Psychological Thought
psyct.swu.bg | 2193-7281
South-West University “Neofit Rilski”
Research Article
Humour Styles as Mediators between SelfEsteem and Loneliness
Heather Delaneya, Gert Kruger*b
[a] Department of Psychology, University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa.
[b] Department of Psychology, University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa.
Abstract
This study investigated whether the different humour styles mediate the relationship between
self-esteem and loneliness. A sample of 689 undergraduate students completed self-report
measures of self-esteem, humour styles and loneliness. Previous research (Cacioppo &
Patrick, 2009) indicates an inverse relationship between self-esteem and loneliness and
factors within the social environment have been argued to play a role in this relationship.
Humour styles used in social interactions have been found to be associated with different
levels of self-esteem and loneliness. Significant specific indirect mediation effects were found
for all four humour styles. The interpersonally beneficial humour styles contributed to lower
perceived loneliness, whereas use of the interpersonally detrimental humour styles resulted
in higher experiences of loneliness. The results are discussed in terms of the individual and
social consequences of the humour styles.
Keywords: self-esteem; loneliness; mediation; humour styles; South Africa.
Table of Contents
Method
Procedure
Results
Discussion
References
Psychological Thought, 2022, Vol. 15(2), 95-113, https://doi.org/10.37708/psyct.v15i2.679
Received: 2021-10-26. Accepted:2022-06-04. Published (VoR): 2022-10-31.
Handling Editor: Irina Roncaglia, Chartered Practitioner Sport & Exercise Psychologist, The National Autistic
Society (NAS), United Kingdom. *Corresponding author at: Department of Psychology, University of
Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa E-mail:
[email protected]
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This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Common Attribution License
(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in
any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
In this article is proposed that self-esteem and loneliness both relate to responses to
perceived adequacies or inadequacies about certain aspects regarding the self and social
and emotional relationships (Heatherton & Wyland, 2003; Kernis et al., 2008). Self-esteem is
an internal evaluation that people have of themselves with regards to a specific state or the
general sense of their self (Mruk, 2006), and is based on how much people value themselves
(Brown & Marshall, 2006; Leary & Baumeister, 2000; Rosenberg, 1965). Self-esteem may be
high, low, secure, or fragile and can fluctuate between contexts (Kernis et al., 2008).
Moreover, a person’s perceived level of self-esteem may take a global view or may be
specific. This refers to a general overall self-view that may be positive or negative towards
the self in all aspects or a domain specific self-evaluation, where facets of the self or
experience may be perceived positively or negatively (Rosenberg, 1965; Rosenberg et al.,
1995).
A person’s level of self-esteem may fluctuate between experiential domains and with the
value that they place on succeeding in a particular domain (Harter, 1999). In other words,
people may display low self-esteem when they do not succeed in a specific domain in which
they have aspirations, but these fluctuations do not necessarily influence their overall view of
themselves. They could conceivably hold high global self-esteem as a person on the whole
yet have low self-esteem in their ability to traverse social encounters. The self in the concept
of self-esteem is not only psychological but also social (Mruk, 2006), suggesting that the
sense of self grows from interactions with others (Harter, 2006; Mruk, 2006; Rosenberg,
1965). In this regard, studies have found that low self-esteem is associated with increased
social isolation and loneliness (Cacioppo & Patrick, 2009; Mruk, 2006).
Loneliness is experienced as isolation from others, while harbouring an intense desire for
connection with a specific individual or social group (Cacioppo et al., 2015; Gardiner et al.,
2016; Goossens, 2012). Loneliness is often described as a painful evaluative experience
about one’s relational desires (Rokach, 2018). Highlighting both a cognitive and emotional
process (Heinrich & Gullone, 2006), this perceived social isolation can persist despite being
in the company of others (Cacioppo & Cacioppo, 2018).
A number of studies have found that low self-esteem is associated with higher levels of
loneliness (Cacioppo & Patrick, 2009; Mruk, 2006) and may hamper one’s ability to fully
appreciate life (Heatherton & Wyland, 2003). Baumeister and Leary (1995) proposed that
people have an essential need to belong and that their cognitions, emotions and social
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behaviour are motivated by this need to form and maintain a minimum number of
interpersonal relationships. This need is distinguishable from loneliness in that loneliness can
be experienced via two different involvements, namely an insufficient amount of social
contact and a lack of meaningful intimate relatedness. Rossi et al. (2020) have, for example,
found that higher self-esteem can act as a buffer against fear and loneliness during the
Covid-19 pandemic. The need to belong requires regular social contact with someone one
feels connected with. Similarly, Rokach (2018) points out that the modern age is one that is
inherently linked to relationships and that in earlier periods work was the mode from which
people derived their sense of self, whereas today relationships are the primary source from
which self-esteem is acknowledged.
In terms of social contact, Vanhalst et al. (2013), in two longitudinal studies involving
adolescents, examined the relationship between self-esteem and loneliness. Although they
found a reciprocal effect, the effect of self-esteem on loneliness was double that of loneliness
on self-esteem. Perceived social acceptance partially mediated this relationship to reduce
levels of loneliness. Similarly, Harris and Orth (2020) concluded from a meta-analysis that
self-esteem and social relationships reciprocally predicted each other across all
developmental stages. Thus, knowing that they are valued and accepted has the potential to
influence how people think and feel about themselves (Zeigler-Hill & Besser, 2011) and how
people perceive their social connectiveness. In this regard it is argued that by engaging in
positive humour, people are able to develop and maintain desired social and personal bonds
(Kuiper & McHale, 2009; Martin, 2007). This may be due to the nature of laughter and
humour, which occur predominantly in the company of others (Martin, 2015; Martin & Kuiper,
2016).
According to Martin and Kuiper (2016) there are three different components of humour,
namely a cognitive component that requires one to perceive incongruity, an emotional
component which stimulates an emotional response, and a third, interpersonal component,
which suggests that humour is predominantly a social experience. These aspects interact
and produce humorous content within the social domain (Martin & Kuiper, 2016). At a
functional level, interpersonal humour may serve as a means of opening opportunities for
building and maintaining relationships (Martin, 2007; Ziv, 2009), reducing social stress
(Kearns et al., 2014), improving self-evaluative standards and social self-esteem (Kuiper &
McHale, 2009) and it has also been found to play a role in the extent to which people engage
in protective behaviours during the Covid-19 pandemic (Olah & Ford, 2021).
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Humour has been found to be related to both self-esteem and loneliness, but the nature of
this relationship depends on the way in which humour is used, i.e., the humour style. In this
regard four habitual interpersonal humour styles have been identified, namely affiliative and
self-enhancing humour as beneficial to others and the self, respectively, and aggressive and
self-defeating humour as mostly detrimental to others and the self, respectively (Martin et al.,
2003). These humour styles may enhance interpersonal relationships or be socially
detrimental, depending on the style used within a given context (Klein & Kuiper, 2006; Kuiper
& McHale, 2009; Martin et al., 2003).
Affiliative humour is used predominantly while engaging with others (Ruch & Heintz, 2013); it
is believed to enhance relationships, and constitutes the use of humour in a non-threatening
way, for example, through the telling of jokes in a benign manner to amuse others, or to
reduce interpersonal tensions (Cann et al., 2015; Martin et al., 2003). This humour style is
associated with sociability, good-naturedness, self-esteem, intimacy, and having an overall
positive disposition (Martin, 2007).
Self-enhancing humour entails taking a mostly humorous stance in life, even when faced with
adversity, and this may reduce state anxiety (Ford et al., 2017). People using this form of
humour have the ability to find and enjoy humour, even in the absence of others, frequently
finding the incongruities in life humorous (Martin, 2007). Self-enhancing humour can be
conceptualized as a healthy defence mechanism, enabling people to adjust to adverse
situations whilst keeping a realistic perspective regarding stressful events. These people may
also be less susceptible to depression and anxiety, and more inclined towards openness to
experiences, healthy self-esteem and psychological wellbeing (Martin et al., 2003). Martin et
al. (2003) also suggest that these individuals might be less extraverted than those who utilise
affiliative humour.
The aggressive humour style is used as a method to criticise or manipulate others through
the use of potentially hurtful or even offensive humour, with the aim to enhance oneself at the
expense of others (Cann et al., 2015; Martin, 2007). The use of aggressive humour is
particularly injurious to the self and interpersonal relationships (Martin et al., 2003; Ruch &
Heintz, 2013). Moreover, aggressive humour, has been found to be positively related with
neuroticism and hostility, and negatively with agreeableness, interpersonal acuity, and
relationship satisfaction (Martin, 2007). Recent findings by Cann et al. (2015) suggest that
aggressive humour arouses negative affect in interpersonal encounters and the user of such
humour is viewed in a less favourable light. Interestingly, Cann et al. (2015) further found that
individuals who indicated a preference for aggressive humour were also evaluated as less
desirable during initial encounters. The authors argued that people may employ aggressive
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humour socially as a protective strategy to avoid anticipated rejection. However, Dyck and
Holtzman (2013) found that the use of aggressive humour among men received higher levels
of social support, but women responded with lower levels of engagement.
Self-defeating humour involves attempts at gaining favour and acceptance by making fun of
oneself, being the object of other people's jokes and partaking willingly in this process as a
way of dealing with negative feelings. This style is considered to be socially detrimental and
is utilised as a defence mechanism or a ploy to hide one’s insecurities (Stieger et al., 2011)
and occurs in social interactions (Heintz & Ruch, 2018; Ruch & Heintz, 2013). Individuals
who tend to use self-defeating humour may be prone to neuroticism, depression, and anxiety
and can display lower levels of self-esteem and psychological wellbeing (Martin, 2007; Martin
et al., 2003). However, recent research by Heintz and Ruch (2018), who utilised cognitive
interviews, suggests there may be more adaptive qualities in the self-defeating humour style.
They found this style of humour is used as a way of dealing with depression and anxiety and
also found it enabled people to accept their shortcomings in a humorous way.
Markey et al. (2014) found that all four humour styles possessed significant interpersonal
content, however, different humour styles produced different interpersonal profiles. More
specifically, when projected onto the interpersonal circumplex (IPC), all humour styles were
associated with interpersonal dominance, however the levels of warmth varied between
humour styles. Specifically, the interpersonally beneficial humour styles contained higher
levels of warmth, whereas the interpersonally detrimental humour styles yielded lower levels
of interpersonal warmth. It therefore seems that individuals who are interpersonally warm
and also utilise benign humour, might be more effective in enhancing social relationships.
Kuiper and McHale (2009) found that the use of especially affiliative humour could facilitate
the development and maintenance of social support networks which could improve
wellbeing. Individuals who evaluated themselves more positively, also used affiliative humour
and experienced higher levels of self-esteem in social encounters and vice versa. Further,
individuals’ negative perceptions of themselves may lead to the development of maladaptive
social support networks and the experience of lower levels of well-being (Martin, 2007;
Martin et al., 2003).
More recently, Vaughan et al. (2014) also found an interrelationship between humour styles
and self-esteem, and how these could influence the development and maintenance of social
networks and interpersonal relationships. The authors concluded that stable high self-esteem
was associated with the highest use of affiliative humour and the lowest use of the
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aggressive and self-defeating humour styles. They suggest that it may be that users of
affiliative humour are socially accepted, thus expanding their social network and
consequently experiencing increased stability of self-esteem. On the other hand, individuals
with unstable low self-esteem may experience social rejection and therefore employ less
adaptive strategies, such as putting themselves down or lashing out at others as a way of
getting others to include them socially. Vaughan et al. (2014) also noted that people with
unstable self-esteem and those with low self-esteem utilised similar humour styles, namely
aggressive or self-defeating humour.
Self-esteem has also emerged as a predictor of the humour styles. From a Turkish sample of
undergraduate students Ozyesil (2012) reported that self-esteem explained 3.1%, 5.7%,
1.1%, and 4.1% of the total variance in affiliative, self-enhancing, aggressive, and selfdefeating humour, respectively. A positive relationship between self-esteem and the
beneficial humour styles emerged, whereas the relationship between self-esteem and the
detrimental humour styles was negative. McCosker and Moran (2012) found similar results in
an Australian study focusing on self-esteem and interpersonal competence as predictors of
the four humour styles. High self-esteem predicted higher levels of affiliative and selfenhancing humour, whereas the opposite relationship emerged for aggressive and selfdefeating and humour.
With regard to the relationship between humour styles and loneliness, Fitts et al. (2009), in a
sample of college students, found that the humour styles were significant mediators in the
relationship between shyness and loneliness. Specifically, low levels of affiliative and high
levels of self-defeating humour predicted high levels of loneliness. Schermer et al. (2017)
found that lonely people are prone to using self-defeating humour and suggest that the
beneficial social humour styles (affiliative and self-enhancing humour) may serve as a buffer
against experiencing loneliness. In this regard, Kuiper et al. (2016) found that increased
intimacy was also associated with higher use of self-enhancing and affiliative humour, and
lower self-defeating humour. They found that the targets of humorous expression make
different personality impressions about the person based on the humour style used. People
who frequently use the adaptive humour styles are viewed as more socially desirable,
whereas those who habitually utilise the socially destructive styles are rated as less
desirable.
The aim of this study was to investigate whether humour styles could function as mediators
in the relationship between global self-esteem and social and emotional loneliness.
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Method
Participants
A convenience sample of 689 undergraduate students between the age of 18 and 46 (M =
19.95; SD = 2.36) from a university in South Africa participated in this study. Of those
respondents, 190 (27.6%) were men and 499 (72.4%) were women. This sample was
culturally diverse with four different ethnic groups represented. The ethnicity of the
participants included Indian (7.1%), Coloured (6.5%), Black African (70.4%), White (13.2%),
not specified (2.8%). Participation was voluntary with extra course credit offered to students
who participated.
Measures
A biographical questionnaire was used to gather demographic information. Participants were
required to disclose their age, gender, and ethnic affiliation. Three self-report measures were
selected to assess the participants’ humour styles, global self-esteem and social and
emotional loneliness.
The Humor Styles Questionnaire
The Humor Styles Questionnaire (HSQ; Martin et al., 2003) is a multidimensional, self-report
questionnaire which can be applied to both adolescents and adults to examine individual
differences in humour. The HSQ consists of 32 questions, eight for each of the four humour
sub-scales, two of which are considered positive or prosocial (affiliative and self-enhancing
humour styles) and two of which assess negative dimensions, which are considered
detrimental to social relationships (aggressive and self-defeating humour styles).
The HSQ requires participants to respond to statements about how they typically react or
behave. Responses are measured on a scale ranging from 1 (totally disagree) to 7 (totally
agree). Examples of the four humour styles questions are: (1) Affiliative, “I enjoy making
people laugh”; (2) Self-enhancing, “If I am feeling depressed, I can usually cheer myself up
with humour”; (3) Aggressive, “If I don’t like someone, I often use humour or teasing to put
them down”; (4) Self-defeating, “I let people laugh at me or make fun at my expense more
than I should”. This study found Cronbach’s alphas ranging between .67 and .70 for the four
humour styles subscales (See Table 1).
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Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale
The Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSES; Rosenberg, 1965) is a self-assessment
instrument in which respondents indicate to what extent they believe that they are generally
as good as most other people. The RSES is the most frequently used measurement
instrument when assessing global trait self-esteem (Mruk, 2006; Zeigler-Hill & Besser, 2011).
Ten questions require participants to respond according to how they generally feel about
themselves, and they rank their response on a five-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1
(strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree) (e.g., “I feel that I am a person of worth, at least on
an equal plane with others.). This study found a good Cronbach’s alpha of .84 for the total
self-esteem score.
Social and Emotional Loneliness Scale
Wittenberg (1986; as cited in Shaver & Brennan, 1991) developed a short instrument that
assesses both social and emotional loneliness. The questionnaire consists of ten questions,
five of which assess emotional loneliness and five which assess social loneliness (Cramer &
Barry, 1999). Participants rank their responses according to a five-point Likert-type scale,
ranging from 1 (never) to 5 (very often). An example of a question assessing social
loneliness is: “I don't get much satisfaction from the groups I participate in”. Emotional
loneliness is assessed with questions such as, “There is no one I have felt close to for a long
time”. This scale measures the indirect level of loneliness as it avoids using the terms
“lonely” or “loneliness” in the questionnaire items, to avoid stigma induced responses
(Perlman & Peplau, 1984). Wittenberg (1986; as cited in Cramer & Barry 1999) reported
good internal consistency estimates for the social and emotional loneliness scales with
Cronbach’s alphas of .78 (n = 5) and .76 (n = 5), respectively. This study used the combined
score of the emotional and social loneliness sub-scales which yielded an acceptable
Cronbach’s alpha of .73 (n = 10) for the total scale.
Procedure
Students were informed about the research study and that participation was voluntary. They
were required to complete an online questionnaire which was accessible through the
university’s secure online student portal. The questionnaire required the participants to
provide biographical details, followed by the psychological test measures. No time limits were
stipulated, ensuring that the participants completed the questionnaire without the pressure of
time constraints.
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Data analysis
The data used in this study was analyzed using the lavaan package (Rosseel, 2012) in R (R
Core Team, 2021). A parallel multiple mediation analysis was conducted to evaluate if
humour styles mediated the relationship between self-esteem and loneliness. Parallel
multiple mediation analysis allows for the mediators to correlate with each other but avoids
causality interference between the four mediators (Hayes, 2013). This analysis also allows
testing for specific indirect effects of each of the four humour styles, while controlling for the
remaining mediators in the model. The indirect effects were calculated using 1000 bootstrap
samples with 95% bias-corrected confidence intervals and Maximum Likelihood (ML) as
estimator.
Ethical considerations
The study received institutional ethical clearance. Participants were briefed about the nature
of the study and were assured of their anonymity and that they could withdraw at any time
during the study without negative consequences. Responses on the questionnaire did not
link to students’ identifying information. Students received extra course credit for participation
and those who did not wish to participate could earn course credit by completing a short
assignment. None elected to do so. To ensure students received the extra course credit, the
online submission only recorded whether a student submitted the questionnaire, regardless
of completion status.
Results
Descriptive analyses
Table 1 displays the Cronbach’s alphas, McDonald's ω, descriptive statistics, and zero-order
correlations for the variables in this study. Significant correlations were found between all the
humour styles and both self-esteem, as well as loneliness. As expected, the beneficial
humour styles correlated positively with self-esteem and negatively with loneliness, with
aggressive humour style showing the lowest correlations. The detrimental humour styles
showed opposite correlations, again with aggressive humour style displaying the smallest
correlations. There was a negative correlation between self-esteem and loneliness.
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Mediation analysis
A statistically significant negative direct effect was found between self-esteem and
loneliness. Statistically significant indirect effects were found for affiliative and self-enhancing
humour. Using either one of these two humour styles led to a reduction in the experience of
loneliness. Statistically significant indirect effects were also found for aggressive and selfdefeating humour. Using either one of these humour styles led to an increase in the
experience of loneliness.
Table 1.
Descriptive statistics and intercorrelations of the humour style subscales, self-esteem, and loneliness.
Variables
3
4
5
6
M
SD Cronbach's α McDonald's ω 2
.29** .18** .06 .19** -.23**
1. Affiliative humour
31.02 4.14
.69
.69
2. Self-enhancing humour
27.53 4.64
.69
.71
3. Aggressive humour
20.12 4.48
.67
.67
__ .29** -.10* .14**
4. Self-defeating humour
19.65 5.04
.70
.71
__ -.30** .22**
5. Self-esteem
35.65 6.61
.84
.85
__ -.33**
6. Loneliness
22.79 5.98
.73
.73
__
.05 .10* .30** -.19**
__
Note. * p < 0.05 ** p < 0.01
Table 2 summarizes the specific indirect effects results and Figure 1 provides a diagram of
the mediation analysis.
Table 2.
Indirect effect (s) of self-esteem on social and emotional loneliness.
Variable
B
B SE
β
p
Lower 95%
CI
Affiliative humour
-0.033
0.009
-0.006
< .001 -0.052
Self-enhancing humour
-0.024
0.011
-0.004
0.031
-0.049
Aggressive humour
-0.009
0.005
-0.002
0.060
-0.026
Self-defeating humour
-0.036
0.011
-0.006
0.002
-0.065
Total indirect effect
-0.195
0.036
-.017
< .001 -.0278
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Upper
95% CI
-0.017
-0.001
-0.002
-0.012
-0.113
R2
0.039
0.093
0.009
0.087
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Figure 1. Mediation effects of the humour styles in the relationship between self-esteem and
loneliness.
Discussion
The relationship between self-esteem and loneliness in this study was indirectly mediated by
the affiliative humour style. This humour style is consistent with a playful, non-threatening
form of humour that enhances social relationships (Martin, 2007) and may communicate to
others that the user is of communal value (Zeigler-Hill & Besser, 2011). Easily engaging and
incorporating themselves into the social environment, affiliative humour users may
experience being valued as a social asset and consequently could experience lower levels of
loneliness. This is consistent with prior research which found that participants who display
benign forms of humour are more desirable and are accepted more easily into social groups
(Zeigler-Hill & Besser, 2011). In other words, their humour style appears to be of social value
to others which leads to inclusionary interpersonal behaviours, leading them to experience a
sense of acceptance and thus reduced levels of perceived loneliness. In this regard, Kuiper
and Leite (2010) found that higher levels of affiliative humour led to higher ratings on social
desirability.
Similarly, but to a lesser extent than affiliative humour, the self-enhancing humour style in
this study also indirectly mediated the relationship between self-esteem and loneliness. This
internal evaluation of humour leads people to manage stress through a humorous lens that
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precludes them from feeling isolated and excluded from the social environment (Martin et al.,
2003). Despite this humour style having an intra-psychic focus rather than an interpersonal
one (Martin et al., 2003), these individuals appear to be buffered from feelings of loneliness.
This finding may be attributed to the internal perspective taking nature of both self-enhancing
humour style (Martin et al., 2003) and loneliness (Heinrich & Gullone, 2006).
People using this humour style may be internally processing their experiences, effectively
dealing with stress or uncertainty through humour which leads them to perceive their social
and emotional relationships as satisfying and thereby experiencing less loneliness.
Moreover, their possible lack of anxiety and increased humorous outlook may make them
more desirable to other individuals or groups, allowing them to feel socially accepted
(Zeigler-Hill & Besser, 2011). They may, therefore, have developed a sense of confidence in
their ability to traverse the social domain through past positive experiences.
The aggressive humour style in this study indirectly mediated the relationship between selfesteem and loneliness. Participants in the current study who utilised the aggressive humour
style, rated their self-esteem lower and experienced higher levels of loneliness. As this
humour style is generally viewed as socially destructive, targets of this humour style may well
distance themselves from aggressive humour users and avoid inclusionary behaviour with
them (Kuiper et al., 2014; Kuiper & McHale, 2009).
The processes through which this humour style is utilised are unclear (Martin & Kuiper,
2016). An element of perceived mastery at being able to manipulate others and to what
extent the user’s aim is to polarise or distance themselves from the target may account for
inconsistent self-esteem findings. This appears to have some support from the findings of
Markey et al. (2014), in which the aggressive humour style was strongly related to
interpersonally cold dominance on the interpersonal circumplex. This may result in
aggressive humour users being avoided or excluded from social engagements (Martin et al.,
2003), which could lead to increased loneliness.
The self-defeating humour style in this study indirectly mediated the relationship between
self-esteem and loneliness. The increased use of this humour style appears to lead to an
increase in perceived loneliness for people with low self-esteem. As these individuals use
self-defeating humour to actively hide their insecurities in social encounters, it is possible that
their vulnerabilities are magnified internally, leading to an increase in self-reported loneliness.
This is consistent with findings by Martin et al. (2003) who suggest that individuals with this
negative humour style are prone to, among others, anxiety and lower levels of self-esteem.
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Equally, according to Ruch and Heintz (2013), this style of humour is predominantly used
interpersonally with the aim of masking anxieties and insecurities. Self-defeating humour
may, however, not be entirely socially detrimental. Ruch and Heintz (2013) pointed out that
the self-defeating humour scale may neglect to assess potentially beneficial aspects of selfdefeating humour that could aid well-being. Tentative support for this view is offered by
Tsukawaki and Imura (2020) who found initial evidence that self-defeating humour consists
of deleterious and benign aspects. Using benign self-defeating humour could foster some
empathy and affection from others who appreciate that someone could make light of their
own weaknesses. It is therefore possible that people with low self-esteem are more prone to
using deleterious self-defeating humour.
Limitations and recommendations of the study
Given the cross-sectional nature of this study and that this research lacked experimental
manipulation, no true causal inference can be drawn between self-esteem, humour style and
loneliness. This study made exclusive use of self-report questionnaires. Future studies that
incorporate cognitive interviews may shed more light on the adaptive side of self-defeating
humour and could control for the possible role of self-esteem. The detrimental humour styles
in relation to self-esteem, loneliness and wellbeing are still not fully understood. Alternative
ways of investigating these humour styles may aid in gaining a deeper understanding of how
they contribute to other constructs, such as self-esteem, loneliness, and general well-being.
Conclusion
All four humour styles were found to indirectly mediate the relationship between self-esteem
and loneliness. The results tend to emphasize the social nature of humour use. The benign
humour styles decreased the experience of loneliness, possibly by improving social value to
others. The detrimental humour styles were associated with an increased experience of
loneliness, possibly through social alienation for users of aggressive humour or selfdeprecation and anxiety for users of self-defeating humour.
Funding/Financial Support
The authors have no funding to report.
Other Support/Acknowledgement
The authors have no support to report.
Competing Interests
The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.
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About the Authors
Heather Delaney is a registered clinical psychologist and executive coach, specializing in
trauma, depression, anxiety, self-esteem and role transition.
Gert Kruger is a senior lecturer at the University of Johannesburg. His focus is on individual
differences, specifically humour, the self, executive functioning, and the interpersonal
circumplex.
Corresponding Author`s Address [TOP]
Department of Psychology,
University of Johannesburg,
Auckland Park Kingsway Campus,
Auckland Park, Johannesburg, South Africa.
Email:
[email protected]
Psychological Thought
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South-West University “Neofit Rilski”