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2024, Tiara Estafania
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14 pages
1 file
Zulva Zuhairoh, 2024
The gabarband tradition of water management is an unsurpassed marvel of the story of a civilization. This penchant for water management finds expression in water reservoirs, drainage and sewerage systems of Sarasvati-Sindhu Civilization, dated to ca. 3000 BCE. See: Possehl, Gregory L., 1975. The chronology of gabarbands and palas in western South Asia. Expedition 17 (2): 33-37. A corollary to the gabarband water management tradition of the civilization is the drainage and sanitation system of unparalleled sophistication and hydrological initiatives evidenced in sites such as Mohenjo-daro, Dholavira, Lothal. Indus Script hieroglyph, Sign 194: koḍa 'sluice'; Rebus: koḍ 'artisan's workshop' (Kuwi). A hieroglyph Sign 194 signifies a water sluice. An overview of the sites of the civilization clearly indicates navigable waterways of Sindhu and Sarasvati rivers for ancient maritime tin-bronze trade across long distances from Ancient Far East to Ancient Near East. On these rivers water management systems, including gabarbands, were constructed. Gabarband of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization A remarkable article by Robert L. Raikes in the Anthropologist (1961) is appended. https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1525/aa.1961.63.2.02a00020 The prehistoric climate of Baluchisthan and the Indus Valley by Robert L.Raikes (1961). This article highlights the importance of a unique hydrological irrigation system called gabarband. This gabarband system is a precursor to the Grand stone anicut of Kallanai on Kaveri river 2000 years' old which created a stone anicut to create the Kollidam river diverting the surplus waters of Kaveri and brought an additional 5 acres of land under cultivation in the delta region. [quote] Aurel Stein and others have discovered dams built across the mountain streams in Baluchistan estimated to have been built during neolithic-calcholithic period for irrigation of lands. Wheeler also mentioned the existence of such dams in Baluchistan which are known locally as gabarband. These had been strongly built by stone rubble, even up to height of 10 to 15 feet, to hold sufficient silt and water.[Sir Mortimer Wheeler, The Indus Civilization, Cambridge University Press, 1968, Third Edition, pp.10-11.] Walter A. Fairservis also mentioned such evidence of dams in Las Bela discovered near an Amri site on the Upper Hab River that were built to catch the small annual overflow from the surrounding mountains and by storing it to render it available to normally arid silt tracts which the position of the site indicates were cultivated.[Walter A. Fairservis, “The Harappan Civilization – New Evidence and More Theory,” in, American Museum Novitates, Published by the American Museum of Natural History, New York, No. 2055, 1961, p. 5. ] He also refers to the presence of bund agriculture in southwest Sind mentioned by O.H.K. Spate and earlier by the residents of a Harappan village on the edge of the Malir oasis. All these evidences indicate that these dams were constructed as a rather desperate attempt to store the available water from small rivers and utilize for agriculture. Such bund or dam based agriculture was not unknown in the ancient world as mentioned by some authors. R.S. Bisht has also mentioned the existence of dams at three places that were raised across the Manhar and at two places across the Mansar, both the storm water runnels were embraced the site Dholavira.[ R.S. Bisht, “Dholavira and Banawali: Two Different Paradigms of the Harappan Urbis Forma,” in, Puratattva, No. 29, 1999, pp. 26-28.] The purpose of damming was to harvest water for filling the reservoir in the urban site of Dholavira. At Mehrgarh although no dam was reported, it is mentioned that there is possible evidence for the construction of irrigation ditches, which may have been helpful to agricultural intensification and, eventually population growth.[Jonathan Mark Kenoyer, “Households and Neighborhoods of the Indus Tradition: An Overview,” in, eds, Bradley J. Parker and Catherine P. Foster, New Perspectives on Household Archaeology, Eisenbrauns, Indiana, 2012, p. 381.] C. Benveniste and L. Renou first mentioned Vṛitra from purely philological consideration to mean “obstacle,” “barrage,” or “bloquage,” not a demon, with which D.D. Kosambi also agreed. [Damodar Dharmanand Kosambi, An Introduction to the Study of Indian History, Popular Prakashan, Bombay, First Published 1956, Revised Second Edition 1975, Reprinted 1985, pp. 74, 75.] Kosambi had the same view that Indra’s breaking up dams is related to the breaking of prehistoric dams, called “Gebr-band” and are still found on many water-courses in the western parts of this region. M.K. Dhavalikar mentions the connection on gabarbands to the Vṛitra whom Indra slew, burst the cloud, broke the strongholds and drove the floods.[M.K. Dhavalikar, The Aryans: Myth and Archaeology, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, 2007, pp. 100,101.] He mentions “This interpretation is more plausible because it prevents the water flowing down where the Aryans were living in the Indus plains.” On this ground it can be suggested that artificial irrigation based on building dams on rivers was employed in the Indus Civilization to increase the agricultural production which was essential for the subsistence of the huge number of the people living in the Indus-Saraswati Valley in so many settlements distributed throughout the vast region. Till now there is no intensive study conducted on the river based irrigation system of the Harappan people which is related to the subsistence agriculture. It can be assumed that the Harappan people built dams on the rivers to impound water and then sent them to distant places through cannels to irrigate agricultural lands. It can also be surmised that there were sluicegates at the dams to control the river waters as required for the irrigation purpose to distribute water to different communities of people. Sluicegates were not unknown to the Harappan people as its existence is mentioned from dockyard of Lothal where there was an arrangement of sliding wooden door in the recesses of the spill-way to control water level at the dock[S.R. Rao, (1979), Lothal: A Harappan Port Town (1955-62), Volume I, Published by the Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi, 1979, p.126.] and the wooden sluicegate or grill at the drains of Harappa[Jonathan Mark Kenoyer, Ancient Cities of the Indus Valley Civilization, 1998, p. 61]. The water management for the irrigation system was solely controlled by the Harappan state, which was a very sensitive task and requires some kind of control and authority over the whole population living under its jurisdiction[unquote] https://www.ongshumali.com/en/decline-of-indus-civilization-and-vedic-upheaval-chapter-4/ Lothal: Sanitary drainage at the acropolis "The most unique aspect of planning during the Indus Valley civilization was the system of underground drainage. The main sewer, 1.5 meters deep and 91 cm across, connected to many north-south and east-west sewers. It was made from bricks smoothened and joined together seamlessly. The expert masonry kept the sewer watertight. Drops at regular intervals acted like an automatic cleaning device. A wooden screen at the end of the drains held back solid wastes. Liquids entered a cess poll made of radial bricks. Tunnels carried the waste liquids to the main channel connecting the dockyard with the river estuary. Commoner houses had baths and drains that emptied into underground soakage jars." (Dinesh Shukla) An elaborate sanitary and drainage system, a hallmark of ancient Indus cities, is in evidence everywhere at Lothal. "The proximity of the seat of power to the warehouse may have ensured that the ruler and his entourage could inspect stocks easily. An ivory workshop in the acropolis suggests that elephants may have been domesticated to produce the raw material." (Dinesh Shukla) https://www.harappa.com/category/slide-subject/sanitation Near the warehouse, also on a high plinth, is the upper town or acropolis which spans 128 by 61 meters and has extensive drainage systems. This bathing area in Harappa today is identical to ancient bathing areas. Many of the buildings at Mohenjo-daro had two or more stories. Water from the roof and upper storey bathrooms was carried through enclosed terracotta pipes or open chutes that emptied out onto the street, such as this one on a house in DK-G Area. (See a modern example of this type of open drain chute in Slide 100). harappa.com In the modern town of Harappa, a covered drain built along the outside of a house takes sewage water from a second storey latrine and bathroom to the street level drain without splashing people passing by on the street. A bathing platform in UM area with blocked up doorway leading into the room. The brick floor was made with carefully fitted flat paved bricks and a smaller catchment drain along the side of the platform. A small step was placed at one side of the platform, and a ledge of finely fitted bricks protected the base of the wall.
"ZVAN DA VDENE FVRLANO. Giovanni da Udine tra Raffaello e Michelangelo" - catalogo della mostra (Castello di Udine), a cura di L. Cargnelutti e C. Furlan; Udine 2020, 2020
2020
The aim of this article is to examine further the concept of collaboration in genocide and mass killings through the case study of anti-communist mass killings in Indonesia in 1965–66. High degree of civilian involvement in the killings has misled to a conclusion that the state (in this case, the Indonesian army) did not have a significant role in the killings. The Indonesian state and some scholars interpret the violence as a result of horizontal conflict between the communists and religious or nationalist groups; or violence that could not be generated an overarching pattern, because in some areas the army took the lead, while in other areas, it was the civilians. This article examines the killings in East Java, one of the provinces with a high death toll. Previous studies in this province conclude that civilians were dominant in taking actions against the communists and leftists. However, this does not mean that the army did not have a significant role in the violence. Through the analysis of the newly-accessed East Java military (Kodam V Brawijaya) archives collection, this article will show that although mass killings were executed by civilians in early October 1965 in East Java, they became coordinated and systematic under the military command since mid-October 1965. Readings on the archives strongly show that the military structurally facilitated the violence, while on the other hand, civilians collaborate with the military to remove Indonesian leftists. The collaboration in East Java shows a structurally coordinated move to persecute the communists.
2010
Differential scanning calorimetry in combination with atomic force microscopy is used to examine the phase separation of a blended nematic liquid crystalline electron-donor and crystalline perylene electronacceptor mixture. Separate domains of donor and acceptor material are mostly retained in the blend, although a small proportion of the acceptor, increasing with increasing donor concentration, is mixed in with the donor domains. Annealing in the nematic phase allows the donor and acceptor molecules to move and generate phase-separated domains of the required size, thus enhancing the performance of bulk heterojunction photovoltaic devices based on these blends. We show that the optimum annealing temperature can be controlled by manipulation of the temperature range of the nematic phase of the donor.
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