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Taken as a whole, in his in-depth analysis, Professor Gupta questions
the Leninist theory of "social imperialism" which suggests that a craft
union based aristocracy of Labour had led the British Working Class
into collusion with the capitalists, which in turn made the Labour
movement complicit with imperialism; the highest stage of capitalism,
Today, when orthodox academic Marxism has been replaced with a theory
incorporating the relationship between ideology, class domination and
other post-modem perspectives, this book has acquired a new relevance.
However, one small observation: even though the book has a separate
chapter on Indian crisis (Chapter 7), yet the Indian question crops up
again and again in several chapters (Chapters 2, 4, 5, 8, 9). If by way
of case study of his basic discourse, had Professot Gupta devoted a
separate chapter to the incorporation of all these disjointed sections
together, it would have been helpful to serious researchers on India and
almost a new field of enquiry would have opened before them.
The language of the book is lucid that attracts both the specialists
and lay readers; printing is almost flawless; the bibliography is
exhaustive; and a biographical index has added to the value of the book.
Historians, both of West and East, are indebted to Sage Publications for
bringing out the second edition of this invaluable work of the deceased
author with a Foreword by Christopher Bayly and a Preface by Madhavan
K. Palat after more than a quarter century of its first publication.
DEPARTt\1ENT OF HISTORY
NIRBAN BASU
CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY
BENJAMIN ZACHARIAH, Developing India: An Intellectual and Social
History, c. 1930-50 (GUP, New Delhi, 2005). Pp. xv+334. Rs 650.00.
The book under review examines the idea of 'development' in the last
two decades of colonial rule in India. This period was one of the most
crucial phases of the history of both India and the world. In India, it
was the period of transition from colonial rule to freedom and democracy,
which proceeded in the background of the Second World War and postWar reconstruction in which issues of development assumed considerable
importance. Unfortunately, while the War and political upheavals of the
period have attracted attention of many historians, the reconstruction and
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issues of development are yet to be studied properly. From this point of
view, Zachariah's book is a welcomeaddition of considerable importance.
The book examines the underlying notions of progress, selfgovernment and nation building in developmental goals in India in the
period and elaborates on the main groups of contributors to the debate
on development: the British Indian administrators, the Gandhians, and
other Indian nationalists; and through the 'ideas of 'development', larger
issues of intellectual formations under colonial rule and the problems of
transition to a post-colonial polity are also discussed. In the process, the
British imperial debates on the development of India veering round such
concepts as "benevolent imperialism", the Commonwealth and Post-War
Reconstruction come up for discussion (Chapter 3). A full chapter is
devoted to the debate on the Gandhian ideas on development (Chapter
4), followed by a chapter dealing with the idea of development prevalent
in the mainstream Indian nationalism (Chapter 5).
In Chapter 4, Zachariah has brought into light the British thinking
on the subject in great detail, referring to many of the sources little
tapped in India. He has done an equally admirable job in Chapter 5, by
reflecting on a variety of currents of thoughts revolving around the postWar development, which are yet to be examined and analysed by
professional historians. By calling to 'the stage personalities like
Jayaprakash Narayan, J.C. Kumarappa, Ram Manohar Lohia, 'Minoo
Masani and John Mathai along with Jawaharlal Nehru, Zachariah has
filled in many gaps in the narrative on the national thinking. In order
to draw a fuller picture of the ideas and developments, he has also
referred to some others from rather remote past, such as Brajendranath
Seal and P.C. Ray and the lesser known people like A.K. Shaha. In the
process, the author bas uncovered many layers of ideas and notions
concerning development and has gone into their finer details in different
perspectives with the help of new sources that open up avenues for further
research. What has come out as a result is an intellectual history of the
period.
In view of the volume of research put into this work and the wide
range of sources consulted, certain lapses and oversights call for attention.
To begin with, this is a very complex historical study. The historical
and social forces may have complex relations with each other, but their
study too should be equally complex goes beyond comprehension. Know
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245
the book by its blurb is an appropriate introduction to this work. The
blurb is decorated with an intricate labyrinth of design-too complex to
comprehend for a common reader. And if not careful one is likely to
misread the title below this jigsaw puzzle. The 'Contents' give little
clue to what is going to be discussed' in the main text. Enter the pages,
and words and ideas challenge you for a hurdle race through a knotty
and utterly involved narrative that is .sure to fail most of the readers
.
before it is completed.
The author has examined the idea of development and not its actual
course, as if the two do not have any mutual relation. Of course, he has
very closely examined the concept and has, in fact, entered into so many
layers of it that the main theme is often lost for the reader. The confusion
and contradictions in the Indian opinion on development have been laid
bare; but one is surprised as to why he has chosen to be brief and hurried
when examining. the colonial policy and practice in this regard.
Intriguingly, the author does not seem to have taken note of the much
focussed writings on the subject from India. Going through the book,
one is reminded of Anil Seal's writings.
While discussing the trends in India, Gandhi is rightly taken up
seriously as a representative of the Indian opinion on development and
his Hind Swaraj is referred to; but Zachariah stops short of the point
where Gandhi grapples with the core issues of development and their
political and economic ramifications in relation to colonial rule and
Western civilization. Instead, the author moves to Gandhi's followers
who could not, obviously, match the Mahatma. Gandhi is skipped over
apparently on account of his marginalization in the Indian politics after
1920s; but what about his influence on the society· at large? The people
who grew up through this period would vouch for Mahatma's deep
influence on the Indian life and psyche until his death and thereafter.
So, his ideas expressed in the Hind Swaraj and elsewhere subsequently
still held ground in the period of this study and deserved to be. treated
as such. The influence and emphasis of Gandhi and many of his
contemporaries can be well deciphered in the choice of words for
progress. Instead of 'development' (essentially a Western construct
connoting material progress), most Indians used 'Reconstruction' and
'National Reconstruction' (aiming at all-round progress-material and
moral), which presumed the existence of such a progress before the
British rule, hence its rehabilitation. In this context, the author would
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The Indian Historical Review
have done well to visit Madan Mohan Malaviya's famous dissenting
note submitted to the Indian Industrial Commission (1916-1918), besides
Gandhi's other writings, of course.
Likewise, the National Planning Committee (NPC) and influence of
socialism in the context of development in India fail to receive adequate
attention. Socialism had had its influence in India by the mid-1930s;
and many Indians visualized in it great hopes for India, so much so that
some of the major components of socialism-planning and
industrialization-were welcomed as tools for material progress even by
those who averred socialism, the best example being M. Visvesvaraya.
Within the Congress, a group of socialists emerged fast and some of its
stalwarts like Subhas Chandra Bose and Jawaharlal Nehru visualized in
socialism and science a panacea for India's problems. People from other
walks of life, like the noted scientist M.N. Saha, joined them soon. These
leaders and scores of others met at the NPC to plan for India's
reconstruction with the help of modem science and technology that was
to be executed after Independence. The colonial authorities did not like
the move and sympathized with the Bombay Plan for obvious reasons.
The same story has been repeated by the author in this book as he prefers
a more elaborate discussion on the Bombay Plan. We need not forget
that the NPC was a unique event embodying a far wider national opinion
and futuristic in many ways. Going by its original purpose, its value lay
in its vision, the ultimate goals and the magnitude of endeavour involved
in it, and not in its immediate, material gains. As such it deserved a
more focussed and an elaborate treatment. In spite of the dilution in its
socialist spirit and its revolutionary vision, the NPC after all did offer
a blueprint for the national reconstruction under the Five-Year Plans after
Independence, whereas the Bombay Plan could not achieve anything
significant in spite of the colonial sympathy with it.
While the author has taken note of many British authorities
individually, his glossing over M.N. Saha and his likes is conspicuous.
It will be unfair to forget Saha while discussing planning and
development in India. He had a profound vision of development based
on science, humanism and universal welfare; and in his exalted moments
he spoke as the leader of the downtrodden and deprived of the
underprivileged world and called for the reconstruction not only of India
but the whole world.
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247
At a more general level, the author's complex expression and diction
are another problem. His ideas and expressions are tangled and involved
and often detracting. The text is full of long sentences (running up to
ten lines, as on pp. 3, 10) and repetitive words and phrases ('protagonist'
on p, 2; 'fora' on pp. 8, 58). The tailor-made words and colloquialism
('fora', 'LSE') further make the reading difficult and exasperating. 'I
argue', appearing every now and then, sounds like a sacred sermon before
a lay audience. The copy editor appears to have been so awed by this
'unusual' work (see the jacket) that he did not consider it necessary to
edit the manuscript.
This is, however, not to suggest that the book is not of any worth.
Indeed, it is a labour of love. The research that has gone into writing
it is impressive, the angles of inquiry are variegated and insightful, and
the bibliography is rich. No doubt, it is a valuable work for prospective
researchers on the subject.
RAJDHANI COLLEGE
JAGDISH
N.
SINHA
UNIVERSITY OF DELHI
REKHA SAXENA, Situating Federalism: Mechanisms of Intergovernmental
Relations in Canada and India (Manohar, New Delhi, 2006). Pp. 356.
Rs 795.00.
Writing way back in 1950s, Morris-Jones wrote that Indian Constitution
contained the elements of cooperative federalism, that is, robust centre
with robust states. Though initially described as quasi-federal, India has
moved to a new interesting terrain of intergovernmental relations where
regional parties are playing decisive and effective role in national politics,
independent judiciary with pro-state reviewing power is no more a
textbook feature of Indian federalism and state rights are no more derided
as centrifugal tendency. Federalism and democracy are inextricably linked
to each other. As democracy deepened with encompassing the groups on
periphery like dalits and OBCs, federalism also penetrated deeper, After
constitutional status, Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) and municipalities
as 'institutions' of self-government have added a new dimension to the
fascinating federal spirit in the Indian statecraft existing from ancient
days without being disturbed by the rise of even vast empires like
Mauryan, Mughal, etc.