NIGERIA SECURITY AGENCIES AND HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATION

CHAPTER ONE IMTRODUCTION 1.1 Background of Study Nigeria has implemented several human rights documents, charters, treaties and conventions|, treaties and accords. Nigeria, on December 19th 1966, approved the ICCPR, which the UN General Assembly adopted in line with the proclamation of the international organisation Charter. As a result, it considers respect for freedoms and rights and implies the performance of duties on the citizen's part. It draws focus on the purpose that political and civil ownership mustn't be disjointed from social, cultural, and financial rights in their universal definition because achieving social, cultural, and economic rights could be a promise of political rights. Human rights are inalienable and must be enjoyed by every person. Nevertheless, human rights are relatively often violated in Nigeria on numerous alternative levels kind as torture, arbitrary arrest, brutality, degrading or perhaps abuse illegal search, and deprivation of life, among others. This particular human rights violation can stem from the authorities and brass meant to enforce the rights. Sadly, many human rights violations are administered by law enforcement officials answerable for enforcement. There's a say the Police is our friend, the friend of ours. Nevertheless, the alternative will be the case in a country like Nigeria. Ordinary citizens think the policeman is dangerous, not a devotee (Omilana, 2019). In every country, the police are the state agencies tasked to uphold the law and maintain social orders. The Police may also be permitted to employ reasonable force in carrying out the assignment. The use of Police 1 in carrying out their mandated duties is governed and constrained by the Police Act, professional ethics, international conventions, and other laws. Despite these rules, the police in most societies employ excessive force beyond what is legalized by law in order to carry out their duties. In the process, they grossly flout the law and commit extrajudicial killings, torture, and inhumane treatment of civilians, citizens, or anyone else; ironically, these are the same people who had earlier sworn to protect (Segun, 2016). The Special Anti-Robbery Squads (SARS) officers' inhumane treatment of citizens in society revealed the call for an evaluation of the criminal justice arrangement to stop judicial usurpation of respect for established authority, which could result in the total collapse of law and order (Bakare, 2018). With a focus on exposing the scope of unlawful police killings, particularly in Nigeria, the Special Anti Robbery Squad (SARS) is defined as the product. Similar to this, numerous instances of extrajudicial killings committed by SARS officers in the area need to be investigated. Through beatings, indiscriminate shooting, "maiming and killing and maiming" of citizens, unnecessary restraints like handcuffs and leg chains, excessive use of firearms against suspects and defenceless bystanders, and torturing suspects for confession, citizens are mishandled, rough handled, and brutalised in various ways (Human Rights Watch, 2018). However, a disproportionate number of those cases are kept secret by Nigerian law enforcement officials in "their stations, their stations," where evidence is also ruined and consumers are not made aware of the existence of such proof (Taiwo, 2018). This is consistent with the fact that when the family members of the victims seek redress in a comparable court of law, they are frequently denied justice. Unfortunately, there have recently been many criminal accusations made against the members of the Nigerian 2 Police's Special Anti-Robbery Squads (SARS) as well as widespread public protests. Trigger-happy and inebriated SARS officers unlawfully kill and eliminate numerous innocent civilians in almost every region of the nation, in that order (Segun,2016). The said SARS officers would gale certain locations, such as checkpoints on interstate roads, beer joints, movie theatres, clubhouses, and other locations, to enforce unlawful arrests under the pretext of "looking for boys" or perhaps internet fraudsters within the states (International Centre for Investigating Reporting, 2018). The Nigerian Police frequently use illegal and unnecessary firearms, which is a problem that extends beyond a few isolated incidents. During police operations, there are numerous unlawful killings. In other cases, police officers shoot and kill motorists who refuse to pay bribes when stopped at checkpoints. Others are killed after being arrested, allegedly for trying to flee, while some are killed in the street because the police later claim they are "armed robbers." Many people who are in police custody vanish and are frequently extrajudicially executed (Human Rights Watch, 2018). Numerous families are devastated by the illegal killings of their innocent and deserving members as a result of the misconduct, unprofessionalism, indiscriminate shootings, and incompetence of the Nigerian Police Unit officers known as the Special Anti Robbery Squad (SARS). The study continues by examining the instances and trends of the violent and illegal killing of civilians by members of the Special Anti-Robbery Squads (SARS) unit of the Police; the causes of the brutality; and the dangers these evil deeds pose to national security. 1.2 Statement of the Problem The Nigerian Police are assigned the duty of maintaining law and order. Additionally, to protect, prevent and investigates criminal activities. In discharging these duties, the force has, over the years, failed. The researcher found the gap in scholarly research over 3 the years by some inherent issues and challenges and issues that have militated the force in applying its statutory powers. The researcher intends to fill. A number of these issues the researcher finds necessary: 1. The neglect of human rights, inducement, corruption within the force, flagrant shooting of suspects and fellow cops, illiteracy and incompetence of certain law enforcement officials to the mounting of illegal roadblocks. 2. Absence of reverence for fundamental human rights of each citizen when discharging their duties. These rights and liberties spearhead the operation of the rule of law altogether democracies globally. When the Nigerian Constitution of 1999 lays aside an entire chapter which declares and provides for the defence of those rights, the Police still carry out their abuse. 3. There is a lack of police oversight, starting with minor errors or even outright crimes like fabricating criminal records against suspects, which is disturbing. These incidents, police acts, or maybe inactions, demonstrate a flagrant disdain for the fundamentals of the law, harming police discipline and making fun of Nigeria's law enforcement organisation. 4. The constabulary claims that a number of the crimes they performed in the name of justice includes police extortion at road checkpoints, arbitrary detention and arrest, torture of prisoners, and administrative cover-ups were justified. 5. In spite of the realities of the present period, the Nigerian Police remain crippled. 1.3 Research Questions The study addresses the following questions: 4 1. What is the extent and nature of human rights violations in Nigeria? 2. Why did it take the SARS protest for the state to manage the issue of human rights abuses which had been increasing by the Special Anti-Robbery Squads in Nigeria? 3. How do citizens react to Nigeria's human rights violations? 1.4 Purpose of Study The aim of this particular study: a) Examine the role of the Nigerian personnel within the administration of justice and the failure to value the fundamental human rights of the citizens of this nation. B) Identify the inadequacies of Police in discharging their functions and, consequently, the excessive use of force on the citizens and how they respond to those. C) Proffer practical solutions for combating a repetition of the tip SARS protest. 1.5 significance of the study It analyses the role of the police within Nigeria's administration of justice in order to provide the general public greater views on police administration. This study was required to bring attention to the Police's flagrant violations of human rights and the worrisome rise in the rate across the country, which frequently leaves much to be desired. This study will be a credible source of information for anyone and everyone with the aforementioned questions. The court, other sister| agencies to the Police, and hence justice administrators will benefit from it. It would be highly beneficial to policymakers, authorities, students, and anybody else concerned with the peaceful coexistence of the Nigerian people since it will give proper suggestions on how to prevent the growth in crimes. 1.6 scope of the study 5 The examination of the SARS that led to the tip SARS protest in 2020 provides the background for evaluating Nigerian security agencies (Nigeria personnel, SARS) and rights violations in Nigeria. Therefore, the emphasis of this paper is on human rights abuses in Nigeria from 1999 to the present, particularly the 2020 Endsars protest against human rights abuses. 1.7 Limitation to study The research was motivated by number variables, some of which limited its reach. a. Research material accessibility: The amount of research material available to the researcher is insufficient, which restricts the investigation. b. Time Restrictions: The researcher's study time was restricted by other departmental duties, but the researcher was ready to commit to the time allotted for finishing the investigation task. c. Financial Restrictions: The researcher had a restricted budget and couldn't visit every location to get replies from respondent, yet she still managed to get useful data on the study subject. 1.8 Operational Definition of Terms Enforcement agents' abuses of human rights are caused by a number of fundamental issues. These infractions mostly have institutional origins. In this, it comes from the Police officers themselves, and the government's code of conduct and procedures provide its framework. The Nigerian police force (SARS) and human rights are two of the researcher's key ideas. The Special Anti-Robbery Squads (SARS) of the Nigerian Police (SARS). 6 The Nigerian Personnel Force (NPF) is described as a Federal organisation by Abiodun et al. in year 2020. In accordance with Section 214 of the 1999 Constitution, the NPF was created. The purpose, organisation, and management of the force are detailed in the Police Act (1990). 1943 saw the creation of the Act and 1967 saw its revision (Police Act Cap, 2004). Operational control of the Nigerian defence force is held by the Commander-In-Chief and President, who also select the Inspector General of Police (IGP), who is likely to be in charge of the Police. In a similar line, the Ministry of Police Affairs is responsible for the Nigerian Police's financial, executive, and logistical administration. Simeon Danladi, a former Commissioner of Police, formed the Special Anti Robbery Squad (SARS), a feared anticrime section of the Nigerian police force (NPF), in 1992. The already-existing Anti-Robbery Squad was given the title Special Anti-Robbery Squads by adding the term "Special" to it (SARS). 2019 (Oluwafifehan). SARS is one of the fourteen divisions of the Nigerian Police Criminal Investigation and Intelligence Department, according to the personnel's spokesman, Jimoh Moshood. It was created to identify, apprehend, and bring charges against those responsible for violent crimes such armed robberies, kidnappings, murders, hired assassinations, and other serious criminal activity. Due to the law enforcement agency itself, anti-robbery as a method of fighting theft has existed for a very long time in Nigeria. Criminal Investigation Departments at Force Headquarters, Zonal and State Command levels were informed by all members of the anti-robbery unit that they existed (Oluwafifehan2019). Recently, torture has continued to be used often by Police units, especially SARS units (Amnesty International, 2016). 7 Every civilization, regardless of its degree of development, is likely to adopt the Idea of Human Rights in order to guarantee all groups' rights regardless of their circumstances. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights was created by the United Nations in 1948 as a result of this (UDHR). This proclamation lists and emphasises each right that most guys have, irrespective of their race, colour, ethnicity, or non-secular beliefs. Therefore, since 1948, human rights have become a universal, consistent, and defining principle. In accordance with the 1948 Declaration of Human Rights, everyone has the right to an adequate education, knowledge of a healthy family life, and, ultimately, the freedom from all forms of discrimination. Others have accurate privacy to a livelihood that is sufficient for their families' health and well-being, including food, clothes, shelter, medical care, and other essential social services (The UN Declaration of Human Rights 1948). The list of rights mentioned above shows that they include social, political, civil, and economic rights. When used in the true sense of the word, the term "human rights" refers to all elements of rights that anybody should be able to enjoy regardless of their ethnicity, position, or other characteristics. Nation states a part of the International System of Units are required to implement and ensure the enjoyment of the rights holistically since they complement one another. CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1 Literature Review 8 A review of relevant literature is included in this chapter. Before focusing on Nigeria and studying the literature on the pattern of human rights in Nigeria, the study will analyse prior linked material on the principles of SARS and human rights, which will then lead to an analysis of the historical overview of human rights. In a different section of the chapter, a theoretical framework will be offered to support the goal of the research. Numerous scholarly publications, pieces of writing, novels, and theses concerning police corruption have been published. These studies address challenges, difficulties, and solutions for growing police misbehaviour and corruption since policing may be seen as a medical specialty. The Nigeria Police and Subsequent Crisis of Law and Order: A Book of Readings by Vincent Jike is one significant study (2003). He discusses the history of the Nigerian Police and, therefore, the effects of colonialism on the organisation in this book. He goes on to analyse the level of crime and police brutality in Nigeria after independence. He also sheds light on the negative effects of police wrong doing on society. Jike provides a sociological examination of police corruption and, in turn, the considerable efforts made by the Nigerian government to address the problems with policing since they affect the country's population. The book is perfect for the current research since it gives background information on how Nigerian police began and, therefore, what function the force played under the constitution after Nigeria gained independence. According to Bunton et al. (2003), human rights breaches are common in Nigeria and police regard for basic human rights is often lacking. They said in their analysis that "The most common human rights violators (operation fire for fire police fighters) were those who killed extrajudicially while apprehending and holding criminal detainees. According to the report, the former Inspector General of Police Tafa Balogun told the 9 "Country Reports on human rights practises" that police killed more than 1,200 criminals and detained more than 2,800 people between March and November 2002"which the force apprehended criminal suspects, held them against their will, and occasionally killed them. Sizani (2001) said that establishing sustainable peace and justice should be motivated by respect for human rights. He said that a judge must be more watchful in providing protection since peoples rights are at risk in Africa. Democracy, according to Myers (1996), is not about utopia; rather, it is about people's desire to live freely in a society that offers the possibility of justice and liberty for everyone, as well as about shared ideals of equality, freedom. The public's confidence in the Nigerian police has been severely damaged as a result of their repeated abuses of human rights. Amuwo (1995) stated that practical data, leadership-centered activities, and policies render the perceived relevance of an African view of human rights nugatory. It was claimed in the findings of the 2005 human rights watch study on Nigeria that the president (Obasanjo) had given the men in the Nigerian military permission to murder without repercussions. Because the presidents, in a few instances, had authorised retaliatory assaults on people who had engaged in conflict with security forces, this statement by Human Rights Watch cannot be disproved. Amadu (2001) argued in his article, Human Rights and The Maintenance of International Peace and Security in Africa, that respect for their protection, their promotion, and human rights have become prerequisites in international political transactions, particularly between the developed countries and the third World. Individuals' basic human rights violations all point in the same direction of injustice. According to Esiemokhai (1998), injustice is the wilful act of intentionally causing harm to others by flagrantly denying them their rights and benefits. According to Agwu (2003), the right to human dignity is seriously 10 under jeopardy and may easily be projected by supporting social movements and human rights organisations that might guarantee its application and expansion beyond the boundaries of the law. Origins of the Special Anti-Robbery Squads (SARS) of the Nigerian Police within the country's law enforcement. The police force was originally established more than 130 years ago. Up until April 1st, 1934, southern and northern Nigeria each had its own independent force. Then, under the terms of the police legislation, they were combined to create the police force, which had its headquarters in Lagos. (Okolo 1997) On the other side, Simeon Danladi, a former police commissioner, founded the Special Anti Robbery Squad (SARS) in 1992. Col. Rindam, a Nigerian Army Colonel, was slain by police at a checkpoint in Lagos, which was the initial impetus for the creation of SARS. When the military received the information, troops were sent into Lagos' streets to look for any lawman. The Nigerian Police retreated from security zones and other locations; some police officers are said to have quit, while others reportedly fled for their lives. The rate of crime climbed during the two-week absence of the police. With just fifteen personnel, SARS was established to operate covertly without the assistance of the Nigerian Army while listening in on police radio conversations. Three anti-robbery squad units were in operation prior to this. Simeon Danladi, commissioner of police, then had to establish his squad apart from the existing groups. The Special Anti Robbery Squad is the name Simeon Danladi gave his group (SARS). They were officially commissioned in Lagos when the Nigerian Army declared a cease-fire. Issues with the Special Anti-Robbery Squads (SARS) The Force Criminal Investigation and Intelligence Department (FCIID), which was designed to hold, investigate, and prosecute those engaged in crimes including robberies, kidnappings, and other types of 11 crimes, has fourteen sections, including the Special Anti-Robbery Squads (SARS). After a few years of operation, the team increased in size and power in 2009. SARS agents invaded campuses in Nigeria as a result of the development of online fraudsters and cultism there. They were successful in making some arrests, but they also harassed little children. According to Pulse Nigeria (2019), SARS agents turned into a national plague and witch-hunting apparatus targeting young Nigerians with dreadlocks, piercings, cars, high-end phones, firearms, moustaches, and frightening appearances (Pulse Nigeria Editorial, 2019). According to P.M. News (2010), Amnesty International (AI) will sue the Nigerian Police for more than just human rights violations after the Special Anti-Robbery Squads in Borokiri, Port Harcourt, detained and battered three bike riders. It is known that on May 20, 2010, an Enugu State Federal State Supreme Court ordered the then commissioner of the Enugu State Police, Ogbonna Okechukwu, to produce the Special Anti-Robbery Squads officer who had shot and killed a fifteenyear-old high school student. The adolescent was mistaken for a kidnapper, according to the SARS officer (Wikipedia, the free encyclopaedia, 2020). Similarly, on July 27th 2010, Sahara Reporters released an in-depth editorial analysis on how SARS, among other police units, made 9.35 billion Naira (1.60 billion USD) via roadblocks and extortion in only 18 months (Sahara Reporters Editorial, 2010). Additionally, on June 3, 2011, the Nigerian government uncovered a shot fired by SARS agent Musa Agbu, who intended to blow the Force Headquarters in Abuja but was foiled by army officer of Police (IGP) Hafiz Ringim. (2011) Vanguard Newspaper Editorial. On August 7th 2015, the then IGP Solomon Arase said that the SARS unit will be separated into two units, an operational unit and an investigative unit, in order to reduce the number of allegations of human rights abuses made by consumers to the 12 officer of Police's office (Premium Times Nigeria Editorial, 2015). Meet SARS, the Police Unit with the License to Kill, was the headline of a piece on Nigeria's Police brutality published in September 2016 by Pulse Nigeria Editorial. The study emphasised the Special Anti Robbery Squad's brutality and disregard for the rules of engagement. History of Development of Human Rights The idea that everyone has certain human rights under the constitution is rather recent. Although its origins may be found in older customs and records from other civilizations, it was World War II that served as the trigger to bring human rights into the public eye and into the global awareness (Ofoegbu, 2014). According to N. S. Rembe, people have historically obtained rights and obligations by membership in a special group, such as a family, class, religion, indigenous country, community, or state; "Historically, the origins of the concept of those rights will be traced to ancient Greece and Rome. It had been closely linked to the pre-modern conception doctrines of Greek stoicism, whose founder, Zeno, taught a universal working force pervades all creation and that human conduct must not violate the law of nature. Jus civil recognised the existence of construct. It upheld certain universal rights that extended beyond the rights of citizenship (Oraegbunam, 2007)." 13 Be that as it may, construct doctrines have been strongly tied to liberal political views concerning natural rights since soon after the Middle Ages. For the time being, the emphasis was on the rights derived, rather than the obligations imposed by idea. However, these theories, as is clear from Aquinas and Aristotle's works, excluded the concepts of equality and freedom by accepting the legality of serfdom and slavery. These are the core principles of what it means to be human, according to modern definitions. In most cases, it took many years before human rights were acknowledged as a societal need. The written forerunners of some of today's human rights texts include the royal charter (1215), the English Bill of Rights (1689), the French Declaration of the Rights of Citizen and Man (1789), as well as the US Bill and Constitution of Rights (1791). However, numerous papers excluded people of colour, women, and members of certain religious, social, political, and economic groups when they were turned into policy. However, oppressed people all around the globe have used the ideas expressed in these writings to back up revolutions that uphold the right to self-determination. Both the United Nations (UN) and contemporary international human rights legislation have significant historical roots. The 19th century saw several attempts to stop the slave trade and lessen the atrocities of war. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights was accepted and declared by the international organization's General Assembly in 1948. In contrast, the foundation of freedom, peace, and justice in the world is recognition of the inherent dignity and equal inalienable rights of every member of the human family. Whereas disregard and contempt for human requests have led to barbaric acts that have outraged humanity's conscience, the establishment of a world in which all shall enjoy the freedom of speech and freedom and belief from fear and desire has been proclaimed as a result of what is probably the highest aspiration of the common people (UN, 2015). 14 The UN continues to advance democracy in line with its basic goals and principles, and the advancement of democracy depends on respect for fundamental rights and freedoms that are enshrined in the rule of law (UN OHCHR, 2019). The UN now has 193 member states, demonstrating the scope of its influence. The UN's fundamental tenet of the sovereign equality of its members and its subsequent commitment to refrain from endangering the territorial integrity or perhaps political independence of another state, including respect for the ideas of non-intervention and self-determination within domestic affairs of States, are essential to the organization's ability to function (Mingst& Karns, 2012). The UN Security Council's permanent members also have veto power. The UN system is likewise permeated by inequality (Mingst & Karns, 2012: 32). Additionally, the UN framework creates a conflict between upholding a nation's sovereignty and carrying out its duty to protect those who have been the victims of human rights atrocities that have been recognised on a global scale (Mingst&; Karns, 2012). However, the UN has significantly contributed to the globalisation of human rights and has been instrumental in the creation of institutions and laws that support the protection and promotion of human rights. The International Bill of Rights, which is made up of the International Covenant on Civil, and Political Rights (ICCPR),Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), and International Covenant on Economic, Cultural, and Social Rights (ICESCR), later expanded the normative content of the basic liberties and human rights referred to in the UN Charter (Buergenthal, 1997: 705). Each of those writings recognises the critical role that the many human rights that they cover play in a democratic society's eventual achievement. Any requests made of persons must adhere to the law. By emphasising that everybody has the right to 15 contribute in their government, both directly or via representatives chosen by the people, Article 21 of the UDHR makes it particularly apparent how human rights and democracy are related. The desires of the people should be communicated to the state in this respect (Thandiwe, 2019) 2.2 Theoretical Framework Researchers voiced their perspectives on why the Police and other law enforcement officials treat citizens brutally and why they need a legal obligation to protect them in a dangerous situation. The impoverished state and cultural conflict hypotheses help to make the research more understandable. The idea aims to show the conflict that the social structure of the capitalist society has by itself: Theory of Failed States When a state looks to have been unsuccessful at numerous fundamental duties as a sovereign government, it is often referred to as a "failed state." Every sovereign state owes its population the following: security, power, the elimination of poverty, jobs, education, and the upkeep of order and law. When a state becomes insufficient to the point that it is unable to protect its citizens or perhaps implement its laws at any given moment, it exhibits blatant signs of poor governance (Okolo &; Ejime 2018). A poor situation denotes the breakdown of the social and political order (Anyanwu, 2005). Failures and weaknesses in social, political, institutional, and economic spheres are all a result of it. Every time a central government is ineffectual or weak, it has only a small practical control over most institutions of its territory, cannot provide public services or utilities, is full of corruption and crime, and experiences significant economic decline in addition to widespread population movements without the consent of the residents (Socyberty, 2010). Anyanwu (2005) contends that failed states are a 16 consequence of the breakdown of the political support structures for law and order, human rights, and other ideals. Anarchic, violence, internal conflicts and maybe unrest often serve as the catalyst for this process. The collapse of political institutions, particularly the police and courts, is what has caused widespread unrest, banditry, and a breakdown of law and order. The state's operations are suspended, its assets are destroyed or maybe looted, and key officials are either slain or flee the country. It is clear that Special Anti-Robbery Squads (SARS) personnel of the Nigerian Police unlawfully imprison, kill, or even put innocent people's lives at risk in Nigeria, especially in the South of the nation. The Special Anti-Robbery Squads (SARS) division of the Police was recently criticised by Joseph Osigho of Amnesty International (2018), who said that the Nigerian government had not taken the decision to abolish SARS and reform the Police seriously. It argued that the efforts of President Buhari's administration had been unsuccessful and that the court was at blame for not holding the Police responsible for torturing people without a warrant. In a same vein, Osigho said that Vice President Yemi Osinbajo's modifications in the battle against SARS staff were ineffective. Social Conflict Theory The social conflict theory covers a broad spectrum of social phenomena, including class, revolutions, ethics, morality, race, culture, and a host of other elements. The word "social" in this sense refers to interpersonal disputes between various groups of people, in this case, between the police and the general population (Marx, 1971). This viewpoint, which is basically from the Marxist school, contends that the police are a weapon employed by the wealthy and powerful in society to maintain the existing system of inequality. In essence, a community's sophistication and elegance define the vital relationship between the Police and its residents in society. Therefore, 17 those who are politically and economically marginalised are far more likely to experience incidences of police brutality (Holborn, 1995). Consequently, the incapacity of the appropriate authorities to curb the abuses of police impunity reflects the powerlessness of the minority in society (Marx, 1971). One of the limits of this particular paradigm is the claim that the constabulary serves the interests of the elites. But in a highly social environment, just a tiny percentages of police officers seek to police the disadvantaged class of inhabitants. The majority of police officers still diligently carryout their duties (Wallace, 2010). This idea also presupposes that the Police are readily available to further the interests of the social class; however this is not true in Nigerian society. This article has some parts of truth, but it omits crucial details concerning Nigerian law enforcement officials and their roles in society. 2.3 Conceptual Framework The concept of the state has historically been seen from a liberal or even radical standpoint. Liberal academics frequently claim that the state is the primary arbiter of social class conflict. According to Adam Smith (1776), who was cited by Appadorai, the purpose of the state is typically to safeguard society from foreign aggression, injustice, and the creation of impartial institutions that mediate inter-human dispute (1974).Ake also succeeded in capturing the general. He claims that "institutional mechanisms of class domination are structured in a manner that they enjoy independence from society," and that the characteristic of the liberal state is "a specific mode of class domination, a modality in which class dominance equals independent" (Ake, 1985: 105-106,108-1090). Ake questioned whether the concept of Africa's 18 current standing met this standard. He contrasted this by seeing African states as developing countries. It implies that these governments haven't advanced beyond the defining characteristics of ancient civilizations and haven't had significant interaction with capitalism (Ake, 1985). Contrarily, the Marxian technique of analysis challenged the Anglo-American view that the state is an impartial and neutral institution, especially when it came to resolving social class conflicts. Three viewpoints on the state have been presented by Marxist scholars: that of the instrumentalists, that of the institutions, and that of the independents (Onuoha, 1992). The state is viewed from an instrumentalist angle as a tool used by the ruling class to promote its goals. Therefore, the independents view the state as a key tool of justice in conflicts between socioeconomic classes. Institutionalists contend that the judicial, legislative, executive, armed forces, and educational systems all exert influence over the state even if it cannot be physically perceived. This notion is supported by Marx's definition of the state as the executive of the present state and the committee in charge of supervising the everyday operations of the bourgeoisie in the communist manifesto. However, this state paradigm has been broadened by academics from poor countries like Alavi (1972), Ake (1985), and Ekekwa (1986), among others. Their presumptions have revealed important state traits in post-colonial nations. They have also called attention to human rights abuses by the government. The primary tenet of the argument is that because post-colonial governments are the offspring of colonialism, they have selected development strategies that favour their local friends and imperial rulers over the great majority of their indigenous populations. It is crucial to look at the factors that have been covered in prior literature in order to comprehend why the state violates the human rights of its inhabitants. The literature 19 provides two comprehensive justifications for why the state violates its citizens' human rights: 1. Natural law view 2. Positivist view. From the standpoint of natural law, men are only entitled to those freedoms that guarantee their humanity. This perspective contends that some rights are given to males from birth. This viewpoint makes the conventional, natural law-based assumption that there is such a thing as human rights. It is assumed in the concept that attempts would be undertaken to unite disparate human cultures. But certain shared traditions and rules unify all of mankind, regardless of location (Garcia, 2017). Its fundamental tenets, according to Mehmet (2015), are that there is a higher law than human law and that it exists whether or not it was found by humanity. According to the assumptions outlined above, violations of human rights, whether they are done by state actors or their agents, have their roots in illiteracy. This point of view is well expressed by Nzarga's (2014) assertion that both the Police and the locals' illiteracy contribute to the Police's violation of Nigerians' human rights. According to him, many Nigerians are not formally educated. They are not aware that their rights have been violated. Because of illiteracy and corruption, military soldiers and police officers don't even acknowledge that certain citizens have some rights. Several police officers and soldiers enlisted in the military using questionable tactics, such faking entry paperwork (Nzarga, 2014). Oluka and Oromareghake (2018) also argued that the Police often abuse their position as a result of their ignorance of the law and ineptitude. Maduka (2014) carried out a case study on the effect of education on police positions using Zone Nine, Umuahia, as a research unit. He learned that the police personnel are 20 not properly trained. In contrast, the few trained are seldom employed in their respective fields of competence (Maduka, 2014). But the question still stands: How far can the situation be improved by knowledge (alone)? And how much knowledge is enough? In reaction to the #ENDSARS protest, the Nigerian government claimed that SARS violence was caused by the officers' insufficient training. The federal government recommended that SWAT members get additional training because the new organisation was established to take the position of SARS. According to several voices (e.g., Obileye and Aborishade, 2019; Obayemi and Maduekwe, 2019; According to Amnesty International (2020), the main causes of human rights breaches in Nigeria include a variety of things including a dearth of criminal investigative capabilities, a lack of education amongst police personnel, poverty, a shortage of workers, and an equipment shortage. The aforementioned reasons may explain why Nigerians' fundamental rights are violated by the security apparatus, but they don't seem to be enough to account for why the Nigerian state continued to rule the nation in an authoritarian way. John Austin is a proponent of the positivist viewpoint on the law, sometimes referred to as the realism perspective. This viewpoint views the law as a sovereign order backed by the threat of punishment for breaking it (Mehmet, 2015). It views rights as privileges granted by the law and the legal system's function as a coercive framework put in place by human communities to defend members of such society from one another (O'manic, 1992). According to this theory, the law originates from the sovereign's desires and punishments are tied to disobeying the law. The fact that the law is derived from the sovereign gives the impression that he is above the law. Developed further, this legal viewpoint supports the sociology and relativity of law and human rights. Simply from 21 a purely positivist point of view, the problem is quite easily resolved: there are no human rights, argued Troper. If the phrase "human rights" is supposed to denote rights that people would hold and exercise independently of the state, or maybe against it (2011, cited in Vernazza accetti, 2017:2). Similar to this, Dyzenhaus (1992: 83) argues that the authoritarian ideology of "law is law," which holds that judges have a moral obligation to maintain and citizens have a duty to follow the law regardless of its content, is accurately represented by the term. This practical interpretation of the law renders violations of human rights unlawful and helps to justify them.. The police force is ideologically and organizationally geared up to target the disadvantaged strata, claims Brogden (2002, cited in Oluka and Oromareghake, 2018). The Nigerian constitution may have these positivist elements. A person's life, for instance, should not be considered to have been taken in self-defense against an unlawful assault, in preventing the escape of someone who was lawfully detained, or in putting down a riot, mutiny, or insurrection, according to Sections 33(a), (b), and (c) of Nigeria's 1999 Constitution. This constitutional provision gives the federal government the power to decide whether or not a human right has been infringed. When there are riots or protests, they will be permitted to kill individuals and defend it by using the aforementioned constitutional provision. In a similar vein, Mackey and Kania (1977), cited in Esmail and Lyle (2016), pointed out that the police's exercise of power may be seen as either excessive or necessary, depending on how the police perceive it. Olukayode (2015) said that countries like Nigeria have resorted to the application of domestic laws to regulate riots and protests in public areas, compromising the fundamental principles of democracy, as violence and terrorism have increased around the globe. He said that the Public Order Act gives the police commissioner in a state the authority to determine whether a group 22 of individuals may stage protest rallies at all, based on the governor's instructions. This statute often requires that organisations or individuals apply for and successfully acquire a police permission or clearance in order to stage protests and peaceful assemblies (Olukayode, 2015: p. Thirty-seven). According to his study, Nigeria's constitution is directly responsible for human rights breaches since police officers decide whether or not public order is violated. Simply said, regardless of whether it is appropriate for them to do so, individuals have the legal right to protest. The police officers should determine whether protests are appropriate. If this point of view is fully embraced, human rights in Nigeria face a bleak future. Contrary to these widely held beliefs, we assert that the Nigerian state's post-colonial framework is to blame for the state security services' breaches of human rights before to, during, and after the #ENDSARS protests. Post-colonial nations are the brand-new nation-states that emerged from the decolonization process that intensified following World War II. Between 1900 and 1960, Nigeria was ruled by the British. For instance, the growth of the industrial revolution necessitated the hunt for a market and raw materials for refined goods, which sparked the emergence of colonialism in Europe. Britain's influence in both economics and politics caused the Nigerian economy to begin to resemble the capitalist economies of the west. The pre-colonial economy in Nigeria was disarticulated, a tax system was put in place, indigenous peoples' lands were taken away, and the local economy was reliant on the metropolitan economy, according to Ake (1981). All of these efforts aided in the integration of the Nigerian economy into the global capitalist system. Due to the progress, many Nigerians in both urban and rural areas rejected the harsh colonial practises. The 1929 Aba Women Riot is a prime example, which was put down by all the harshness and persecution the Europeans could 23 manage. Several Nigerians who had left the country to pursue their education in other countries organised further pockets of protests and riots against the colonial practises. They quickly began to back independence. The population of Nigeria were not entirely emancipated from persecution despite the nation gaining independence in 1960. The nationalist tiny bourgeoisie that fought for independence favoured political independence above substantially reforming the colonial economy (Ake, 1981). This explains why these nationalists' financial success was dependent on the advantages of the political positions they attained, since they had no obvious economic base before rising to political prominence (Ibeanu, 2010). According to Alavi (1972), the postcolonial state has a number of traits with colonial states.He claims that the native bourgeoisie in the former colonies is underdeveloped and powerless. The emerging native bourgeoisie became a relatively autonomous group that acted as a link between the interests of the urban, indigenous, and landlord bourgeoisies since they weren't involved in the establishment of the post-colonial administrations (Alavi, 1973). The state has evolved into a production technique because the nationalist petit bourgeoisie rely on the superstructure (i.e., politics) to strengthen their economic base (Ekekwa, 1986). The extremely interventionist economic policy of the Nigerian government has reduced the institutional autonomy of the country (Ake, 1985), which has resulted in the state's inefficiency, misappropriation, and squandering of the resources given to it by the people. The corruption in the post-colonial state is on the rise (Beckman, 1988). What, therefore, explains the Nigerian state's authoritarianism, which is represented by the Police and Nigerian Army? A list of the traits of the post-colonial state is given. The Nigerian state's ability to fulfil its core duty, which is defending the fundamental human rights of its citizens, is jeopardised by its colonial mentality. There was a fight 24 to the death for political supremacy since the nationalist petit bourgeoisie saw politics as their primary profession and had acquired power from the colonialists. Political power struggles are so intense that they are compared to war. Although political power cannot be avoided, it is characterised by a winner-takes-all dynamic in which the losers receive nothing and the victors receive everything (Mbah, Edeh and Nwangwu, 2017: 177). Since the state institution is given precedence for use in acquiring riches, the state security officials, entrusted with preserving lives, abandon their primary obligations and view arresting people as a chance to enhance their financial situation. The impunity of the disbanded SARS is a result of this mentality. Because SARS had unlawfully detained people without justification and demanded money from them, there was a protest. Given Nigeria's state's corruption, incompetence, lack of productivity, dictatorship, and money theft, it seems reasonable that the institutions charged with protecting lives, property, and citizens would falter. These institutions are so rotten that it's likely that the correct individuals won't be detained. As a result, there is a significant amount of impunity and widespread lawlessness. The colonial authority established the police system to frighten, subordinate, and pacify the supposedly antagonistic ethnic groups in order to reduce the cost of sustaining the colonial bureaucracy and expedite the benefits of the indirect rule system. According to Section 4 of the Police Act of 1943, the Nigeria Police Force has the following five general duties: 1. Deterring crime, 2. Finding offenders and apprehending them, and 3. Maintaining law and order 4. Defending lives and property 5. Enforcing all the rules and laws they are directly responsible for. 25 Upholding federal, municipal, and state rules and regulations is one of these responsibilities, according to the Nigeria Police Act of 1943. (Obayemi and Mmadubike, 2019). In addition to these control mechanisms, the 1999 constitution, which must serve as the people's rulebook for police acts, sows the seeds of police abuse of Nigerians' basic human rights (Okonkwo, 2020). According to the Police Act, upholding law and order is given more importance than ensuring the welfare of the populace as a whole. Little attention was given to the authoritarian feature of the statute that the Nigeria Police acquired from colonial regimes until the National Assembly repealed the Police Act in 2020. Nigerians view the establishment of the police within the government of the country as a significant source of force intended to impose the desires and will of the government through violence rather than merely defending orders, laws, and legitimate fundamental human rights as outlined in Nigeria's 1999 constitution. Because of this, according to Chukwuma and Alenika (2000, p. 3), the colonial police forces were viewed by the general populace as their adversary, a tool of tyranny and cruelty, a source of bad news, and a means of extortion. People's encounters with the military and constabulary in various sections of the country during the early phases of the colonial war had an impact on how they view the police. They were used by the Europeans to put an end to any demonstrations against their unpopular policies (Zumve, 2020). For instance, tax opposition was brutally suppressed in Lagos in 1903, 1908, and 1915, Sapele in 1916, Latok in 1917, and Aba (i.e., the Aba ladies riot) in 1929, resulting in the deaths of fifty women and the injuries of many more (Nnoli, 2011). After the nation obtained independence, the new tiny bourgeoisie in Nigeria kept using the police to quell citizen dissent to harsh post-colonial policies (Nnoli, 2011). Throughout the 26 protracted era of military administration, there was an increase in the use of force and violations of Nigerians' fundamental human rights. Given the dialectical conflict between the nature and character of the army and the democratic institution that respects human rights, it should be obvious that this is the case. While the military may be deployed to wage war and settle disputes, democracy depends on discussion and agreement (Nnoli, 2011). It's probable that the government's soldiers would violate human rights given the situation. Senior government personnel were fired without cause and several received prison sentences under the Murtala/Obasanjo dictatorship. The 1978 Property Use Decree was also published, which transferred ownership of the property from private persons to the federal government. The public's freedom to assemble was also restricted, and labour unions were not allowed to plan strikes. Additionally, the human rights index revealed that the military regimes under Sani Abacha and Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida behaved abhorrently (Nnoli, 2011). The Police are reportedly implicated in the extrajudicial death of suspects and the torture of hostages since Nigeria reinstated democratic practises. There is hardly any feeling of victim advocacy or justice (Muller, 2020). According to Amnesty International, the Nigerian Police murdered 7,198 armed robbers in 2000 and wounded 575 others without giving them a fair trial (2009). 2.4 Empirical framework The implementation of human rights and the maintenance of strong institutions is a crucial issue that cannot be left in the government's hands because, despite being the protector of human rights and dignity, the government frequently violates these rights through a variety of actions and inactions. This episode is a vivid example of the essential function that human rights organisations perform. The researcher uses the pre27 ENDSARS protest that took place in march 2020 to elaborate on the empirical framework of the study, highlighting the impact of human rights violations by security forces in Nigeria and what they may lead to if not controlled. Amnesty International is still a specialised organisation that is prepared for and actively involved in monitoring the appropriate human issues on a global level. Table1: Constitutional fundamental human rights that were violated before and during the #EndSars protest Freedom m Expression on of in Section 39 of Guarantees the freedom for each and the CFRN; every Nigerian to receive and express their thoughts, views, and information. Additionally, it gives them unrestricted authority to construct any informationsharing channel in Nigeria under wireless broadcast laws. Right to Life Section CFRN 33 No one should have their life purposefully taken away since everyone has the right to life. The following are the exceptions to this right: 1. Only when a court orders someone to die 28 2. An incident in which someone uses appropriate force in self-defence and dies as a result. 3. If reasonable force is employed to quell a riot, mutiny, or insurrection while carrying out a valid arrest. Freedom Association of Section CFRN 40 Every Nigerian citizen has the right to establish or join any organisation of Nigerians in order to further his interests. Right to Dignity of Section Life CFRN 34 Respect and decency are due to every Nigerian citizen. He has a right not to be subjected to slavery or torture. Right to Liberty Section CFRN 35 Every Nigerian citizen has the right to personal liberty, and no one should be denied this right unless they are carrying out a criminal sentence issued by a court of law, someone is disobeying a court order, they are reasonably suspected of committing an offence, or they need care and treatment for an infectious disease, mental illness, or addiction. Freedom Movement of Section CFRN 41 Every Nigerian citizen is free to go anywhere in the country, excluding some 29 prohibited hours. However, a person may not be granted this privilege if they have been properly incarcerated or expelled by a court of law. Source: Chisom (2021) Nobody has the right to be purposefully robbed of life, as evidenced in Table 1 actual Incidences of SARS deaths on Nigerians before the # EndSARS Protest. Table 2 also includes information on a variety of fatalities, including those that occurred while persons were in the custody of the police at different police stations and those caused by police shootings that left no one with a claim against the police authority. The figures in the chart also show that younger people took part in the # EndSARS protest. All of the reasons were recent and were still in their infancy. The protestors' campaign for the dead had also been a fight for their protection since they thought that their generation was the most susceptible to SARS. The statistics also show a regional bias in favour of the south, which strengthens the case for the fear of the # EndSARS protest in the north. Table 2: Victims of SARS and Human Rights Abuse before the #EndSARS Protest Names of Age State Date Killed Nature of Death Lagos 07/02/2006 Graduate of Banking and Victims Daniel 27 AdewuyiTella Finance detained at FESTAC on his 30 way home. died while in police custody. Godgift 24 Rivers 03/07/2008 Ferguson Ekerete killed at Port Harcourt's Mile One Police Station Tony Oruama 21 Rivers 03/07/2008 killed at Port's Mile One Police Station Harcourt Harry Ataria 26 Rivers 03/07/2008 killed at Port's Mile One Police Station MbakweOruama 20 Rivers 03/07/2008 killed at Port's Mile One Police Station Emmanuel Egbo 15 Enugu 25/09/ 2008 He was unarmed when he was murdered by SARS and was having fun with other kids on the street. 31 Chika Ibeku 29 Rivers 09/04/2009 A person is first arrested held and in the Omoku Police Station before being Port sent to Harcourt. Their current location are unknown. Gabriel Ejoor 23 Rivers 09/04/2009 Indicted with Chika Ibeku Precious Odua 21 Rivers 09/04/2009 Indicted with Chika Ibeku Owoicho 29 Rivers 09/04/2009 Indicted with Chika Ibeku Christian 28 Abuja As Onuigbo he was parked in Jiwa, the cops shot him many times. Kolade Johnson 22 Lagos 31/03/2019 murdered by police stray shot 32 Mus‘abSammani 22 Kano 4/12/2019 He was shot by the police after a dispute with a Keke driver who damaged his vehicle. Chima N/A Rivers 23/12/2019 was taken into custody by the Port Harcourt police and tortured to death. KazeemTiamiyu 21 Ogun 22/02/2020 SARS murdered and tormented the Remo Stars Football Club assistant captain. Tina Ezekwe 16 Lagos 14/05/2020 Two police officers fatally shot a little schoolgirl in the Iyana 33 Oworo neighbourhood of Lagos State. Chibuike Daniel 20 Rivers 19/09/2020 Ikeaguchi up-and-coming musician. went to see his buddy in the ObioAkpor Rivers State region of Elelenwo, but upon his return, he was murdered by SARS. Source: Adopted from the reports of Amnesty International (2006, 2008, 2009, 2018, 2019 & 2020) and prepared by the researcher. Table 3: Victims of #EndSARS Protest and Abuse of Human Rights during the Protest Names of Source State Date Killed Nature of Death Delta 3/10/20 Report Victims Unnamed Harvard Review Human Right of an unjustified shooting of a 34 youngster on a Delta State street, whose care a SARS official took Jimoh Isiaka Human Right Oyo 10/10/20 Watch Shot and murdered at Ogbomosho by a stray gunshot while the police were dispersing protestors Unnamed Vanguard Ondo 11/10/20 Newspaper When the police attempted to disperse demonstrators Unnamed Amnesty All 12/10/20 International According to Amnesty International Unnamed Nairametrics Abuja 12/10/2020 The assaulted police the demonstrators 35 as they approached Force HQ with tear gas Unnamed Nairametrics Rivers 12/10/20 The Governor of NyesomWike forbade protesting, putting an end to the planned demonstration on that week's Tuesday. Unnamed Nairametrics Lagos 13/10/20 One person was murdered and many others were arrested and detained at police stations in Surulere as the police dispersed protests. 36 Unnamed This Day Abuja 14/10/20 Newspaper a directive from the CBN major banks prohibiting use to of the their platforms for fund raising Unnamed This Day Abuja 15/10/20 Newspaper Following surge a of #EndSARS protests in several places, the Federal Capital Territory Administration declared that all demonstrations are now prohibited. Unnamed Nairametrics Lagos 37 20/10/20 The Nigerian military is accused of shooting unarmed protestors at the Lekki Tollgate, where 49 people are claimed to have died. Unnamed Human Rights Oyo Police woman Watch beat brutally a lady, breaking her skull, with a stick. Ikechukwu Human Rights illo Watch 12/10/20 In an effort to disperse demonstrators, police opened fire, killing IK, 55. Unnamed Human Rights 12/10/20 Numerous demonstrators Watch were detained by the police and access attorneys; 38 denied to however, with the involvement of certain wellknown political office holders, they were freed. Source: Adopted from the reports of Amnesty International (2006, 2008, 2009, 2018, 2019 & 2020) and prepared by the researcher. According to the information in Table 3, the news of a child being shot without provocation in Delta State and a SARS agent stealing his vehicle were what set off the protest. The chart also shows how the police have used live ammunition to disperse protesters, in violation of several human rights norms and police-citizen interaction guidelines. Additionally, much as in the SARS episodes prior to the 2020 protest, the younger people suffered the worst effects of the brutality. When the military arrived and started firing on the protestors during the demonstration in Lagos State, the protesters were at the Lekki Toll Gate calling for the dissolution of SARS. Various stories exist on the number of fatalities (Premium Times, November 27th 2020). In addition to the Lekki demonstrators' aggression, it has been shown that the Police fired live ammunition to diffuse the situation. The bulk of the bullets fired by the military during the demonstration were live ones, according to General Ahmad Taiwo, Commander of 81 Military Intelligence, Victoria Island. Human Rights Watch also alleged that the Police killed JimohIsiaka in Oyo State and other people in other states (2020). According to the tables above, the constitution grants people the right to life, liberty, and the dignity of life as well as the freedoms of association, movement, and 39 speech. Even after the #EndSARS demonstration, the government continued to violate their rights. 40 CHAPTER THREE METHODOLOGY 3.1 Research Design The methods and tactics used for data collecting are the main topics of this chapter. It is the thesis's descriptive section. It places a strong emphasis on the research design, study population, sample size and sampling methodology, tools and techniques for data collection, description of the research instrument, instrument validation and reliability, data analysis, instrument dependability and reliability, and ethical considerations. According to (Okolo 2016), the study design is only a description of the steps the researcher intends to take to get the research outcomes. This research was conducted to assess human rights violations in Nigeria, with a focus on the Nigerian police force (SARS). This study's research methodology was cross-sectional surveying. This research technique was used as a result of the rapid collection of data from a small sample of a larger population. The researcher was able to quickly capture the sentiments of the respondent at a certain period using this survey. This quick survey is accessible and may be used to gauge opinion in a specific circumstance. To evaluate the study's goals, queries, and hypotheses, the researcher used both primary and secondary data as well as quantitative and qualitative methods. The mixed-methods strategy was chosen since it would assist establish the trustworthiness of the results, guarantee that readers will accept them, and raise the research's reputation. The desire to use qualitative data to investigate quantitative outcomes has an impact on the method's popularity. Two steps commonly make up an explanatory sequential design: (1) an initial quantitative instrument phase and (2) a qualitative data collecting phase, where the qualitative phase directly depends on the quantitative phase's findings. 41 By utilising the qualitative data, this approach provides a deeper explanation for the quantitative findings. For instance, results from cost-related instrument data should be further investigated via qualitative focus groups in order to better comprehend how people's individual experiences compare to the instrument findings. This study serves as an illustration of the potential application of mixed techniques to provide qualitative reasons for potential quantitative processes. The quantitative approach, according to Tracey (2013), is essential for testing a hypothesis, determining the scope of the relevant phenomena, and generalising the results. The qualitative research methodology focuses on understanding the study issue while taking into account the perspectives of people. 3.2 Population of the Study Residents, opinion leaders in the community, heads of interest organisations, media, and security agencies in Nigeria made up the study's population. But because Delta, Bayelsa, and Rivers are the states the researcher concentrated on due to a limitation that bears the brunt of violation, the specific population addressed in this study is indigenes (males and females) of Delta Central Senatorial District, Bayelsa Central Senatorial District, Delta South Senatorial District, Bayelsa West Senatorial District, Rivers South Senatorial District, Rivers East Senatorial District, and Rivers West Senatorial District. 3.3 Sample and Sampling Techniques The researcher selected participants for the study from seven senatorial districts in the states of Delta, Rivers, and Bayelsa. A total of 400 people were included in the sample; fifty-seven (57) respondents were chosen from each of the seven senatorial districts. A straightforward random sampling procedure was employed to choose the study's sample. The 400 participants chosen were given the questionnaire by the researcher 42 after selecting the sample. However, 390 people answered the questionnaire that was sent out. As a result, the researcher finally used the 390 respondent' responses to the questionnaire as data. 3.4 Instrument for Data Collection Structured questionnaires served as the main data gathering tools in the study's data collection methodology. quantitative data was gathered for the study by the researcher. A survey questionnaire was used to gather the quantitative data. The researcher personally gave the questionnaire and gathered the data with the help of a few field helpers. Random distribution of the structured questionnaire and an in-depth interview with participants from the traditional population's other groups were both done. A pilot test was done with a sample of respondent from the chosen demographic prior to the questionnaire's distribution. The purpose of the pilot test was to identify any possible issues with the language or administration of the questionnaire. Each survey included 18 questions intended to elicit responses from respondent in addition to information about their socio demographics. To gather the necessary qualitative data for the research, an extensive and organised interview was performed. The interviewees' offices or other suitable locations served as the interview location. The survey was also designed with closed-ended Likert scale questions. It will be divided into two portions, each of which will focus on a distinct area related to the study topic, goals, queries, and hypotheses. The two portions will be made up, respectively, of data on socio demographic traits and respondent' views. Scaled research questions were employed. A three-point Likert scale was used to gauge the respondent' level of opinion and the following scale will be used to evaluate their responses: 43 Yes No, and undecided 3.5 Method of Data Analysis In the study, the researcher used qualitative and quantitative data analysis techniques. Descriptive statistics like frequencies, percentages, and Chi-Square were used to analyse the quantitative data that was gleaned from the distribution of questionnaires. The explanation of the findings drawn from the quantitative data gathered was combined with the presentation of the qualitative data obtained via in-depth interviews. The P-value of any of the chi-square tests must be less than or equal to 0.05 for the tested association to be judged significant because the research hypotheses were evaluated at the 5% or 0.05 level. The study hypotheses were put to the test using chisquare. A group of observed frequencies and a group of anticipated frequencies can be compared using the Chi-square test. This test is used in the study to assess how closely observed data match predicted data. The same reduction, categorization, and interpretation approach was used in the study's analysis of the qualitative information gathered from the in-depth interviews. The same reduction, categorization, and interpretation approach was used in the study's analysis of the qualitative information gathered from the in-depth interviews. CHAPTER FOUR DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS This chapter covers the analysis of the data from the survey given to respondent in the research area. The study's results served as the basis for the analysis and interpretation. Simple frequency, percentages, and interpretations of the information obtained by 44 respondent are shown in the data analysis. Only 270 of the 400 questionnaires that were sent out to responders were eventually collected. The number returned provides the foundation for this study's analysis. The primary results of the research are also summarised in this chapter in accordance with the study's declared goals. Return Rate for Questionnaires The questionnaire's findings are presented in this part along with the respondent' responses. The percentages of respondent who responded during the data gathering procedure is indicated by the response rate. The response rate as reported by each target category is shown in Table 4.1. Table 4.1 Response Rate Sample Population Response % Response Rates 400 270 67.5 Source: Fieldwork (2022) Only 270 people, or 67.5 percent, of the 400 questionnaires issued overall, are shown in Table 4.1 above as completing out and returning their allocated questions. 32.5 percent of the remaining people refused to participate in the gathering of study data. Table 4.2 Distribution of Respondent by Sex Sex Frequency Percentages Male 156 57.8 Female 114 42.2 Total 270 100% Source: Fieldwork (2022) 45 According to the respondent' gender breakdown, 57.8% of them were men and 42.2% were women. Table 4.3 Distribution of demography Age Frequency Percentages 18-30 108 32.4 31-40 75 22.5 41-50 51 15.3 51+ 36 10.8 Total 270 100% Source: Fieldwork (2022) Table 4.3, which shows the respondent' age distribution, lists 32. 4.8% of respondent were between the ages of 18 and 30; 22.5% were between the ages of 31 and 40; and 15.3% were between the ages of 41 and 50. The respondent made up 10.8% of the population who were 51 years of age or older. The responders have enough experience and aptitude to be aware of several crucial aspects of police violence. Table 4.4Educational Distribution of Respondent Qualification Frequency % Tertiary 177 65.6 Secondary 87 32.2 Primary 6 2.2 46 No Education 0 0 Total 270 100 Source: Fieldwork (2022) According to the research, 65.5 percent of respondent have a bachelor's degree or more, 32.2 percent have a secondary school diploma, and 2.2 percent have just a primary education. Additionally, it demonstrates a modest degree of western education in the region being studied and the ability to comprehend its political dynamics. Table 4.5 Occupational Status of Respondent Profession Frequency Percentages Civil servants 72 26.7 Academia 24 8.9 Entertainment 36 13.3 Students 54 20 Businesspeople 84 31.1 Total 270 100 Fieldwork (2022) According to the results, 26.7% of the respondent worked as public workers, followed by 8.9% in academics and 13.3% in the entertainment sector. Additionally, students made up 20% of the population while businesspeople made up 31.1%. Section B Table 4.6: Do you think that democracy guarantees individual rights? Category Respondent Percentages Yes 204 75.5 47 No 48 17.8 No Response 18 6.7 Total 270 100 Source: Fieldwork (2022) According to the replies in Table 4.6 above, 75.5 percent of respondent agreed that democracy as a form of governance ensures the rights of people in society, 17.8 percent disagreed by responding negatively, and the remaining 6.7 percent were unclear. Table 4.7: Does democracy in Nigeria protect people's rights from abuse, especially by the police? Category Respondent Percentages Yes 39 14.4 No 216 80.0 No Response 15 5.6 Total 270 100 Source: Fieldwork (2022) According to Table 4.7, 14.4% of respondent thought democratic rule had protected people's rights in Nigeria from being violated, while 80% of respondent indicated that democratic rule had failed to do so, in contrast to the principles of democracy that guarantee and promote protection for people's rights, and 5.6% of respondent had left the box unchecked. Table 4.8: Is the human rights situation in Nigeria out of control? Category Respondent Percentages Positive 42 15.6 48 Negative 222 82.2 Not decided 6 2.2 Total 270 100 Source: Fieldwork (2022) According to the statistics in table 4.8, just 15.6% of respondent said they had a favourable opinion of the state of human rights in Nigeria, while 82.2% had an unfavourable one. They said that not enough is being done to defend people's rights. Only 2% of the remaining respondent were unsure. Table 4.9: Have you had first-hand experiences where police violated your rights? Category Respondent Percentages Yes 222 82.2 No 42 15.6 Not decided 6 2.2 Total 270 100 Source: Fieldwork (2022) Table 4.9 shows that 82.2 percent of respondent claimed they had experienced prior violations of their rights, 15.6 percent said they had not, and 2.2 percent did not reply to the question. Table 4.10: Are people’s rights being ignored in the country? Category Respondent Percentages Yes 216 80 No 39 14.4 49 Not decided 15 5.6 Total 90 100 Source: Fieldwork (2022) Eighty percent of respondent indicated yes to the issue of whether or not individual rights are consistently infringed in Nigeria, 14.4 percent disagreed, and 5.6 percent were unsure. Table 4.11: In what ways can you indicate these rights being violated? Category Respondent Percentages Torture 12 4.4 Unlawful arrests 18 6.7 Illegal detentions 9 3.3 False implications 15 5.6 Extra judicial killings 21 7.8 Executive lawlessness 21 7.8 Influences 9 3.3 All of the above 165 61.1 Total 270 100 on the judicial system Source: Fieldwork (2022) According to the data in table 4.11, 4.4% of respondent claimed that torture, 6.7% stated that an unlawful arrest had infringed their rights, and 3.3% indicated that an illegal detention had. False implication was selected by 5.6 percent of respondent, while extrajudicial killing was mentioned by 7.8 percent. Similarly, 7.8% of respondent chose executive lawlessness, 3.3% mentioned the impact on the legal system, and 61.1 percent 50 indicated all of the aforementioned causes may be ways in which the police violated their constitutional rights as citizens. Table 4.12: Are some of your encounters with security organizations in the country? Category Respondent Percentages Positive 42 15.6 Negative 222 82.2 Not decided 6 2.2 Total 270 100 Source: Fieldwork (2022) Table 4.12 above demonstrates that just 2.2 percent of respondent were indecisive, whereas 82.2 percent of respondent reported having a poor experience with security services and 15.6 percent reported having a favourable one. Table 4.13: Has a security agency asked you to consent to a search? Category Respondent Percentages Yes 33 12.2 No 231 85.6 No response 6 2.2 Total 270 100 Source: Fieldwork (2022) Table 4.13 shows that 12.2 percent of respondent agreed that police officers asked for their permission before searching them, 85.6 percent of respondent disagreed, saying that the police did not ask for permission before searching them, and the remaining 2.2 percent of respondent chose not to answer the question. Table 4.14: Based on your experience, has your view of security companies in Nigeria 51 changed? Category Respondent Percentages Yes 42 15.6 No 219 81.1 No Response 9 3.3 Total 270 100 Source: Fieldwork (2022) According to the data in the table above, 15.6% of respondent stated their perception of Nigeria's security agencies has changed, and 81.1% said the same about security. In fact, agencies have been strengthened by their interactions with the police and have not altered. Only 3.3 percent of them remained silent. Table 4.15 Do you think that the Nigerian state's failure to protect individual rights poses a threat to democratic development in the country? Category Respondent Percentages Yes 219 81.1 No 42 15.6 No Response 9 3.3 Total 270 100 Source: Fieldwork (2022) 81.1 percent of respondent agreed that the failure of the Nigerian state to protect and advance individual rights could have serious repercussions for the country's ability to maintain democracy; however, 15.6 percent expressed opposing views and thought that the failure to advance and advance human rights have no serious repercussions for the country's ability to maintain democracy. 3.3 percent of them remained silent. 52 Table 4.16: Is the inability of democratic rule to protect human rights in Nigeria brought about the EndSARS protest? Category Respondent Percentages Yes 246 91.1 No 21 7.8 No Response 3 1.1 Total 270 100 Source: Fieldwork (2022) According to Table 4.16, 91.1% of respondent believed that the EndSARS protest was a result of the democratic system's failure to protect their basic human rights, 7.8% of respondent disagreed with this idea, and only 1.1% of respondent had no opinion. Table 4.17 Do you think the Endsars was beyond a call to end police brutality to calling for reforming all government sectors? Category Respondent Percentages Yes 240 88.9 No 27 10 No Response 3 1.1 Total 270 100 Source: Fieldwork (2022) Table 4.17 shows that 88.9% of respondent thought the EndSARS protest was more significant than calls for ending police abuses and comprehensive reform of all facets of government; 10% of respondent disagreed with this assessment, and 1.1% of respondent stated nothing. 53 Table 4.18 was the EndSARS protest a genuine cry for a democratic government to defend the rights of the people? Category Respondent Percentages Yes 243 90 No 27 10 No Response 0 0 Total 270 100 Source: Fieldwork (2022) As can be seen in table 4.18, 90% of respondent agreed that the EndSARS demonstration was a reasonable appeal for Nigeria's democratic government to protect and advance its fundamental human rights; 10% of respondent disagreed, and nobody spoke up. Table 4.19: Is there a violent dimension of the EndSARS protests? Category Respondent Percentages Justified 42 15.6 Not justified 201 74.4 No Response 27 10 Total 270 100 Source: Fieldwork (2022) Table 4.19 shows that although 74.4 percent of respondent disagreed with this opinion and 10% remained silent, 15.6% of respondent thought the violence that erupted at the conclusion of the EndSARS rally was justifiable. Table 4.20: Do you think the violence that ensued towards the end of the EndSARS protest cannot harm the country's democracy? 54 Category Respondent Percentages Yes 87 32.2 No 177 65.6 No Response 6 2.2 Total 270 100 Source: Fieldwork (2022) Table 4.20 shows that 32.2 percent of respondent believe that the violence that took place at the conclusion of the EndSARS protest cannot cause Nigeria's democracy to collapse, while 65.6 percent of respondent believe that it may, and 2.2 percent of respondent said nothing. Table 4.21: Has any form of change or development towards protecting human rights since the end of the EndSARS protest? Category Respondent Percentages Yes 54 20 No 210 77.8 No Response 6 2.2 Total 270 100 Source: Fieldwork (2022) According to Table 4.21's statistics, 20% of respondent claimed to have seen improvements in the country's efforts to advance human rights after the EndSARS protest, while 77.8% said that nothing has changed and 2.2% were unsure. Table 4.20 reveals that 88.9% of respondent thought that IPOB's demand for the establishment of a Biafra state was reasonable, 8.9% disagreed, and 2.2 percent were unsure. 55 Table 4.22: Do you perceive the present democratic rule as having the ability to address the country's continued violation of human rights? Category Respondent Percentages Yes 69 25.6 No 189 70.0 No Response 12 4.4 Total 270 100 Source: Fieldwork (2022) According to Table 4.22, 25.6% of the respondent thought that the country's ongoing human rights violations could be addressed through the current democratic system. 70 percent disagreed with this view, arguing that democratic government as it exists now cannot handle the country's human rights violations. 4.4% were unsure. Table 4.23: What factors can you identify as responsible for the inability of democratic rule in Nigeria to guide against violation of human rights? Category Respondent Percentages Constitutional Challenges 15 5.6 Impacts of Military Rule 27 10 Absence of True Judicial Independence system 18 6.7 56 Problem of Disobedience to Court Order Impact of Underdevelopment and 9 3.3 the 9 3.3 Political Systems Weak Institutional Infrastructures 12 4.4 All of the above 180 66.7 Total 270 100 Source: Fieldwork (2022) According to Table, 4.6 percent of respondent think that constitutional challenges have made it difficult for democratic rule to advance fundamental human rights, while 10 percent of respondent thought that military rule had a negative impact on democracy and that 6.7 percent of respondent said it was difficult to address human rights issues in Nigeria because of the lack of true judicial independence. According to the survey, 3.3% of respondent believed that the issue of disobedience to court orders was a barrier to the advancement of human rights in the nation, while 3.3% cited the political system and the impact of underdevelopment as the main causes, and 4.4% agreed that the current democratic system's inadequate institutional framework encourages human rights abuse. However, 66.7% of the respondent said that all of the aforementioned factors contribute to the malfunctioning of democratic governance to promote human rights in the nation. Test of Hypotheses The Chi-square (X2) is an inferential statistical method that was employed in this study to assess the research hypotheses. Chi-square (X2) is calculated using the following formula: X2= (fo-fe) 2\sFe Where: 57 Fo = Frequency observed Expected frequency is Fe. Chi-squared X2 ∑ = Sum of For all inferential statistics, the general decisional rule for accepting or rejecting a hypothesis is: The study rejects the null hypothesis (Ho) and supports the alternative hypothesis when the estimated statistic surpasses the table value (Hi). The study accepts the null hypothesis (Ho) and rejects the alternative hypothesis when the table value exceeds the computed statistic (Hi). 4.3.1 Hypothesis One H0: Democratic rule has not failed to promote and protect the rights of individuals in Nigeria. H1: Democratic rule has failed to promote and protect the rights of individuals in Nigeria. For hypothesis testing, data in tables 4.7 and 4.10 were used. Table 4.24 demonstrates that 44.7% of respondents were in favour of the questions in Tables 4.7 and 4.10, 44.7% were against them, and 5.6% had not made up their minds. Question No A B C Total D (4.7) 39 (a) 216 (b) 15 (c) 270 E (4.10) 216 (d) 39 (E) 15 (f) 270 Total 255 (47.2%) 255 30 (5.6%) 540 (47.2%) Source: Fieldwork (2022) 58 The sum of the yeses in tags D and E is in the column A label. The sum of the no in tags D and E is B. The sum left up for debate in tags D and E is C. The responses from Table 4.7 are labelled D. The responses from table 4.10 are marked with an E. Table 4.24 above demonstrates that 44.7% of respondents preferred questions in tables. 44.7 percent of respondents were against questions 4.7 and 4.10, while 5.6 percent were undecided. Table 25 below displays the predicted frequency computation. Table 4.26: Observed and Expected Frequencies Weighted A Observed Expected Deviatio DeviationSquar Weighe Frequenc Frequenc n (fo- fe) ed d y (fo) y (fe) (fo-fe)2 fe)2/fe 39 127. (fo- -88.5 2610.75 61.428 88.5 2610.75 61.428 5 B 216 127. 59 5 C 15 15 0 0 0 D 216 127.5 88.5 2610.75 61.428 E 39 127.5 - 2610.75 61.428 88.5 F 15 Tota 540 15 0 0 0 540 245.7 l Source: Fieldwork (2022) Calculated X2 = 81.9, Df = (c-1) (r-1); (3-1) (2-1) = 2, Alpha level = 0.05, Table value = 5.99 If the calculated test statistic (χ2) test > the critical value from tables (x2 4.3.2 Hypothesis Two Hypothesis 2: H0: The inability of democratic rule to safeguard human rights does not portend danger for democratic sustainability in Nigeria. H1: The inability of democratic rule to safeguard human rights portends danger for democratic sustainability in Nigeria. For hypothesis testing, data in tables 4.15 and 4.20 was used. Table 4.27 below reveals that 56.7 percent of respondents approved of the questions in tables 4.15 and 4.20, 40.5 percent disapproved, and the remaining 2.8 percent were undecided. Question No D (4.15) A 219 (a) B 42 (b) 60 C Total 9 (c) 270 E (4.20) 87 (d) 87 (E) 6 (f) 270 Total 306 (56.7%) 129 15 (2.8%) 540 (40.5%) Source: Fieldwork (2022) The sum of the yeses in tags D and E is in the column A label. The sum of the no in tags D and E is B. The sum left up for debate in tags D and E is C. The responses from table 4.15 are denoted by the letter D. The results from table 4.20 are labelled E. According to table 4.27, 56.7 percent of respondents supported the questions in tables 4.15 and 4.20, 40.5 percent disagreed, and the remaining 2.8 percent were undecided. The predicted frequency computation is displayed in table 4.28 below. Table 4.28: Calculating Expected Counts from Observed Counts A B C Tota l D E Tota 270x306/540=153 270x306/540=153 30 270x219/540=109. 270x15/540=7. 5 5 270x219/540=109. 270x15/540=7. 5 5 219 15 61 270 270 540 l 6 Source: Fieldwork (2022) The FE in table 4.28 was gotten by using the formula Fe = R x C N Where Fe = Expected Frequency R = Row Total C = Column total N = Grand Total Table 4.29: Observed and Expected Frequencies Weighted Observe Expected Deviation DeviationSqua Weigh d Frequency (fo- fe) red ed (fo- Frequen (fe) (fo-fe)2 fe)2/fe cy (fo) A 219 1 66 5 62 1452 28.47 3 B 42 109.5 -67.5 C 9 7.5 1.5 D 87 1 -66 1518.75 0.75 41.607 0.3 1452 28.47 1518.75 41.607 5 3 E 177 109.5 6 7. 5 F 6 Tot 540 al 7.5 -1.5 54 0.75 0.3 140.1 0 Source: Fieldwork (2022) 63 CHAPTER FIVE SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 5.1 Summary of Findings It was crucial to get to the conclusion of the hypothesis that had been formed for the analysis and exploration of additional data groups in order to explain the study's findings. The interaction was attempted to be used to further the data analysis and presentation. Two important revelations are included in the outcome. The realisation that Nigeria's democratic government has failed to progress and uphold human rights is at the top of the list. The second realisation is that Nigeria's democracy is at risk if democratic control over human rights is not upheld and due to the rate at which corruption has eaten into the blood of the authority of Nigeria, to government was blind to all the violation by the SARS operatives it resulted to the ENDSARS protest. Thirdly, human rights violations appear to be an issue for Nigeria's democracy and citizens react resentful to it which is a resent development. Without a doubt, a democratic society upholds each person's rights. According to Table 5.6 of this survey, 75% of respondents felt that a democratic government could readily maintain and enhance the rights of citizens. Only 17.8% of respondents disagreed with the survey's findings. In contrast to authoritarian regimes where it is normal and accepted for people to have their human rights violated by illegitimate representatives, democracy and good governance demand that those in charge of making significant decisions and taking decisive action on behalf of the people do so after free and fair elections. It is a guarantee in a sense because it will be difficult for the government to be chosen by those who would afterwards accuse them of breaching human rights. 64 Among other things, Nigerians had anticipated that achieving self-rule would lead to excellent administration, the advancement of fundamental human rights, and a notable socio-economic and political change of the nation. The right to fair process and equal protection have been undermined by inequalities in the distribution of resources and effort notwithstanding decades of civilian democracy. The poorest people in Nigeria are disproportionately impacted negatively by the problem. One explanation for the persistence of these inconsistencies is the nation's inability to include democratic ideals, which ensure the public's right to information, participation in decision-making, and access to justice, in its governance. A youth-led movement calling for a change in the country's political system was developed as a result of the Nigerian state's incapacity to protect against rights violations. A demonstration against police brutality served as the initial move. It eventually developed into what was arguably the most recent public uprising against the federal government. On October 3rd, a video supposedly depicting a person being killed at random by SARS agents in Ughelli, a town in southern Delta state, surfaced online. This was the turning point. Even more uproar was generated when Nigerian authorities claimed the widely circulated video on social media was false and detained the person who took it. It addresses a variety of issues, such as injustice, corruption, and a general lack of trust in government. A far larger critique of Nigeria was included in the protests as they progressed, including worries about extrajudicial murders, security, and police reform. In the past, Nigerians have also criticised police wrongdoing. Between January 2017 and May 2020, SARS was responsible for at least 82 acts of torture and extrajudicial murders, according to Amnesty International. They allege that people held by SARS 65 have experienced physical abuse, such as beatings and kicks, burning with cigarettes, and almost suffocation using transparent plastic bags. Cases and arrests are rarely looked into. Although Nigeria made torture a crime in 2017, no SARS workers have been found guilty of the crime. Nigerians went to social media to share their stories of violent run-ins with the law after a video showing SARS operatives leaving the scene of a man's death was released. The federal government has already made a number of probes and reform promises. However, the protest's organisers were quite clear about what they desired: an end to SARS. According to recent surveys, Nigerians blame the government and police the most for the rise in human rights breaches (NOI Polls, 2019). On the continent, a running joke about how the government responds to calls for reform has been going on for the past 25 years. Successive Nigerian administrations have turned to panels rather than offering significantly better training and punishing breaching units. President Olusegun Obasanjo also established the Dan madami police reform panel in 2006. (HWR, 2010). In order to assess how well past studies had been put into practise, President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua established the Presidential Committee on the Reform of the Nigerian Police in 2008. President Goodluck Jonathan dismissed the inspector general of police in 2012 after becoming aware of rumours that Boko Haram had infiltrated the police service. He subsequently established a second group to overhaul the police force (Aljazeera, 2012). When Nigerians voted en masse for Buhari to become president in 2015, they expected a problem to be solved, not a puzzle. In his pre-election rallies, Buhari promised "change," but he has so far disappointed them. For Nigerians, the last five years have 66 been the most terrible and frightening; life has lost all meaning and flavour. Nigerians will have the fifth-lowest life expectancy on Earth in 2020, according to macrotrends.net, with a life expectancy of 54.8 years. Cruel leadership and bad governance are related (Africa Report, 2020). Herein lays the primary cause of Nigeria's violations of human rights. According to the comments from the respondents in table 5.11, extrajudicial executions, false accusations, arbitrary arrests, unlawful imprisonment, torture, executive interference, and court system anarchy are Nigeria's most significant human rights issues. Nigeria's democracy, according to the Joint Pastoral Letter, is tragically in danger. In order to maintain our democracy, the press and our government, two institutions entrusted with servicing the needs of the people, must do more. They must also preserve the rights that God has given us (CBCN, 2010). Nigeria's democracy has been eroding while being closely monitored by government committee panels due to ongoing abuses and impunity. As a result, it is essential and urgent to discuss the issue of human rights in Nigeria. A few legal defence strategies for men and their surroundings emerged with the advent of legal rights. These literary works examine men's connections with other individuals and the larger world, as well as the peculiar and unique difficulties they have experienced throughout their time on earth. All of these rights are currently being violated, either directly or indirectly, in a democratic Nigeria. The Nigerian government and the so-called leaders chosen by the underprivileged for proper representation are seen collecting wealth for themselves and their unborn children instead of working for the welfare of the public. 67 Section 1(1) of the 1999 Nigerian Constitution states the following: "proclaims it. The aforementioned constitutional provision appears to have gone unnoticed by the Federal authorities, who are responsible for defending human rights. They treat the constitution with disrespect in the manner they do their business. The average citizen is the target of the law. Nigeria's violations of human rights are brought on by this. The law doesn't interest a lot of people. Laws are frequently changed to favour particular groups of people. Nearly as if they were all people, everyone is treated equally. All men are created equally, and their creator has endowed them certain unalienable rights, such as the right to pursue happiness, liberty, and life. We consider these realities to be obvious. This is stated in the American Declaration of Man's Rights (1776). The statement made in the aforementioned statement does not reflect the opinions of anyone involved in government. Nigeria is a divided nation. The federal government has superhuman talents, according to them. They can only understand technicalities when it comes to the obvious truth that everyone is equal in the eyes of the creator. The average person is a piece of wood that may be burned at will. They are basal creatures. The 1948 United Nations Declaration on the Adoption of Human Rights states that "Human rights must be protected by the rule of law; recognition of the inherent dignity and the equal, inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, peace, and justice in the world; contempt and disregard for human rights have resulted in barbaric acts that have outraged the conscience of humanity" (UN, 2015). Idowu made the following observation on his behalf: "Before citizens can continue to contribute their human resources to the overall development and effective democratisation of their country, their fundamental rights must be guaranteed and 68 protected since they are arguably the most distinctive features of democracy. Simply expressed, the progress of human rights is essential to the development of a robust democracy and a nation (Idowu, 2003). The study concludes that the government's inability to address violations of human rights puts Nigeria's democracy at peril. Table 5.15 of this survey shows that 81.1% of respondents, as opposed to 15.6 % who did not, thought that Nigeria's democracy may be at danger if a democratic government failed to address rights violations. The response to the regular disregard for human rights and dignity took a violent turn, similar to how the EndSARS protest began, resulting in the loss of property and life throughout the majority of the federation's states. The country's democracy was seriously endangered by the violence that broke out during the EndSARS demonstration. Violence may make it more difficult for the nation to retain democracy, according to the majority of respondents (65,6 percent). But just 32.2 percent of them gave an unfavourable response. Only 15.6 respondents, compared to 74.4 percent who felt there could be no justification, thought the use of violence in this situation was appropriate. Table 5.19 of this inquiry displays the data that was acquired. It is important to pay heed to the concerns raised by the vast majority of respondents about how the EndSARS demonstration's violence would effect how long the nation's democracy will continue. According to Table 5.18 of the study's findings, 90% of respondents considered the rally was a justified call for a democratic government to defend citizens' rights. Nigeria and all Nigerians needed to wake up as a result of the demonstrations. What happened in Tunisia, Libya, and Egypt during the Arab spring may be instructive for 69 Nigeria. The Nigerian government quickly denounced the story (PM News, 2012). Obaji (2020) questioned the veracity of the figures from his perspective. Obaji (2020) contends that Nigeria is not a failing, crashing, or dissolving nation despite its failure to offer its inhabitants democracy. Instead, it is a shaky state that has failed to offer its residents basic public services (Soyemi, 2016). As a result, its dysfunctional political system, social cohesion, peace, and economic growth have all suffered. States are allowed to offer a limited number of public facilities to those living on their territory. The safeguarding of everyone's basic liberties and rights is perhaps the most important of them. Politics, economic progress, social cohesion, and peace are all hampered by poor governance. Governments and institutions must be transparent with the public and answerable to them. 5.2 Conclusion The study looked at how Special Anti-Robbery Squads police in Nigeria frequently violate human rights (SARS). The Special Anti-Robbery Squads (SARS) soldiers frequently project a sense of dread, and because they don't wear name badges on their uniforms, it could be challenging to identify one of them. Findings demonstrate the severity of SARS's violations of human rights in Nigeria. It is hazardous. Since SARS continues to roam the streets in patrol vans and there are becoming more human rights breaches, there is a public uproar calling for the complete abolition of the SARS Unit from the Nigeria Police Force. SARS continues to execute people without due process, use excessive amounts of deadly force, and subject captives to routine cruel, inhumane treatment. By using the worn-out cliché "police is our buddy," the police have damaged public confidence and the Nigerian Police's reputation as a reliable law enforcement organisation. The Nigeria Police Force is to responsible for the country's continued 70 breaches of human rights, as well as for the nation's poor record in combating crime, the high levels of reported corruption within its ranks, and the nation's general disrespect for human rights. All of these factors seriously jeopardise the peace and security of the nation and increase Nigerians' mistrust of the police. SARS's irresponsible actions were made possible by a lack of control over involvement in activities that are counter to the interests of the broader public, a lacklustre work ethic, and illiteracy. No one is above the law, thus the law has declared the people's rights and they should be treated with the highest respect. No matter who was negligent, it should be harshly penalised. 5.2.1 Implication of Study The implications of study raise the issue of how human rights relate to armed conflict and efforts to bring about peace. Although there is general agreement that abuses of human rights are both causes and indicators of violent conflict, focusing just on one of these views may result in different strategies and results. The inclusion of human rights in a negotiated peace and the confluence of these rights with the many dimensions of peace-building through the conflict resolution process are both discussed in this section, which also focuses on other justice and rule-of-law-related issues. Violent conflicts result from demands for appropriate access to means of resistance, instruments for discrimination, and the right to self-determination. Human rights violations set off cycles of fear-based dehumanisation. Conflict has the potential to start and worsen due to both the denial of and demand for human rights. When the state fails to protect fundamental human rights and provide forums for peaceful dispute settlement, organisations may resort to using physical force to enforce their demands. 5.3 Recommendations 71 The inquiry has received the following recommendations; 1. Advocacy is necessary to prevent SARS workers from breaching and abusing human rights. The public has to know what constitutes a breach of human rights and how to protect victims from such violations, thus human rights defenders must speak out. It could be done through radio and television programmes that allow listeners to phone in with questions. Police are aware that once they retire, people will no longer view them as officers but as regular citizens. 2. A competent court with jurisdiction must be ready to investigate cases of alleged violations of human rights by the Nigerian Police Force objectively and to order the Inspector General of Police to invite the responsible officer to testify in court. Justice must be carried out swiftly, without delays. 3. A section within the Nigeria Police Force that would look into and file charges against officers who had violated the rights of the people has to be established by the federal government. 4. All DPOs, police commissioners, deputies, inspector general of police (DIGs), human rights attorneys, and offices of the Human Rights Commission should make their contact information available to the general public. 5. Before being assigned to various postings in the Nigerian Police Force, candidates should be directed to different human rights organisations in Nigeria for practical training on human rights issues and implications after being employed or maybe graduating from Police College. 6. If the victims' deaths were caused by the federal government, a law must be in place to give their families prompt and significant compensation. The cost of compensation should be reduced by the amount of money budgeted for the 72 Nigeria Police within a fiscal year. The costs incurred as a result of violating people's rights would be disclosed to the Inspector General of Police (IGP), who oversees the Nigerian Police Force. 7. The IGP should be instructed to publicly and unequivocally reprimand any incompetent police officers who are discovered to have violated human rights, and all SARS department employees should go through a mental examination. The Inspector General of Police is in charge of this project. 8. h) The Nigerian Police Compel's SARS unit has to be reorganised with a new plan of attack and a focus on best practises from across the world, or it risked being forced to close down and need its entire staff to retire. 5.4 Implications to research This research critically examines the effects of human rights breaches in Nigeria on both a national and individual level. a. 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The political economy of the #endsars protest in Nigeria: opening the black box of police brute-force and extrajudicial executions. International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Reviews, 10(3), p. 132–139 84 APPENDIX I Questionnaire Guide Dear Respondent, I am a Master's student with the institution named above and the department. I am researching "Nigeria Security Agencies and Human Rights Violation: A Study of the Nigeria Police Force (Special Anti-Robbery Squads; SARS); please note the information you have given will be treated in strict confidence and used for this research work. SECTION A: Demographic and demographic Data available. Instruction: Please tick the answer relevant to your answers a. Sex: Male [ ] Female [] b. Academic Qualification: Secondary () Tertiary () Primary () No Education () 3 Age within years (s): 31 - 40 () 18- 30 () 41 - 50 () 51 and higher () c. Marital Status: Single( )Married( )Divorced( )Widowed( ) d. Education: Tertiary ( ) Secondary ( ) Primary ( ) No education () e. Occupation: Civil servants ( ) Academia ( ) Entertainment ( ) Students () Business () f. Years of working experience:1- 5years( ) 6-10( ) 11-15( ) 16-20( ) >20 () 85 SECTION B: Opinions of Respondent Remember to answer this area and tick as appropriate [√] by choosing among the options (Y (Yes); N (N); U (Not decided); you might add a comment to justify your answers. S/N QUESTIONS yes no Und 1 Do You think that democracy guarantees individual rights? 2 Does democracy in Nigeria protect people's rights from abuse, especially by the police? 3 Is the human rights situation in Nigeria out of control? 4 Have you had first-hand experiences where police violated your rights? 5 Are human rights being ignored in the country? 6 Do these rights get regularly encroached? 7 Are some of your encounters with security organizations in the country? 8 Has a security agency asked you to consent to a search? 9 Based on your experience, has your view of security companies in Nigeria changed? 10 Do you think that the Nigerian state's failure to protect individual rights poses a threat to democratic development in the country? 11 Is the inability of democratic rule to protect human rights in Nigeria brought about the EndSARS protest? 86 12 Do you think the Endsars was beyond a call to end police brutality to calling for reforming all government sectors? 13 Is the EndSARS protest a genuine cry for a democratic government to defend the rights of the people? 14 What do you think about the violent dimension of the EndSARS protests? 15 Do you think the violence that ensued towards the end of the EndSARS protest cannot harm the country's democracy? 16 Has any form of change or development towards protecting human rights since the end of the EndSARS protest? 17 Do you perceive the present democratic rule as having the ability to address the country's continued violation of human rights? 18 Are there factors you can identify as responsible for the inability of democratic rule in Nigeria to guide against violation of human rights? 87