INTRODUCTION
11
REVOLUTIONS IN SCIENCE AND THE ROLE
OF SOCIAL SCIENCE LIBRARIES
Steven W. Witt
The moment for grand-scale organizational transformation is approaching (Wallerstein, 1991)
Real problems of society do not come
in discipline shaped blocks (Roy, 1979)
INTRODUCTION:
THE ROLE OF SOCIAL SCIENCE LIBRARIES IN FOSTERING
RESEARCH COMMUNITIES
Libraries and information services have always been closely intertwined with
the social structures that facilitate research and knowledge production. By their
nature, libraries serve broader organizational or cultural missions and thus must
in some manner simultaneously reflect the logic of the structures in which they
are embedded while anticipating future needs and imperatives. Social science
libraries, whether they exist within a strictly academic setting or support research and dissemination in any number of specialized governmental or corporate settings are not exempt from maintaining such a balance. In a non-complex
world, where problems remain the same and organizational structures are neither fluid nor permeable, collections, services, and the notion of a user community is straightforward. Knowledge production and the structures of inquiry
that social science libraries support, however, are by their nature complex and
ever changing.
This complexity is evidenced by the growth of new fields of scholarship and
research that libraries and librarians within the social sciences are called upon
to support. How does one develop the parameters for building a collection to
support Sustainability Research? In what department will one find students and
researchers involved in Refugee Studies? How does a librarian effectively disseminate information and data from the multiple fields that conspire to inform
Global Studies research?1
This continued growth of interdisciplinarity and problem centered research
that both challenges and draws upon the strengths of academic structures presents social science libraries with new opportunities to develop structures for
collection building, services, and the organization of knowledge that don’t
simply reinforce or mirror institutional structures as they are currently codified
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Steven W. Witt
in the academic world. If libraries and professional practices are truly going to
reflect the nature of the knowledge production they support, then one of the areas of increased focus needs to be changes within the paradigms of science and
the logic of the paradigms themselves. As Kuhn notes, “one central aspect of
any revolution [in science] is that some of the similarity relations change. Objects that were grouped in the same set before are grouped in different ones afterward and vice versa” (Kuhn, 1996, p. 200). In order to remain relevant to the
organizations and scholars that libraries support, librarians need to be able to
map and anticipate new interdisciplinary or problem focused research communities. This will allow libraries to not only support critical new areas and forms
of research but to also challenge the logic of organizational structures and facilitate the paradigmatic shifts central to problem solving and knowledge production.
Through an exploration of interdisciplinarity and transdisciplinarity, this
chapter provides suggestions for ways in which social science libraries can better map and anticipate new interdisciplinary or problem focused research
communities in order to serve the needs of researchers and aid in dissemination
of knowledge to new groups.
DISCIPLINARITY, INTERDISCIPLINARITY, AND COMPLEX
PROBLEM SOLVING
Readings on disciplinarity suggest that disciplines focus research within a single paradigm, while paradoxically striving to expand their authority and domain. This complicates the use of disciplines as the unit of analysis for mapping research communities and developing services to support them. These difficulties are made clear through a review of literature on disciplinarity and interdisciplinarty.
Traditionally, science and inquiry within the academic disciplines are focused on small or esoteric problems in order to “investigate some part of nature
in detail and depth that would otherwise be unimaginable” (Kuhn, 1996, p. 24).
This rationale forms the basis for disciplinary thinking and drives the organization of scientific communities into disciplines. As Kuhn and others note, these
structures serve a valuable function in maintaining the preconditions for research, which includes structures to ensure funding, dissemination, and the
training of new scholars to continue work within the discipline. Without the
shared knowledge, rigor, and avenues that disciplines provide to support and
disseminate research, it is impossible to imagine the explosion of knowledge
that humans have experienced in the past century.
As organizations, however, disciplines are also inclined to support and serve
the social structures from which research communities emerge. This social
layer creates an added level of complexity through which the logic of discipli-
Revolutions in Science and the Role of Social Science Libraries
13
nary objectives has the power to supplant the problem that originally informed
the discipline. As Salter and Hearn note, disciplines also serve as registers
which dictate “the manner in which information is understood, arguments are
marshaled, and issues are discussed” (1997, p. 23). These disciplinary registers
are characterized by a dominant set of methods or a paradigm; institutional
recognition through departments, conferences and journals; a self-identified
community; and methods of disciplining community members (Salter and
Hearn, 1997).
Others take a more provocative approach to disciplinary behavior and its
impact on knowledge production. Gieryn characterizes disciplines as protecting
their boundaries from both inside and outside of the academy by expanding
their domains of authority, monopolizing knowledge and resources, and protecting its members from external scrutiny (1983). Damrosch uses of the metaphor of free market competition among nation states to depict disciplines in a
state of constant competition for ideas, eroding the sense of communities of inquiry and fostering greater divides amongst the disciplines (1995).
Although the disciplines have erected strong mechanisms of control to sustain work in a problem area, scientific inquiry lays the foundation for disciplinary change. Klein attributes this constant state of change to six drivers of
permeation:
1. the epistemological structure of a particular discipline
2. relations with neighboring disciplines
3. the pull of powerful or fashionable new tools, methods, concepts, and
theories
4. the pull of problem-solving over strictly disciplinary focus
5. the complexifying of disciplinary research
6. redefinitions of what is considered intrinsic and extrinsic to discipline
(Klein, 1993, p. 187).
Klein’s analysis of the permeation of disciplines highlights the paradoxical role
that the disciplines play in creating increasingly miniscule research problems
and their accompanying new disciplines while simultaneously fostering more
cross-disciplinary exchange through the drawing of new borders to be protected and crossed. The nature of disciplines as described by Klein and others
suggests an internal structural weakness that has the potential to inhibit work
on complex problems that do not fit within one domain. As Roy notes in his
plea to develop permanent interdisciplinary units on campuses dedicated to social problems, “real problems of society do not come in discipline-shaped
blocks” (1979, p. 165).
Research on interdisciplinarity focuses largely on knowledge production and
organization as it occurs outside of the traditional disciplines. As alluded to by
Roy, interdisciplinarity is often seen as the optimal approach for fostering research that draws from the knowledge produced by disciplines to focus upon
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Steven W. Witt
societal problems such as climate change, health, and food security. This
makes understanding interdisciplinary practices and scholarly communications
a key ingredient to learning more about how research problems and communities evolve.
Salter and Hearn (1997) provide a good map of interdisciplinarity as it is
practiced and viewed by its practitioners. These are broken down into three
forms: an instrumental view of knowledge, new synthesis of knowledge, and
critical interdisciplinarity. The instrumental view of knowledge is problem centered and responds to external demands. This represents research and structures
such as thematic research centers advocated by Roy, which don’t challenge existing paradigms and draw upon disciplines for expertise. New synthesis of
knowledge challenges existing structures by developing novel conceptual
frameworks and methodologies, leading to a new discipline. Critical interdisciplinarity views both as trapped within the logic of disciplinarity and operating under disciplinary control mechanisms when classifying and categorizing
interdisciplinary work.
Woven through these three types of interdisciplinarity is the core of scientific inquiry: problem solving. Much of the research on interdisciplinarity focuses on the role of interdisciplinary research in addressing problems that exist
beyond the confines of Kuhn’s “Normal Science.” Mote’s research on the information needs of scientists paves the way for understanding interdisciplinary
research as a means to solve complex problems that fall outside the limits of a
single subject. Mote identifies three groups of scientists, each working within
wider and increasingly variable subject areas, arriving at the third group,
through which information must be synthesized from a non-organized literature
that relies upon more than one specialist literature (1962, p. 171). Although
Mote does not address interdisciplinarity directly, he concludes that these researchers need more informational support and thus require more resources by
virtue of their existence outside the disciplinary support structures that sustain
the organization of literature and research.
As reported by Klein, research on interdisciplinary and knowledge production later yields conclusions similar to Mote’s. Reynolds’ three types of problems overlap with Mote’s while adding “problems of the third kind”, which are
“generated increasingly by society . . . and [call for] policy-action results [or] a
technicological quick fix (Reynolds in Klien, 1999, p.13). These paradigms of
interdisciplinarity fall within the traditional social framework of science
through which interdisciplinary work is carried out amongst the disciplines.
Gibbons, however, articulates a level of research that is abstracted one level
further from what might be seen as traditional interdisciplinarity. Often characterized as transdisciplinarity, Mode 2 knowledge production again mirrors
Mote and Reynolds yet adds another layer of complexity by theorizing upon a
means of knowledge production that not only focuses on problems driven by
social need but also includes the emergence of new non-university/non-
Revolutions in Science and the Role of Social Science Libraries
15
disciplinary actors in identifying problems, finding solutions, and articulating
research based policy (Gibbons et al, 1994; 2006). This new research paradigm
represents a shift away from disciplinarirty and even interdisciplinarity by
breaking down traditional boundaries between science and society and creating
new configurations of research and accountability that even moves beyond the
university-corporate-government structure (Etkozwitz, 2007).
PROBLEM SOLVING RESEARCH
Research on complex social problems falls within much of what is described as
Mode 2 (M2) knowledge production. In the social sciences, the emerging academic area known as Global Studies is an example of scholarly activity that
shares many M2 qualities. Global Studies attempts to marshal research, teaching, and even advocacy around global social problems ranging from climate
change, human security, sustainable development, and role of the rule of law in
governing at a global level. Global Studies often uses the world’s population or
the phenomena of globalization as a unit of analysis through which to either
understand the global dimensions of a problem or determine a means through
which a global society is conspiring to develop a solution. Often this is carried
out explicitly to inform or advocate for a social outcome or policy position. For
example, a topic such as the viability of biofuel production as a replacement for
fossil fuels in the context of “global studies” would rely upon the synthesis of
knowledge from chemical engineering, agricultural economics, sociology, anthropology, political economics, and area studies. Research methods might
combine the use of large data sets for econometric analysis on the real cost of
production with deep case studies that document the societal and cultural effects of the displacement of rural economies and traditional food sources. The
results of such research might be policy advice on how to best implement technologies taking into account the transnational impact on culture and economies
in regions that are seemingly removed from the technical, scientific, problem.
Research of this type has all of the hallmarks of the M2 paradigm; Global Studies knowledge discovery is trans-disciplinary, oriented to the solution of an applied problem, distributed across academic and non-academic research communities, and subject to use and analysis by actors from multiple disciplines
and organizational settings (Gibbons, 1994).
Given our knowledge of disciplinarity and interdisciplinarity, research of
emerging scholarly fields such as Global Studies are of potential merit for examining empirically the organization of communities and knowledge within the M2
framework in order to better understand the broader implications of this kind of
research on the library collections, services, and the organization of knowledge.
Problem based research areas such as Global Studies share few qualities
with a traditional discipline. These fields of inquiry do not focus on a discrete
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Steven W. Witt
or small problem or domain of knowledge, but rather on solutions to problems
that encompass other broad domains such as the global population as a whole.
There may also be no faculty trained in the area and few structures that yield
disciplinary identity or allegiance; journals may be few and degree programs
only emergent if existent at all.
As interdisciplinary fields, these problem centered areas would fall within
both the instrumental view of knowledge and a critical, transdisciplinary perspective. Research relies upon borrowed methodologies and synthesis from
large domains of knowledge. Many also fall into Klien’s category of exogenous
interdisciplinary knowledge since research problems are created by the real societal problems (1996). This suggests that many of these new areas trend toward
the transdisciplinarity that Gibbons attributed to M2 knowledge production.
The methods and disciplines used in any given problem may vary depending
on the problem and the way in which the question is framed. Looking at climate change, one may focus on global governance issues that arise from multicountry talks, another may look at global governance from the perspective of
the power of civil society to affect policy, and another may focus on variants
by which agricultural communities respond to global warming. Each is attempting to answer the question of how humans as a global society respond to
climate change.
Research in these domains also tends to be socially distributed. The research
community may include multiple institutional, national, and organizational actors that reside within and without the traditional academic based scientific
community. This broad network from which to draw and communicate places
the mechanisms of control outside of the disciplines and creates the potential
for a dynamic system of accountability.
The complexity presented by M2 knowledge production oblige us to re-think
how collections are developed and to whom services are focused, requiring
new methods of identifying and conceiving users and knowledge organization.
RE-GROUPING PROBLEM BASED DISCIPLINES
The characteristics of transdisciplinary research presents problems in mapping
and measuring its research communities. Identifying these communities relies
less upon mapping disciplinary structures or institutional practices and more on
mapping and exploring the “self-organized ecologies” or “individual constituencies” that emerge around complex problems (Van Raan, 2000; Palmer,
2001). Our knowledge of the difficulties that scholars have in importing and
exporting information between scholarly communities also creates a paradoxical situation (Palmer, 2001, p. 125). How does one identify, measure, and analyze an inter/trans-disciplinary group that is not self-identified and operates at
an organizational disadvantage? How do libraries justify funds, provide ser-
Revolutions in Science and the Role of Social Science Libraries
17
vices, develop collections, or even identify users in a research community that
only exists marginally when viewed through the traditional disciplinary structures? The first step is to map or re-organize research groups to form interdisciplinary or transdisciplinary communities.
Van Raan describes three analytical approaches to studying interdisciplinarity. These include the “research activity profile”, which focuses on a group or
institute to break activities down into subfields; “the research influence profile”, which focuses on works that cite a research group / institute; and “the
construction of bibliographic maps”, which rely upon co-currance analysis to
identify structural relations to expose “self-organized ecologies” (2000).
The use of purely bibliometric tools to analyze social connections within research communities points back to Small and Griffith’ s work in 1974 to identify academic specialties that constitute disciplinary subfields. Small and Griffith’s approach is still employed to cluster research specialties and applicable
to learning more about the nature of M2 research.
Schummer’s research on patterns of research in nanotechnology, provides
various rationales and descriptions of four bibliometric approaches, which include co-currance, co-classification, journal classification analysis, and citation
analysis (2003). He concludes that the use of co-author, a type of co-currance
analysis, allows one to map geographical, organizational, and disciplinary affiliations to “understand interdisciplinarity as a combined cognitive and social
phenomena,” which is important in ambiguous fields. Similar uses of co-author
analysis are used to identify and visualize M2 research groups (PerianesRodriguez et al, 2009).
In each of these instances co-author analysis is used to reveal social linkages
among scholars across disciplines, organizations and regions. Although technically different, this method is similar conceptually to Crane’s approach to invisible colleges. Like Schummer, Crane uses individual linkages to draw social
circles around groups of scholars connected across institutions and to some extent disciplines (1972).
Several articles in the May 2006 issue of Entrepreneurship Theory and
Practice use co-citation analysis to overcome what is perceived by scholars as
fragmentation of this research community and estimate the levels of convergence in research to determine whether the field is evolving into a scholarly
discipline (Grégoire et al, 2006; Schildt & Zahra, 2006). This research, however, focuses largely on the use of bibliometrics to measure disciplinarity rather
than the social phenomena the surrounds knowledge production around the
problem of entrepreneurship.
Schwechheimer and Winterhager analyze the problem areas of climate research and retrograde amnesia in two studies that use keywords to cluster cocited publications in order to expose new research fronts or “highly dynamic
specialties,” following directly the work of Small and Griffith yet applying it to
M2 problems (1999; 2001).
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Steven W. Witt
Heimeriks et al employ an elegant yet complex three tiered approach to
studying the network and social dynamics of research areas, such as artificial
intelligence and biotechnology, that are “characterized by heterogeneous collaborations between different actors, and by heterogeneous communications
using an increasing number of different media.” Their methodology begins by
building a journal-journal citation matrix based upon a key journal in the area
to help represent the nodes, relations, and content within the field of research.
Employing co-citation analysis and co-word analysis, content areas, organizational representation, and virtual linkages are then mapped to show how
different organizations play the role of users, producers, suppliers and drivers
of research in various networks that exist across sectors and countries (2003).
This research provides a powerful model to consider, yet relies heavily upon
quantitative analysis, missing opportunities to triangulate and deepen their
understanding of the social dynamics and motivating factors driving this research.
The range of bibliographic or scientiographic methods employed to graph
M2 knowledge production and their social milieu, allows for several routes to
explore research on complex social issues. Each of the noted methods, with the
exception of Crane, use almost exclusively quantitative methods to expose the
social and organizational dynamic of the problems on which they focus. Studies such as these provide a framework from which to begin rationalizing collection strategies, developing bibliographies, or even identifying research communities to which target information dissemination.
CONCLUSION
Continuing to develop our understanding of interdisciplinarity and the manner
by which new research communities emerge is the first step in facing the challenges that new and emerging research problems and disciplines pose to libraries and services. As Palmer notes, it is also essential to learn more about how
information is used in the context of problem based research (1996). To do this
librarians need to insinuate themselves into research communities to gain access to research groups as they emerge and work within these communities to
develop the resources, data, and services to support new modes of inquiry and
research on complex problems that reside outside of the disciplines.2 By doing
this, “librarians can provide essential boundary services . . . by actively disseminating work across domains and helping to link scientists to others who
have complementary expertise.” (Palmer, 1996, p. 186).
Providing boundary services embeds librarians into the research process and
reinforces the role of librarians as an intermediary of knowledge. It also enables librarians support what Wallerstein characterizes as “a social science that
feels comfortable with the uncertainties of transition” (2001, p. 256). In essence,
Revolutions in Science and the Role of Social Science Libraries
19
it positions social science libraries to participate in the process of organizational and structural change rather than reacting to or inhibiting it.
NOTES
1. For research on interdisciplinary collection development and services see:
Wilson, M. C., & Edelman, H. (1996). Collection development in an interdisciplinary context. The Journal of Academic Librarianship, 22(3), 195200; Searing, S. E. (1996). Meeting the Information Needs of Interdisciplinary Scholars: Issues for Administrators of Large University Libraries. Library Trends, 45(2), 315-42; and Dobson, C., Kushkowski, J. D., &
Gerhard, K. H. (1996). Collection evaluation for interdisciplinary fields: A
comprehensive approach. The Journal of Academic Librarianship, 22(4),
279-284.
2. See chapters throughout this volume on disciplinarity and organizational
shifts, data services, and social networks that explore further case studies
and analysis of library programs that attempt to these knowledge organization and dissemination needs that social science libraries can address.
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BIOGRAPHICAL STATEMENT
Steven W. Witt is the Associate Director of the Center for Global Studies at the
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign and member of the Governing
Board of the International Federation of Library Associations.