
that not only represents Black communities accurately but
collaborates with them to properly represent their complex realities
and inform social work and social justice interventions, policy, and
practice that support their wellbeing and advancement. This work will
require researchers to not only challenge the Eurocentric models that
have dominated social work for decades but investigate their own
biases, cultural competence, and motivations. Making social work
research Black requires conscious and deliberate effort to humanize
Black people, validate their expertise, amplify their voices, and
empower them to take social action for meaningful change. It is
challenging work, but it is work worth doing.
Discussion Questions:
1. Theoretical Reflections:
●
What theoretical frameworks have you considered or
used for research in the past? How might they be beneficial
or problematic for research on Black communities and
issues?
●
How do the theoretical frameworks presented in this
article challenge or affirm your positionality and your view
of research?
2. Methodological Reflection:
●
How do you think embracing qualitative research
methodologies can contribute to a more comprehensive
understanding of the Black experience compared to
quantitative approaches?
●
Can you identify any potential challenges or criticisms
associated with the community-engaged and participatory
research?
3. Diversity Within the Black Community:
●
In what ways do you believe the Black experience is
often oversimplified in traditional research paradigms? Can
you think of specific examples or instances where this
oversimplification may have occurred?
●
How might qualitative, community-engaged, and
participatory methods help in acknowledging and
representing the diversity within the Black community?
4. Unveiling Personal Biases:
●
As a researcher, how do you think your own biases
might influence the interpretation of qualitative data,
particularly when exploring the Black experience?
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●
What strategies can researchers employ to minimize
bias and ensure a more objective understanding of the lived
experiences being studied?
5. Comparative Analysis:
●
Consider a recent study or news article discussing
issues related to the Black community. How might the
findings or narrative differ if a qualitative or participatory
research approach were employed?
●
Are there aspects of the Black experience that you
believe are better suited to quantitative analysis, and if so,
why?
6. Ethical Considerations:
●
What ethical considerations should researchers keep
in mind when conducting research on the Black experience?
How can researchers ensure the dignity and privacy of
participants?
●
In what ways can the research methodologies detailed
in this article be a tool for empowering marginalized voices
rather than exploiting them?
Informed Consent
N/A
Funding
N/A
Conflict of Interest
None
Author Contribution Statements
The author solely conceptualized and conducted the study.
Ethics Approval
N/A
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