Deregulation and
Air Travel Safety
Richard B. McKenzie and William
F.
Shughart II
THE
RECENT RASH of blown jet engines, near
misses, and airliner crashes has raised
fears that airline deregulation has caused
a deterioration in airline safety. Policy makers
and the public are being told that the nation's
airline system is not working now, and that it did
work under economic regulation. Critics say the
airlines need to be reregulated to protect the
public from airline moguls who are guided only
by the profit motive. Proponents of continued reliance on market forces respond to these charges
with definitive statements that safety has not
been impaired by deregulation, citing as evidence the steady decline in the airline death rate
(deaths per billion passenger-miles).
The facts of airline safety are not as readily
apparent as either side might presume. It is a fact
that the airline death rate has fallen since 1978,
the year of deregulation. This should be heartening news to air travelers who may have thought
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that the skies were getting less friendly. However, the death rate has been trending downward
since the earliest years of commercial aviation. A
crucial question remains: Has deregulation materially affected-either positively or negatively-the downward trend in the airline death
rate? This is the question addressed in our
research.
Our initial expectation was that the deregulation of airline ticket prices and entry would
adversely affect air safety. That is, after adjusting
for other factors affecting safety, airline deregulation would increase the number of fatalities.
This expectation has not been supported by our
empirical work. Based on a study of fatalities on
all regularly scheduled domestic passenger
flights in the period 1972 through 1986, we find
no evidence that deregulation has caused a deterioration in air travel safety, as measured by
the number or the rate of fatalities. While we do
find some tentative evidence that deregulation
Richard B. McKenzie is professor of economics at has increased the number of reported near
Clernson University. William F. Shughart II is asso- misses, it is unclear whether we have merely isociate professor of economics and research associate lated an increase in reports of near misses. There
at the Center for Study of Public Choice, George is no indication that deregulation has increased
Mason University.
the rate of near misses.
42
REGULATION, 1987 NOS. 3/4
DEREGULATION AND AIR TRAVEL SAFETY
Reprinted by permission of United Feature Syndicate, Inc.
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Throughout this period of rapid expansion in air
travel, the number of airline fatalities trended
downward. As illustrated in Figure 1, air-travel
deaths ranged from a high of 460 in 1974 to a low
of 7 in 1986. The peaks in the data reflect the
cad
Air Fatalities and Near Misses
bUp
Over the past 10 to 15 years, air travel has grown
remarkably in the number and size of planes, the
number of passengers carried, and passengermiles flown. Whereas in 1978 there were just 39
domestic and international air carriers in the
United States, by 1986 there were 98. Between
1972 and 1986 the number of (fixed-wing) planes
in service increased more than 60 percent, the
average number of seats per plane grew by
nearly 30 percent, and the total number of seats
jumped by approximately 110 percent. Over the
same period the number of passenger-miles
flown by domestic carriers increased from just
over 144 billion passenger-miles to 366 billion.
This is illustrated in Figure 1.
bunching of deaths that occurs with crashes of
large planes (for example, the Chicago crash of
1979 and the New Orleans crash of 1982). The
average number of air-travel fatalities per billion
passenger-miles fell sharply-from 1.19 in the
period 1972 to 1978 to 0.48 in 1979 to 1986. This
is illustrated in Figure 2.
While air fatality rates were generally improving, the situation with near misses was
mixed. Without adjusting for the volume of air
travel, the number of reported near misses
climbed from 231 in 1972 to 840 in 1986. As is
evident in Figure 3, with the exception of a dramatic dip in 1981 and 1982, the number of near
misses increased steadily with the increase in the
number of passenger-miles flown. The number
of near misses per billion passenger-miles,
shown in Figure 4, rose in the period 1972 to
1978 and fell dramatically in the early 1980s,
only to rise again in the mid-1980s. The rate of
reported near misses averaged about 2 per billion passenger-miles between 1972 and 1986.
It is important to note that the data on near
misses are highly sensitive to the reporting system, as Federal Aviation Administration officials
have acknowledged. Between 1968 and 1971, for
,....
Growth in Air Travel
43
DEREGULATION AND AIR TRAVEL SAFETY
FATALITIES AND PASSENGER-MILES FLOWN FOR
SCHEDULED DOMESTIC FLIGHTS
Figure
1
Number of Fatalities
Billions of Miles
500
400
.
400
300
CA)
Passenger-Miles
300
200
Airline Fatalities
EE
200
100
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:
100
:
0
1972
.
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1974
i
1976
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1978
1980
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1982
1984
1986
1984
1986
Figure 2
Fatalities per Billion Passenger-Miles Flown
3
2.5
2
1 ,
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Fatality Rate
0.5
Re9tdiation
0
1972
1974
1976
Source: Federal Aviation Administration
44
REGULATION, 1987 NOS. 3/4
1978
1980
1982
DEREGULATION AND AIR TRAVEL SAFETY
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REPORTED NEAR MISSES AND PASSENGER-MILES FLOWN
FOR SCHEDULED DOMESTIC FLIGHTS
Figure 3
Figure 4
Near Misses per Billion Passenger-Miles Flown
.
2.5
1.5
Near-Miss Rate
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1972
1974
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1976
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1978
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1980
1982
1984
1986
Source: Federal Aviation Administration
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DEREGULATION AND AIR TRAVEL SAFETY
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regulation of air fares could cause a substitution
of price competition for non-price competition.
That is to say, holding other factors constant, deregulation could have led the airlines to substitute a marginal increase in the probability of accidents for a marginal reduction in ticket prices.
There are constraints on this, of course. For one
thing, the airlines must continue to meet federal
safety standards. Assuming the FAA does its job
of monitoring airline safety, any systematic reduction in safety would reflect a judgment on the
part of airlines that they had been providing "too
much" safety-more than demanded by either
regulators or consumers.
Airline Safety Findings
The impact of economic deregulation on air
safety must be evaluated empirically. To this
end, we examined all air fatalities on regularly
scheduled domestic flights in the period 1972 to
1986. Using a two-stage regression analysis, we
controlled for a number of key factors likely to
affect air fatalities, including the number of FAA
air-traffic controllers and safety inspectors, the
number of passenger-miles flown, and the general downward trend in air deaths (which indirectly captures the growing reliability of airplanes and safety systems within planes and at
airports). We found no direct, statistically signifiroc
example, airlines involved in near misses were
granted immunity from punitive action if they reported the events to the FAA. During this period
the number of near misses averaged 1,620 per
year. In 1972, when the immunity provision expired, the number of near misses fell to 231. The
FAA instituted a new near-miss monitoring system in 1985, which may account for the apparent
increase in near misses in 1985 and 1986.
Another factor affecting the data is the number of FAA personnel available to handle nearmiss reports. The drop in the number of available air-traffic controllers after the firing of
strikers may account for the unusual decline in
reported near misses in 1981 and 1982. Of
course, as our sources inside the FAA readily
admit, the number of reported near misses is
also highly sensitive to media and congressional
attention. With these caveats in mind, we turn to
an evaluation of the effects of deregulation on
airline safety.
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Airline Deregulation and Safety
deregulation has slowed the trend toward
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Clearly the air fatality rate has declined since
deregulation. The important question is whether
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improved air safety. If it has, the mechanism by
which it has done so is necessarily indirect because safety per se has not been deregulated.
Federal safety standards have not been eased and cant relationship between airline deregulation
the FAA's mandate for ensuring the safety of air and the number of air fatalities. Similarly, we detravel has not been diminished. Deregulation has tected no direct, statistically significant relation
affected only air fares and entry.
There are two ways that deregulation could
have tempered the long-term decline in air fatalAirline deregulation has had no detectity rates. First, by leading to more air travel (but
able impact on air safety.
not necessarily more capacity in airports and air
traffic control), deregulation could have increased congestion and thereby led to more
opportunities for accidents. Second, by permit- between deregulation and the number of
ting competition in air fares, deregulation might reported near misses.
have reduced the safety efforts of long-estabAs expected, we found that airline deregulalished airlines as well as those of the inexperi- tion increased total passenger-miles flown. After
enced newcomers.
adjusting for changes in several factors that may
When airlines were prevented from compet- affect total passenger-miles traveled (national
ing through price reductions, as they were when production, population, the relative price of air
under the control of the now-defunct Civil Aero- travel, and number of controllers), we estimated
nautics Board, they were likely to compete that deregulation increased the number of miles
through other means, including upgraded in- flown by an average of 11.4 percent annually
flight meals, more comfortable interiors, friend- during the period 1979 to 1986. However, we
lier attendants-and better safety records. If fare found no statistically discernible connection
regulation spurred non-price competition, de- between the number of air deaths and the num,.+
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DEREGULATION AND AIR TRAVEL SAFETY
growth in automobile travel and, accordingly,
has significantly reduced annual highway accidents, injuries, and deaths.
This line of analysis does not imply that policy makers should be complacent about airline
safety. But it does suggest that even if deregulation slowed the pace of air safety improvements,
reregulation would not necessarily be the way to
save more lives. A push for increased airline
safety could conceivably increase overall travel
deaths by raising airline costs and ticket prices,
and thereby cause a substitution of automobile
travel for air travel.
Conclusion
Both of us travel a great deal, and we share the
often-expressed concern that "airline service has
gone to hell." Travelers have to make their travel
plans carefully just to insure that an inflight
snack amounts to something more than a bag of
peanuts. The planes seem to "no show" as often
as passengers do, and baggage that is not lost
generally seems to be under foot. Some planes
are modern-day equivalents of Trailways buses.
Our research suggests that these obvious
compromises in airline service do not carry over
to airline safety. Airline deregulation has had no
detectable impact on air safety as measured by
the number of air fatalities experienced by
scheduled airlines. Moreover, the fatality rate for
air travel has very likely been improved given
that deregulation has greatly expanded the volume of air travel. To date there is no evidence
that America's skies have become less friendly
since deregulation.
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Air travel safety would have to decline by
a factor of 100 or more before it was
comparable to automobile travel safety.
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Even if we had found a positive connection
between deregulation and airline fatalities, it
would not follow that reregulation is warranted
in the name of saving lives. By lowering relative
costs, airline deregulation may cause consumers
to substitute air travel-one of the safest long-
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Airline vs. Automobile Travel
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ber of passenger-miles flown. We conclude that,
for the time period and for the major airlines
studied, air safety-as measured by air fatalities
for scheduled carriers-has not been directly or
indirectly affected by deregulation.
If deregulation has had any effect at all on
air-fatality rates, it appears to have been favorable. This conclusion is necessarily tentative,
however, as it is drawn from indirect evidence:
deregulation has increased air travel and has had
no (statistically detectable) effect on air deaths; it
is logical to conclude that the rate of deaths per
billion miles flown has fallen because of deregulation. Any such effect is very slight, however.
As for near misses, we found that they are
highly correlated with the number of miles
flown, so that deregulation could arguably be
blamed for indirectly increasing the number of
near misses. However,. deregulation has not altered the historical relationship between miles
flown and near misses. The reporting biases evident in the near-miss data require that these conclusions be interpreted carefully.
(1987).
Moore, Thomas Gale. Deregulation and Safety.
Washington, DC: Council of Economic Advisers,
Executive Office of the President (1987).
tea)
003
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F. Shughart II.
Deregulation's Impact on Air Safety: Separating
Fact from Fiction. St. Louis: Center for the Study
of American Business, Washington University
(September 1987).
and John T. Warner. The Impact of Airline Deregulation on Highway Safety. St. Louis: Center
for the Study of American Business, Washington
University (December 1987).
Rose, Nancy L. Financial Influence on Airline
Safety. Cambridge, MA: Sloan School of Management, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
,.,
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distance transportation modes-for automobile
travel. Roughly speaking, for every billion miles
of travel undertaken by air instead of by car,
more than 35 lives could be saved. (Between
1980 and 1984, the death rate for passenger-car
travel averaged 35.7 per billion passenger-miles,
as compared to just 0.3 per billion passengermiles for air travel.) Looked at differently, air
travel safety would have to decline by a factor of
100 or more before it was comparable to automobile travel safety. According to research conducted by Richard McKenzie and John Warner,
airline deregulation has indeed lowered the
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Selected Readings
McKenzie, Richard B. and William
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