Department of History

The breakdown of the Republican forces in Catalonia in January-February 1939 leads not only to the final collapse of the Popular Front in Spain, but also to a major humanitarian crisis with the exodus to France of more than 500 000 people, mostly of them civilians. In spite of Barcelona’s Government official notification, the reception of the Spanish population takes place without any scheduled order under strong military regulation. Internment or detention camps are improvised on the Mediterranean coast with the utmost urgency, creating among the Spaniards a deep feeling of anger in front of the French attitude and what they consider a betrayal of the human rights.
The collapse of the Third Republic, after the military disaster in May-June 1940, and the beginning of a new political era under Marshall Pétain does not represent a major change for the Spanish Republicans compared to previous times. If 180 000 of them were finally persuaded by Franco Spain to return home before the Second World War broke out, a majority decided to stay in France for political reasons. Released from the camps during the “drôle de guerre”, they were allowed when not forced to work for the French war effort, mostly in the agriculture, coalmining industry and forestry development. After July 1940, the Spanish Republicans were sent again to the concentration camps with the German antinazis and the Italian antifascists, or hand over to Franco for punishment, i.e. capital punishment. Several thousands of them who worked in Northern France were trapped as prisoners of war and sent to Mauthausen, the most important Austria’s concentration camp where they died by large numbers.
Because of their past military experience and above all their commitment in the antifascist struggle, the Spanish Republicans played a key role in the Resistance movement, especially in Southern France. They took active part in the liberation of many towns and regions like Foix, Toulouse and their respective environs. As a consequence, Toulouse became a political capital for the Spanish Republicans, and Southwest France a durable basis for the Spanish immigration after the downfall of Spain’s retrieval by the “guerrilleros” in 1944-1945.

Questions of citizenship and national identity are very closely related since the former commands the definition and representation of the nation, that is national identity itself, and addresses the jurisdictional process that led to specific legislation being formed, which gradually brought about the determination of legal distinctions between citizens and foreigners.

From this perspective, what was this process in French modern history after the collapse of the monarchy and the establishment of a new republican model in 1792?
Indeed, contrary to what has been argued in the political debate of the last twenty years, the ‘right of soil’ or jus soli – which means for those born on national territory the legitimate right to become French in due time – did not prevail over the ‘right of blood’ or jus sanguinis – which allows only the children of Frenchmen to claim French nationality – over a long period of our modern and more recent history.

This chapter has three aims. Firstly, to explain broadly how the French nationhood has been defined over the last two centuries; secondly, to reveal the vicissitudes of a legal process that finally led to the French people becoming a ‘melting pot’ of nations from the beginning of the 20th century until today, and thirdly, to show how the definition and limitation of citizenship suffered considerably from the changing economical and politi- cal context, especially during the Second World War and, from the 1970s in a long period of economical and social crisis. The conclusion will question the legitimacy and consistency of the French model of integration and also the French ‘melting pot’ issue that is the crucial question of national identity.

Contrary to the common perception, the notion of a “natural border” does not express an intangible reality, that of a geographical border line which automatically constitutes the infallible criterion of national policies. What this study will show is that the Pyrenees always represented a space of autonomous life, from one side of the mountains to the other. It was also a zone of contact which allowed exchanges and migrations of every sort in both directions, across the mountain valleys as also along the roads of the Atlantic and Mediterranean coastal regions. From an early stage the Pyrenees played an essential role in the affirmation of the states which bordered on them, Spain and France, as well as in the definition of the border from a political and military point of view. What finally emerges from this "longue durée" analysis from the 17th to the 20th centuries is that there is a close link of reciprocity between the local and the national, because if the daily experience of the Pyrenean populations attracted the attention of the royal power, its direct intervention was in affairs which concerned it only theoretically, but in terms of national development, notably the increasing power of national feeling, it did have an influence on the behaviour of populations and on the affirmation of distinctive identities on both sides of the border.

The election of Jean-Baptiste Bernadotte as prince regent of Sweden in 1810, then as king of Sweden-Norway in 1818, profoundly marked the history of the Scandinavian Peninsula during the first decades of the 19th century. Much more than a simple change of dynasty, the acces- sion of a French marshal to the throne resulted in a redefinition of Swedish foreign policy and the advent of a new era, that of neutrality, which would be followed by his successors up to the present day.This article shows how this new Swedish foreign policy was created within the context of the Napoleonic wars, then in peacetime after the Congress of Vienna in 1815. It also aims at explaining the major foreign policy decisions which Bernadotte-turned-Charles XIV Jean was confronted with, until the end of his reign in 1844.

Among the many human tragedies Europe endured during the 20th century, the Spanish Civil War ranks high among the events that most strongly affected our collective future. France was deeply affected by this historical tragedy, since it received four successive waves of immigrants between 1936 and 1939. The episode known as the retirada [retreat] led to the exile and arrival in France of around a half a million individuals of all ages and all social conditions in the space of a few weeks.
Today the subject of the exodus, then exile, of the Spanish Republicans is well known as a result of the work of historians. But important questions remain. This chapter first looks at the role of the Franco-Spanish frontier during the Civil War, and then, against this background, investigates the causes of the inadequate and even humiliating reception of the Spanish refugees. It attempts to understand why France, known for its tradition of hospitality, was unprepared to deal with the emergency and, indeed, officially reacted with indifference or contempt, enforcing discriminatory measures against the exiled soldiers and civilian population.

Si le voyage a été pendant longtemps réservé à un nombre restreint d'explorateurs pour des raisons à la fois politiques, techniques et culturelles, celui-ci tend de plus en plus au XIXe siècle à devenir le passe-temps favori, quoique non démocratique, de riches touristes ou de globe-trotters subventionnés européens, fascinés par la découverte des espaces lointains. Loin de décrire le monde comme une nouveauté radicale, ils véhiculent des images, des discours, des codes esthétiques et idéologiques qui façonnent leur expérience sensorielle ainsi que le format de leur aventure. Qu’elle soit choisie comme destination principale ou comme point d'entrée vers la Russie ou l'Asie, la mer Baltique a fait l'objet d'une attention croissante de la part des simples voyageurs et des scientifiques attirés par la magie et les singularités qui caractérisent cette région nordique. Cet article vise à montrer comment la région de la Baltique, et plus particulièrement les provinces baltes, ont été perçues et représentées au cours du XIXe siècle dans la littérature de voyage et scientifique, notamment en France, et dans quelle mesure celles-ci ont été considérées comme une partie périphérique mais intégrante de l'Europe . Grâce à de nombreux récits choisis, nous souhaiterions également montrer qu'en dépit de sa diversité culturelle, linguistique et historique important, la région de la Baltique formait une région spécifique, de toute évidence identifiée avec la mer qui lui donne son nom et sa personnalité.

From the beginning, the League of Nations played a key role in the international relations as an instrument of peace, specially in those countries where new national minorities emerged because of the reshaping of Europe: Czecoslovakia, Poland, Rumania, Bulgaria, Greece, Hungary…In fact, contrary to the Mazzini’s ideal – “Each Nation a State; each State a Nation” – the minority problem still represented a cause of conflict among the nations, not only in Germany, and focused the attention of the international society all through the 1920’s and 1930’s until the final collapse of the League. The inexorable weakness of the organisation in the face of the growing world threatening by the dictatorships was most probably responsible of the critical, if not destructive, evaluation of its action by historians. But a fair reappraisal based on documentary evidence shows a quite different picture: not only did the League of Nations deal with intricate national problems that have been pacifically and successfully resolved; but its also showed a real talent and skill to negotiate bilateral agreements able to implement a long-lasting peace process. Among the many actors who contribute to the fleeting success of the organisation, Pablo de Azcárate, played a major when also forgotten part as member of the Minority section from 1920 to 1930, director of the section from 1930 to 1933, and finally as Vice-Secretary General of the League from 1933 to 1936. After Erik Colban and Aguirre de Cárcer, a Spanish countryman, he travelled through the new European countries to meet the government’s representatives and the minorities leaders, preaching peace and a better understanding among the nations. During the Spanish Civil War, as Republican Ambassador in London, and after the Second World War, as member of the Palestine Commission, he carried on his action in benefit of peace.

Dès le début, la Société des Nations a joué un rôle clé dans les relations internationales en tant qu'instrument de la paix, spécialement dans les pays où de nouvelles minorités nationales ont émergé en raison de la réorganisation de l'Europe: la Tchécoslovaquie, la Pologne, la Roumanie, la Bulgarie, la Grèce, la Hongrie ... En fait, contrairement à l'idéal de Mazzini - "Chaque nation un État; chaque État une Nation "- le problème des minorités représenta encore une cause de conflits entre les nations européennes après 1918, et fut l'objet d'une attention constante de la part de la société internationale tout au long de l'entre-deux-guerres  jusqu'à l'effondrement final de la SDN. La déchéance inexorable de l'organisation face à un monde de plus en plus menacé par les dictatures fut certainement à l'origine des critiques virulentes et souvent fondées des historiens contre cette institution. Toutefois, une réévaluation équitable de son action fondée sur une documentation inédite permet de montrer une image tout à fait différente de la Société des Nation, celle d'une institution internationale qui a su faire face à des problèmes nationaux complexes, et qui a aussi fait preuve d'un réel talent pour négocier des accords bilatéraux susceptibles de garantir un processus de paix durable. Parmi les nombreux acteurs qui ont contribué au succès éphémère de la SDN se trouvait Pablo de Azcarate, un diplomate de carrière espagnol, qui a joué un rôle majeur et aussi oublié comme membre de la section de la minorité de 1920 à 1930, puis directeur de la section de 1930 à 1933, et enfin comme vice- Secrétaire général de la SDN de 1933 à 1936. Après Erik Colban et Aguirre de Cárcer, un compatriote espagnol, il a voyagé à travers les nouveaux pays européens pour rencontrer les représentants gouvernementaux et les dirigeants des minorités, prêchant la paix et une meilleure compréhension entre les nations. Pendant la guerre civile espagnole, comme ambassadeur républicain à Londres, et après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, en tant que membre de la Commission pour la Palestine, il a poursuivi son action en faveur de la paix.

L'histoire de la diplomatie européenne et des diplomates est une histoire relativement mal connue, et au demeurant trop souvent négligée. Au-delà des préjugés et des stéréotypes que des études récentes ont permis de mettre en évidence dans le cadre des pays de vieille diplomatie, que sont notamment la France, l'Allemagne et le Royaume-Uni , il est vrai que les recherches portant sur l'organisation et le fonctionnement de la machine diplomatique ne sont guère nombreuses ou bien alors fragmentaires, à l'image de l'historiographie espagnole contemporaine. Cet article tente de faire la synthèse des parcours allemand, britannique et espagnol pendant l'entre-deux-guerres.

Malgre les difficultes qui jalonnerent son existence de 1931 a 1939, la Republique espagnole parvint a developper une politique etrangere dynamique tant en Europe que dans l'enceinte de la SDN a Geneve. Faite d'independance et de neutralite jusqu'en juillet 1936, elle se heurta pourtant tres tot aux interets divergents de ses anciens allies, de sorte que l'action genereuse dont elle fit preuve au sein de la SDN ne lui fut d'aucun secours au moment de faire valoir son droit legitime a etre protegee face a l'agression etrangere. Contrairement a ce qui s'est dit et ecrit, la Republique espagnole deploya une politique exterieure fort active durant la guerre civile, non seulement parce que c'etait une obligation morale, mais parce qu'elle constituait le seul moyen de mediatiser sa lutte armee et de mettre a jour l'attitude hypocrite de la societe internationale.

While in the past, travelling had been limited to a limited number of explorers for political, technological and cultural reasons, in the nineteenth century, it increasingly tended to be a favoured, though not entirely democratized, pastime for wealthy or subsidized European travellers fascinated by the discovery of remote places. Far from describing the world as a radical novelty, they conveyed images, discourses, and aesthetic and ideological codes that shaped their sensory experiences and the format of their adventures as well. Whether it was a chosen destination or an entry point towards Russia or Asia, the Baltic Sea was an object of growing attention from both ordinary travellers and scientists, attracted by the magic and peculiarities that were to be found in this Nordic region. This article aims to show how the Baltic region, and especially the Baltic provinces, were received and represented during the nineteenth century in travel and scientific literature, primarily in Fran...

The Spanish Civil war was one of the most tragic tragedies in Europe in the 20th century which strongly marked our collective destiny. Whole Europe, especially France, made the indirect experience of this historical drama by becoming the land of reception of four successive migratory waves between 1936 and 1939. The last of these waves, called "retirada", was followed by the massive banishment of about half a million individuals of all ages and conditions towards the neighbouring country across the Pyrenees in the space of some weeks. Although the question of the Spanish republican exodus and that of banishment are well known today, these continue asking questions, not only about the ultimate causes which originated in this painful episode, but also and especially on the fate which was reserved for the hundreds of thousand men, women and children at their arrival on the soil of France. How can they explain that the French Republic, known worldwide for its traditional hospi...

Among the many human tragedies Europe endured during the 20th century, the Spanish Civil War ranks high among the events that most strongly affected our collective future. France was deeply affected by this historical tragedy, since it received four successive waves of immigrants between 1936 and 1939. The episode known as the retirada [retreat] led to the exile and arrival in France of around a half a million individuals of all ages and all social conditions in the space of a few weeks. Today the subject of the exodus, then exile, of the Spanish Republicans is well known as a result of the work of historians. But important questions remain. This chapter first looks at the role of the Franco-Spanish frontier during the Civil War, and then, against this background, investigates the causes of the inadequate and even humiliating reception of the Spanish refugees. It attempts to understand why France, known for its tradition of hospitality, was unprepared to deal with the emergency and,...