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The history of slavery 2: domestication and wealth
wrote in Slavery as an Industrial System (1900) that early slavery was linked to economic conditions, although clearly other factors were involved. Slavery functioned and functions as a symbol of power as well as a convenient method of controlling muscle power to labour in fields and complete construction work. There were, and still are, different forms of slavery although they may all involve absence of freedom and choice. The selection of who is enslaved and who remains relatively independent remain essential components of identity transactions, reflected today in the exploitation of migrants. In the ancient world many slaves were foreigners, often young and skilled. Good looks was sometimes a prerequisite for Domestic Slavery. Although the use made of attractive men and women for sexual purposes is difficult to find in the ancient records it can be seen perhaps in the well-constructed, if much later, brilliant novella of Joseph. Slavery in the ancient world, although usually forced on most slaves, could also be contractual. Roots within animal domestication The utilisation of cattle and sheep for work or clothing as well as food, dogs as additional if inferior members of the group selected for obedience, and cats selected for psychological reassurance and comfort, is reflected within slavery. In Hammurabi's (1792-1750) Law Code harm done to slaves and domesticated animals receives similar treatment before the law.
real-world economics review, 2010
Adam Smith gravely in making his argument that Smithian economics was responsible for slavery. I consider this particularly unfortunate since Adam Smith was certainly a real-world economist and thus a natural friend to the supporters of this journal.
In slave societies, slaves form a fundamental, if not the fundamental, unit of labor. In slave societies such as the American South and ancient Rome, slaves engaged in a wide range of economic activity, from serving as labor on massive agricultural plantations, to serving as workers in manufacturing, to personal body-slaves. As such, the study and examination of slavery and institutions of slavery has focused on slavery as primarily an economic institution, and the keeping of slaves as economic activity. In this paper, I propose a different analysis. Rather than examining slavery as an institution brought about and propagated by economic factors, I will argue that slavery in the ancient Roman world was primarily a social and cultural institution. I will argue that while slavery had its economic advantages, it likewise had economic disadvantages when compared to an alternate system of labor, namely wage-laborers. It is my contention that in the Roman Empire, slavery existed as a social institution, one that was driven by factors of culture, society, and politics, rather than economics. To this end, I will examine the existence of the alternatives to slavery in the ancient world and compare these systems against systems of slavery present in the Roman Republic and Empire, and the American South. Economic analysis and comparison of slave society in the American South and ancient Rome will be primarily based on statistical and archaeological evidence and models derived from both time periods.
Second International Students and Young Researchers' Conference on Economics, International Business and Cross-Cultural Communication, 2022
Slavery is considered to be the action through wich some people dominate and exploit other people in order to gain different benefits. From an economic standpoint, there is a general debate about whether or not slavery was a source of economic growth for world's most developed countries. The purpose of this paper is to underlinde how economists, namely Josiah Tucker and Adam Smith, perceived slavery in the eighteenth century. The key findings of this paper show that both Josiah Tucker and Adam Smith opposed slavery and the exploitation of slaves' workforce. Their perspectives and explanations, however, differed. On the one hand, in the case of Josiah Tucker, he attempted to highlight the hypocrisy of their contemporaries who fought for liberty and equality while being slaveholders or tied to slavery. On the other hand, Adam Smith's arguments against slavery were more economically motivated. He has attempted to persuade people to give up the system of slavery as slave labor was inefficient and costly in relation to free labor. In conclusion, economists have long held strong views on the institution of slavery, questioning its morality as well as its efficacy.
On Human Bondage: After Slavery and Social Death, ed. J. Bodel & W. Scheidel, pp. 31-54., 2016
This essay provides a critique of Orlando Patterson's analysis of property and slavery. Traditionally, the notion that the slave was the property of his or her owner was seen as the distinguishing characteristic of slavery. Patterson criticised this approach on several counts, replacing the traditional formulation of slavery as the ownership of human beings with his own sociological definition, which holds that the condition should be defined as 'the permanent, violent domination of natally alienated and generally dishonoured persons.' First, it is shown that the concept of property attacked by Patterson has little in common with the concept of property as understood in jurisprudence and comparative law, meaning that none of Patterson's objections carry any weight. Patterson collapses the distinction between property and contract. Two ancient case studies - classical Athens and Achaemenid Babylonia - show that the approach of modern comparative law maps accurately onto the legal contours of slave ownership in these two very different societies. Finally, the paper highlights several shortcomings of Patterson's reformulated definition of 2012.
, The Book Review, Volume XXIII, Number 8, 1999, pp.28-30.
Classical political economy yoked work's value-giving capacity to the subsistence of the laboring community. This article traces the deformation of political economy's concept of reproduction in the post-1807 West Indies, where the abolition of the slave trade had destroyed the conditions of a value form rooted not in labor's subsistence, but in the deterioration of the working body. Tracking a crisis of West Indian reproduction through abolitionist poetry, plantation literature, and legal debate, I show how the imagination of a post-slavery future demanded that the theory of value be divorced from concepts of natural fertility (of land, of human bodies). The locus of this division of nature and value was the racialized body of the West Indian slave. Close readings of James Montgomery's abolitionist epic The West Indies and Matthew Lewis's Journal of a West India Proprietor reveal how both liberal abolitionism and colonial racism gave form to emergent theories of political-economic surplus.
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