Jernej Kaluža
I received PhD in Philosophy (The Concept of Habit in Gilles Deleuze’s Philosophy) in May 2017 at the Department of Philosophy at the Faculty of Arts in Ljubljana. My professional research interests are mainly focused on three fields:
1.) History of Philosophy (Spinoza, Hume, Kant, Nietzsche, Bergson, etc.)
2.) Media, journalism and pop-culture
3.) Contemporary theory, especially critical theory, postcolonial theory, Marxism, etc.
During my PhD study, I was employed as a researcher at the Institute for Humanities Nova Revija in Ljubljana (2013-2016). Besides that, I have been an active journalist for almost 10 years. In the last two years (2016-2018), I was employed as the editor-in-chief of the Slovenian alternative radio station – Radio Študent.
1.) History of Philosophy (Spinoza, Hume, Kant, Nietzsche, Bergson, etc.)
2.) Media, journalism and pop-culture
3.) Contemporary theory, especially critical theory, postcolonial theory, Marxism, etc.
During my PhD study, I was employed as a researcher at the Institute for Humanities Nova Revija in Ljubljana (2013-2016). Besides that, I have been an active journalist for almost 10 years. In the last two years (2016-2018), I was employed as the editor-in-chief of the Slovenian alternative radio station – Radio Študent.
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Papers by Jernej Kaluža
Keywords: Deleuze, Nietzsche, Stirner, philosophical teaching, image of thought.
Keywords: Deleuze, Nietzsche, Stirner, philosophical teaching, image of thought.
KEYWORDS: The Handmaid's Tale, revolution, transgression, sexual difference, totalitarianism
It seems like a riddle: something is true and false at the same time. How to draw the difference in power on the basis of such a conception? If nobody possesses power, if it does not have a location, how can we explain the hierarchy and inequality of power? I hypothesize that in order to explain those phenomena, we have to (in a precise sense) return to the old conception of power as a sovereign. The question is as follows: why does the power, even if it is distributed and non-localized, represent itself as a steadily defined possession, central position, etc.? What is the advantage of such a »false« representation for power itself?
Precisely this masking of power is crucial for the reproduction of the same power relations. So in order to resist the existing order of power, we should not divide it form anarchy. We have to reject the representation of power and unmask anarchy, which is already immanent to power itself. This epistemological turn may be crucial in the understanding of some of the problems in contemporary emancipatory struggles.
Keywords: Power, net, anarchy, representation, emancipation
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Spominske študije so se v zadnjih desetletjih razvile v plodovito interdisciplinarno raziskovalno področje, ki je veliko analitične pozornosti posvetilo tudi socialistični Jugoslaviji in njenemu razpadu. Kljub obstoju večjega števila študij o Jugoslaviji pa je vloga medijev in novinarstva v svojem delovanju bila deležna občutno manj raziskovalne pozornosti. V študiji raziskujeva, kakšno vlogo so te osrednje družbene institucije igrale v vsakodnevnih življenjih prebivalcev Jugoslavije, v kolikšni meri so jim zaupali in kako so vplivale na procese tvorjenja individualnega in kolektivnega spomina. Te problematike se lotevava prek analize 96 polstrukturiranih ustnih intervjujev z medijskimi občinstvi. Intervjuvanci so v socialistični Jugoslaviji živeli večino svojega življenja in so imeli nanjo osebne spomine, zaradi česar so lahko prispevali edinstvene in dragocene vpoglede v to zgodovinsko obdobje, ki bi jih le stežka pridobili na druge načine. Interpretativna analiza intervjujev je temeljila na deduktivnem kodiranju intervjujev, razdelila pa sva jo na tri dele: vsakodnevno uporabo medijev; zaupanje v medije in novinarstvo; ter dojemanje jugoslovanske družbe. Študija predstavlja prvi celosten kratek pregled zbranih podatkov in poudarja potencialno vrednost teh podatkov tudi za prihodnje raziskave. Zbrani podatki razkrivajo tudi, kako intervjuvanci razumejo in vrednotijo jugoslovanski režim, in na splošno zagotavljajo veliko pestrejši pogled na socialistično preteklost, kot ga je ta najpogosteje deležna v danes pogosto polarizirani javni razpravi.