The PTI Challenge: Negotiations Are The Way Forward

1998

Handbook Series 3. The International IDEA Handbook Series aims to present information on a range of democratic institutions, procedures and issues in an easy-to-use handbook format. Handbooks are primarily aimed at policy-makers and practitioners in the field. This is an International IDEA publication. International IDEA's publications are not a reflection of any specific national or political interest. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council Members. Countries are referred to by the names that were in official use at the time the relevant data were collected. Maps represented in this publication do not imply on the part of International IDEA any judgement on the legal status of any territory or the endorsement of such boundaries, nor does the placement or size of any country or territory reflect a political view of the Institute. Maps have been created for this publication in order to add clarity to the text.

Resolving Cyprus New Approaches to Conflict Resolution (James Ker-Lindsay), 2015

Since the beginning of the Cyprus conflict there have been a number of direct and indirect negotiations between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot administrations. Even after so many years, these attempts have failed to formulate an answer that satisfies both sides. Following these, the stalemate now seems more intractable than ever before. So far, settlement and peace building negotiations in Cyprus have largely consisted of bringing the political leaders, the UN and the guarantors to the negotiating table. In essence, all efforts to reach a settlement for a sustainable, peaceful co-existence have been guided by a traditional top-down approach, i.e. the elected leaders reach decisions on behalf of their communities, and once the talks are complete, then the leaders bring them along in support of the agreements or disagreements. Over the years, there have been attempts for engaging the two communities in the process, but these have been ineffective. How does involving civil society and the wider public help with negotiations? Political leaders may sometimes be unable to adequately address the multifaceted and forever shifting relationships between the communities in conflict. With the best of intentions, negotiating behind closed doors may distort perspectives and leaders may find themselves lagging behind the changing dynamics at grass roots level. In a conflict where two communities, as well as the broader regional or international actors are involved the overall picture becomes very complex. This has always been the case for Cyprus given its geopolitical position and the long history of the conflict. It is therefore understandable that those decisions that would potentially have particularly complicated implications would need a degree of confidentiality and diplomacy and may have to remain confidential until they reach a mature point in discussions. However does this necessarily have to entail absolute secrecy until the very end of the process? Experience from other conflicts shows that broadening the dialogue to include a wider range of opinions, especially from relevant civil society groups, can loosen up negotiation deadlocks. It helps the society involved to move towards long-term social change, and builds the capability to endure a peaceful co-existence by a number of ways. Is Cypriot Civil Society however ready to take on this task? To achieve all these aims, structural reform of the peace process is needed, in order to allow a harmonious collaboration of the leaders, civil society and the wider public. South Africa and Northern Ireland provide good examples for Cyprus to learn from. After years of efforts and talks on these seemingly intractable conflicts, the leaders realised that an agreement without an inclusive process would not be sustainable. There is no doubt that many other factors contributed to the success achieved in these two conflicts; but it can be reasonably argued that inclusivity was one of the key components. Every conflict has its own unique characteristic and therefore needs its own unique solution but there are important lessons Cyprus can learn from other peace processes, which can then be tailored according to its specific needs.

2013

This book argues that it can be beneficial for the United States to talk with "evil"-that is, terrorists and other bad actors-if it uses a strategy that engages a mediator who both shares the United States' principles and is pragmatic. The project shows how the United States can make better foreign policy decisions and demonstrate its integrity for promoting democracy and human rights if it employs a mediator who facilitates disputes between international actors by moving them along a continuum of principles, as political parties act for a country's citizens. This is the first book to integrate theories of rule-of-law development with conflict resolution methods, as it examines ongoing disputes in the Middle East, North Korea, South America, and Africa (including Uganda, Sudan, Kenya, and Liberia). It uses a narrative approach, drawing on the author's experiences with The Carter Center and judicial and legal advocacy training to give the reader a sophisticated understanding of the current situation in these countries and of how a strategy of principled pragmatism will give better direction to U.S. foreign policy abroad.

2015

This report examines the Aquino administration’s efforts to end hostilities and negotiate a long-term peace agreement between the Government of the Republic of the Philippine (GRP), on the one hand, and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and CPP-NPA-NDF (CNN), on the other. The report has two central arguments. Firstly, the Aquino administration has been more invested (and successful) in pursuing peace negotiations with the MILF than the CNN. This can largely be explained by the greater compatibility of the strategic and ideological goals of the GRP and the MILF’s top leadership. Secondly, the administration has struggled to insulate the peace negotiations with the MILF from external interference/disruptions. The ongoing peace negotiations, however, have been vulnerable to sabotage by hardline elements, whether within the ranks of the negotiating parties or among other non-state actors and rebel groups opposed to peace negotiations. Meanwhile, long-running GRP-CNN negotiations...

2011

Peace negotiations between the Philippine government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) have reached an impasse. The longer the peace process drags on without the government being able to make the independence movement any substantial concessions, the greater the risk of fragmentation and radicalisation of the MILF-led insurgency in Mindanao. Many of the obstacles to a peace treaty are structural in nature however. This includes constitutional hurdles that make it practically impossible to establish a largely autonomous administrative entity for the Muslim population – the Moros – in Mindanao. These difficulties are compounded by grave deficits in the Philippine security sector that encourage the activities of private and state-backed militias. Constitutional change and security sector reforms are therefore central to ending the conflict. So far, Germany and the EU have supported the peace process primarily through development cooperation. Apart from this, they should also...

International Negotiation, 2019

This article presents four case studies in which peace was negotiated between governments and opposition political parties, and in which major armed groups involved in the conflict were excluded from some or all of the negotiations. The inclusion of opposition political parties and exclusion of some armed actors in these cases derived from the desire of mediators and some of the parties to foreground political concerns (at the expense of military considerations). Opposition political parties were able to play a role in bringing armed groups into peace settlements under some conditions, although strong international pressure and support helped to create the preconditions for this role. This evidence suggests a challenge to arguments that major armed groups must be included in peace negotiations if they are to abide by the resulting peace settlement.

Catherine Barnes is an independent consultant on conflict and human rights issues, specializing in peace processes. She holds a doctoral degree from the Centre for Conflict Analysis and Resolution and is a Conciliation Resources Programme Associate.

Turkey has been facing a number of challenges recently. The deepening polarization within the country and the growing insecurity in the neighbourhood has aggravated extant conflicts. The 15 July 2016 coup attempt has left Turkey in a state of further uncertainty, creating a conducive environment for conflicts to flourish. This report is the final product of the Post-Coup Opportunities on Conflict Resolution and Democracy Project conducted between September 2016 and May 2017 by the Istanbul Policy Center. The project aimed to examine the changing context of the post-coup period, identify the main conflicts, and offer policy recommendations for a strong, cohesive Turkey. This study argues that the shattering of the perceived strong state image and rhetoric and the importance of secularism and meritocracy in maintaining strong institutions have been the most important lessons that could be derived from the experience of the coup attempt. In this regard, it maintains that weak social cohesion and weak institutions are sources of instability and conflict and create a sound base for coup attempts. The study focused on polarization and the Kurdish question as the two main strands of possible areas of conflict in the country. These two issues have long been drivers of conflict and instability in Turkey. As such, the recent constitutional referendum held on April 16th also revealed how the resolution of these two issues would pave the way for a more stable Turkey. Solid steps towards dialogue, democratization, and coexistence are prerequisites for peace in Turkey. The referendum outcome has demonstrated that there are strong demands for democratization, and within this atmosphere steps should be taken to strengthen the culture of living together.