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2024, Article
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In this article I have discussed about the recent controversy over a comment made by an overseas Congress party leader, Sam Pitroda who in order to highlight the national unity of India mentioned about the human biological differences in the country. The leaders of the rightist Bharatiya Janata Party(in power) critiqued the Congress leader by confusing biology and culture.
Narendra Modi is trying to win the election by using Trump style tactics - winning on Indian/Hindu Nationalism. He has much with respect to India being the largest Secular democracy in the World. he has to ensure that he will not implicated as he was for the Gujarat Race Riots.
The social sciences have played a significant role in challenging and politicising various forms of exploitation. However, Indian social science discourse has largely ignored the exploitation that is inherent in most human-non-human relationships and, at times, even actively delegitimised any efforts to question the same. This paper tries to understand why the ethical aspects of human-non-human (specifically, animal) interactions have remained outside social science analysis. It does so by examining the arguments used to support such exclusion and by exploring a range of taken-for-granted differences between human and non-human animals. The analysis suggests that the reluctance of the Indian social sciences to engage with this question is unjustified. In doing so, it points to the need for social sciences to continually question the exclusionary power of their boundaries by deploying an empathetic and self-reflexive imagination.
TAPUYA LATIN AMERICAN SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY AND SOCIETY, 2022
British journal for the history of science, 2024
How did race survive as a feral formation even after its old haunts had been bulldozed?', Mukharji asks (p. 11). Because, according to Frantz Fanon's Black Skins, White Masks, 'of the strength, flexibility, and subtlety of racial thought' (p. 2). Empires crumbled, postcolonial states arose, but 'racial science' lived on. For instance, the masks of racial science were used by Indian nationalists and scientists before and after Indian Independence in 1947. Mukharji writes that we need to resist homogenizing this 'race science' (p. 2): there are, indeed, many 'white coats' (p. 263). However, he says, we do not have a historical account of the many coats (of the 'feralness') of racial science in India. His Brown Skins, White Coats takes on this task. Mukharji focuses on a specific 'race science': seroanthropology. Chapter 1 tells us of its beginnings in India. With the study of humans through blood groups popularized by Hannah and Ludwik Hirszfield in 1919, seroanthropology eventually came to be a part of the 'indianization' of the medical services in India. There, amongst others, Eileen W.E. Macfarlane broke Ludwik and Hanka Hirszfield's homogeneous 'Indian' category along caste linesthe lower and the upper castes were serologically more different from one another than groups within them (p. 44). When many came to envision an Indian nation along biological lines, these initial attempts ballooned into a 'smorgasbord of new institutional structures for patronizing race science': 'private think tanks, the mammoth Anthropolotical Survey of India (ASI) … and finally, a small but influential number of medical research bodies interested in race' (p. 51). Of course, the lesson is that all these made for a 'mutation and intensification of race' rather than its 'displacement' (p. 64). Even if they moved away from more essentialist definitions of race to populations, assumptions about genetic homogeneity remained, hinging on notions like 'endogamy' (pp. 61-3). Chapter 2, accordingly, starts with the idea of a 'religious isolate'. It relied on biological narratives of migration and separation that tended to give a limited story, which Mukharji calls 'snapshot biohistories' (p. 87). Relatedly, these could be used towards the 'demonization of others' (especially of other religions) by Hindu nationalists (pp. 90-4). Chapter 3 goes into specific seroanthropological attempts at 'tracking [how] tastes [were seen] as purely genetic traits that could be used as markers of racial identities' (p. 123). The sensory perception of taste was geneticized, separated from the experiences of the subjects and mapped onto seroanthropological categories of race. Chapter 4 focuses on the medicalization of race by analysing how tracking the sickle-cell trait was related, in the fledgling Indian state, to family planning and socioeconomic inequalities. It shows 'the
Evolutionary Anthropology: Issues, News, and Reviews, 1998
The author is Professor in the Anthropology and Human Genetics Unit of the Indian Statistical Institute, Calcutta. His major interests include human population genetics and the genetic epidemiology of complex human disorders.
Article, 2019
Gandhi’s writings and contribution occupy a marginal place in mainstream anthropology, including what has come to be known as the ‘Indian anthropology’.Besides Gandhi’s views on tribal people with the study of which the anthropologists are most concerned, some of Gandhi’s ideas have great anthropological relevance.Gandhi staunchly believed in what in the language of anthropology is called ‘learning from the field’. He would shun pre-conceptions and stereotypes about the people or events, thus form his understanding from the sustained interactions he had with people.
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