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Modern secular thought tends to assume that “theocracy” is equivalent to clericalism. According to this assumption, God as an absolute authority stands behind human authority. According to this view of theocracy, radical theocracy means radical politics. Yet, there is a completely different understanding of theocracy, according to which we actually have to empower God in order to enable freedom. I would like to suggest that God does not necessarily constitute a threat to political liberalism, but rather may actually be a source of political liberalism.
The most pressing cultural, political, and legal issues of our day are, fundamentally, worship issues. They are contemporary expressions of humanity’s irrepressible religiosity. How is this religiosity being expressed in the current Western political moment? What is the implicit theology proper, anthropology, soteriology, and eschatology of today's rising movements in law and politics?
Choice Reviews Online, 2013
For a century or more, political theology has been in decline. Recent years, however, have seen increasing interest not only in how church and state should be related, but in the relation between divine authority and political authority, and in what religion has to say about the limits of state authority and the grounds of political obedience. In this book, Nicholas Wolterstorff addresses this whole complex of issues. He takes account of traditional answers to these questions, but on every point stakes out new positions. Wolterstorff offers a fresh theological defense of liberal democracy, argues that the traditional doctrine of "two rules" should be rejected, and offers a fresh exegesis of Romans 13, the canonical biblical passage for the tradition of Christian political theology. This book provides useful discussion for scholars and students of political theology, law and religion, philosophy of religion, and social ethics.
Challenging Theocracy. Ancient Lessons for Global Politics, eds. Tabachnik, Koivukoski, et al., (University of Toronto Press, 2017)., 2017
The paper defends a version of theocracy against liberalism and liberalism's self justifications. Theocracy, or at least a political system where the spiritual authority is independent of and a necessary counter to the secular authority, fits better both the historical facts and human needs.
Critical Review, 2007
Political Theory, 1998
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Religion and Political Theory: Secularism, Accommodation and The New Challenges of Religious Diversity , 2019
How should the liberal state respond to religious individuals and groups whose beliefs and practices do not seem to fully cohere with liberal values? All liberal theorists agree that toleration of, and even respect for, religion diversity is at the heart of liberalism; individuals in liberal states should enjoy a great degree of freedom in pursuing their religious ideals. All also agree that religion cannot be an excuse for direct violations of basic rights; the rights of others place constraints on religious freedom. But this leaves wide scope for disagreement concerning how the state ought to respond in cases where religious practices do not directly violate basic rights, but nonetheless appear to be in tension with liberal values. Examples here include religious groups discriminating in their membership or leadership policies, or being internally hierarchical, in ways that seemingly diverge from liberal norms of democracy, equality, and non-discrimination. Most theorists rightly reject prohibitions on such practices. Religious freedom includes the freedom to form religious groups whose practices are not fully congruent with liberal values – including exclusionary membership policies, male-only priesthoods, and non-democratic decision-making structures. Congruence between liberal values and group practices should not be coercively enforced. This still leaves room for a transformative response, however: the state actively opposing practices deemed insufficiently liberal, seeking to persuade groups engaged in such practices to reform, and refusing or revoking subsidies such as tax exemptions or funding for public services provided by such groups. This kind of ‘transformative liberalism’ has become increasingly popular in recent years, but in this paper I argue that it ought to be rejected – or at least severely constrained. It grants the state excessive authority to interfere in civil society and shape religion, invites the state to make complex theological and metaphysical judgments for which it is ill equipped, risks alienating many good-willed citizens, and ultimately objectionably restricts religious freedom. We should be more modest in the transformative role we assign to the state, but also thereby more confident in the robustness of liberal values and the political stability of liberal society even when some religions are not fully congruent with liberalism.
27 Miss. C. L. Rev. 159 (2007-2008), 2008
The continued vitality of religion has motivated many scholars in sociology, anthropology, political theory, international relations, and philosophy to revisit their assumptions about how religion relates to their disciplines. Despite this robust reexamination in other disciplines, the secularization of law - that the law is or should be independent of any religious foundation or values - arguably constitutes the most widely-held but least-examined assumption of the modern paradigm of law and religion (secularism). This article argues that the widespread acceptance of legal indeterminacy calls into question this secularism and points the way toward the desecularization of the law. Desecularization does not mean returning to the pre-modern paradigm (theocracy) as suggested by contemporary calls for government recognition of the United States as a Christian nation by posting the Ten Commandments, displaying creches, etc. While somewhat exaggerated, the charge of theocracy accurately identifies the implicit assumption that the law is or should be legitimated by a particular religious tradition - the "Judeo-Christian tradition" - in the world's most religiously diverse nation. The Establishment Clause of the First Amendment and a proper understanding of religious pluralism rule out returning to the pre-modern paradigm. They prohibit the law from explicitly adopting a religious legitimation and require that the text of the law be secularized. Nevertheless, the secularized text of the law does not mean that the law has an autonomous secular foundation. As seen by the Muslim headscarf controversy in France, the secularism proposed by the modern paradigm includes or entails a comprehensive or religious foundation for the law that competes with traditional religion. In this respect, the modern paradigm continues rather than supersedes the pre-modern paradigm and contravenes the Establishment Clause and religious pluralism. To move beyond theocracy (pre-modern) and secularism (modern), this article closes by indentifying the trajectory for a new constructive postmodern paradigm that embraces legal indeterminacy and secularizing the text of the law but argues that a plurality of religious convictions implicitly legitimates and thereby desecularizes the law.
This is the editors' preface to a special issue of Philosophia on 'Religion and Limits of Liberalism'. It begins by noting the challenges which the 'return' of religions to liberal democracies poses to the liberal commitment to respect citizens’ freedom and equality. Then, with particular reference to Rawls' theory of liberal politics, it situates the papers in relation to three different senses of liberal ‘respect’ that are challenged by contemporary religions – one understood in terms of the justification of political power, another as tolerance of diversity, and the third in terms of freedom from interference.
2012
Dame; J.D. 1988, Harvard University. I wish to thank Professor Kevin Lee and the editors of the Campbell Law Review for their outstanding work in putting together the symposium on "Liberalism, Constitutionalism, and Christianity" that took place on March 18, 2011 and of which this Article is a small part. I also wish to thank Mary Katharine Ludwig, Loyola Class of 2011, for her excellent research assistance. I am especially grateful to my wife, Susan Nelligan Breen, and our sons Peter and Philip for tolerating my liberal time away from them during the preparation of this Article.
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2015
'normative preference' for liberal democratic regimesas it was in his book published right after the fall of the Soviet Union arguing that Hegel's suggestion that political development ends with something like modern liberal democracy ought to be taken seriously, as only this has ultimately fulfilled basic human aspiration to freedom and dignity. 7 Similarly Mark Lilla states that the big suprise in world politics since the the cold war's end is not the advance of liberal democracy, but the reappearance of classic forms of non-liberal and/or non-democratic political rule in modern guises. 8 The very reason for this according to Lilla is that even though liberal democracy seems to be the best way of achieving people's aspiration to be well governed, be secure and treated justly they don't necesserally understand the implications of liberal democracy and accept the social and cultural individualism it inevitably brings with it. He argues that since due to culture, ethnic divisions, religious sectarianism, illiteracy, economic injustice, senseless national borders imposed by colonial powers billions of people will not be living in liberal democracies in the near future the 'West' should consider the possibility of improving non-liberal and non-democratic regimes as a Plan B, even by ackowledging a model of constitutional theocracy, which gives Muslim countries a coherent way of recognizing yet limiting the authority of religious law and making it compatible with good governance. In his book The Stillborn God, Lilla while emphasizing his commitment to the Enlightenment's 'Great Separation', prying apart theology and politicsat least for the West-, he cautions against drawing up universal prescriptions: "Time and again we must remind ourselves that we are living an experiment, that we are the exceptions. We have little reason to expect other civilizations to follow our unusual path, which was opened up by a unique theological-political crisis within Christendom.‖ 9 This means that even though liberal constitutionalism's mentioned committment to fundamental rights is a tacit, if not overt, expression of public secularism, where religion is relagated to the private sphere, what Charles Taylor described as "the secular age of the North-Atlantic west‖,
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