Von Fintel and Iatridou (2003) observed a striking pattern of scopal noninteraction between phras... more Von Fintel and Iatridou (2003) observed a striking pattern of scopal noninteraction between phrases headed by strong quantifiers like 'every' and epistemically interpreted modal auxiliaries. Tancredi (2007) and Huitink (2008) observed that von Fintel and Iatridou’s proposed constraint, the Epistemic Containment Principle (ECP), does not apply uniformly: it does not apply to strong quantifiers headed by 'each'. We consider the ECP effect in light of the differential behavior of 'each' and 'every' in the environment of 'wh-', negative, and generic operators as described by Beghelli and Stowell (1997). Assuming that epistemic and root modals merge at two different syntactic heights (e.g. Cinque 1999) and that modals may act as unselective binders (Heim 1982), we extend Beghelli and Stowell’s topological approach to quantifier scope interactions in order to formulate a novel syntactic account of the ECP.
Inspired by Partee (2010), this paper defends a broad thesis that all modifiers, including numera... more Inspired by Partee (2010), this paper defends a broad thesis that all modifiers, including numeral modifiers, are restrictive in the sense that they can only restrict the denotation of the NP or VP they modify. However, the paper concentrates more narrowly on numeral modification, demonstrating that the evidence that motivated Ionin & Matushansky (2006) to assign non-restrictive, privative interpretations to numerals – assigning them functions that map singular sets to sets containing groups – is in fact consistent with restrictive modification. Ionin & Matushansky (2006)’s argument for this type of interpretation is partly based on the distribution of Turkish numerals which exclusively combine with singular bare nouns. Section 2 demonstrates that Turkish singular bare nouns are not semantically singular, but rather are unspecified for number. Western Armenian has similar characteristics. Building on some of the observations in section 2, section 3 demonstrates that restrictive modi...
This paper argues that bare determiners as in the sentence ‘Many sat down.’ should be analyzed as... more This paper argues that bare determiners as in the sentence ‘Many sat down.’ should be analyzed as involving the elision of a partitive phrase, as opposed to a noun phrase as is commonly assumed (Lobeck 1991, 1995; Bernstein 1993; Panagiotidis 2003; Alexiadou and Gengel 2011; Corver and van Koppen 2009, 2011). This analysis is supported by (i) the anaphoric interpretation of the bare determiners in context; (ii) the syntax of bare determiners; and (iii) deep event anaphora. Further, the adoption of partitive ellipsis comes with the suggestion that partitive DPs do not involve null intermediary noun phrases (cf. Jackendoff 1977, Sauerland and Yatsushiro 2004, and Ionin et al 2006), but rather that determiners can take partitive phrases as internal arguments (Matthewson 2001). The existence of such a phenomenon also militates in favor of a meaning isomorphy approach to the licensing of ellipsis (Merchant 2001), rather than structural isomorphy (Fiengo and May 1994).
Marshallese, an Oceanic language spoken on the atolls of the Marshall Islands, has a question par... more Marshallese, an Oceanic language spoken on the atolls of the Marshall Islands, has a question particle, ke, which may appear in one of a number of positions in yes/no interrogatives. Interestingly, the availability o f certain positions depends upon whether the sentential context is affirmative or negati ve. In (1), we demonstrate the various grammatical and ungramma tical positions ofke in affirmative yes/no interrogatives.
for useful and stimulating discussion on different aspects of this work. Of course, we are to bla... more for useful and stimulating discussion on different aspects of this work. Of course, we are to blame for any and all mistakes.
Idsardi and Raimy 2000 (I&R) propose that the representations posited by a learner are constr... more Idsardi and Raimy 2000 (I&R) propose that the representations posited by a learner are constrained by economy considerations. If a child hears a string like the Temiar continuative [sglOg], two possibilities are available while building the underlying representation of the string. Either the two segments [g] perceived in the string correspond to different tokens of the same type, or they correspond to the same token in the input representation. The analysis of Temiar proposed by I&R leads to the conclusion that repetition of the same token could be the answer in this case, assuming that the child receives no contradictory input—there would be just one underlying /g/ in this form. They further propose that if this type of hypothesis is available, then it must be possible for the learner to represent words with a common sub-sequence as instances of reduplication, even in a language that does not make use of reduplication for morphological purposes. The English word banana is given as an example where its possible underlying representation is as in (1). Here the link from the last instance of <a> corresponds to a loop of the type used for reduplication. I&R suggest that other considerations such as metrical information (stress assignment in the given example) would influence the learner in his learning strategy. Such a proposal makes predictions about languages that show overapplication and underapplication of phonological processes in reduplicated forms. Take for instance the following hypothetical surface forms: [imat], [itat]. The representation of the first poses no problem to the learner in regards to the identity of the segments. In the case of the second, the form [itat] could contain two instantiations of the same token or two different tokens of the same type [t]. If a form like this undergoes full reduplication, then the output either instantiates four tokens of a single underlying /t/, or else two pairs of tokens, each of two different underlying /t/s. This distinction will be relevant in cases of overapplication, since full economy of representation predicts that all four surface [t]s could be affected by the same rule, even if only one of them appears in the correct environment. Suppose a language L has total reduplication as well as an overapplying rule that assibilates t > t before i ; then the reduplicated form /itatitat/ would be predicted to surface in L as [itatitat], if the two root /t/s are different, but as [itatitat] if the four surface [t]s are underlyingly the same segment (token identical). Our reading of the literature is that overapplication is understood to affect only correspondent segments in the base and reduplicant, and thus L could have only the form [itatitat]. This interpretation, as well as our preliminary survey of the literature, suggests that full economy of representation is not utilized in setting up representations. Furthermore, notice that the form [itatitat] derived from an underlying representation that contains a single token of /t/ would not actually surface as such according to the completeness principle (Fitzpatrick 2006b) , but as [ititat] as can be seen in (2). We adduce a further argument against economy of representation based on problems that arise in linearizing reduplicated forms with regards to the completeness principle and the formalization of the procedure. Some empirical arguments in favour of economy of representation could be found in Fitzpatrick (to appear). If the evidence turns out right, the impact on the linearization procedures is non-negligeable. We tackle problems of this type and discuss their impact on the linearization algorithm.
But contra Sleeman 1996, who follows Cardinaletti and Giusti (1991)'s analysis of the Italian cou... more But contra Sleeman 1996, who follows Cardinaletti and Giusti (1991)'s analysis of the Italian counterpart to the French clitic, ne, which they analyze as being of category NP. 10 Sometimes called quantitative, see Sleeman (1996) for some discussion of this possible distinction.
This paper explores two possible connections between the diagnostics for morphological and semant... more This paper explores two possible connections between the diagnostics for morphological and semantic markedness. One possibility, a positive correlation, predicts that if a grammatical feature is diagnosed as being morphologically marked then it should also be semantically marked. This possibility follows as a consequence of the assumption that features are interpreted as restrictions on denotations. The second possibility, a negative correlation, predicts that if a grammatical feature is diagnosed as being morphologically marked then it should be semantically unmarked. This systematic inconsistency follows from the assumption that features are interpreted as augmenting functions. In our exploration of number marking, we find that the negative correlation is not only theoretically consistent with the semantic literature (in particular Link, 1983), but it is also more consistent with the empirical landscape (as noted by Sauerland, 2008). As a result, the morphological diagnostics lend support to the view that plural features are interpreted as augmenting functions. We would like to thank Uli Sauerland, Andrew Nevins, Gennaro Chierchia and two anonymous reviewers for vary valuable comments and conversations. We would also like to thank all of the participants of the MUMSA workshop for comments and helpful criticisms.
This paper argues that bare determiners, as in the sentence Many sat down, should be analyzed as ... more This paper argues that bare determiners, as in the sentence Many sat down, should be analyzed as involving the elision of a partitive phrase, as opposed to a noun phrase, as is commonly assumed (Lobeck
Von Fintel and Iatridou (2003) observed a striking pattern of scopal noninteraction between phras... more Von Fintel and Iatridou (2003) observed a striking pattern of scopal noninteraction between phrases headed by strong quantifiers like 'every' and epistemically interpreted modal auxiliaries. Tancredi (2007) and Huitink (2008) observed that von Fintel and Iatridou’s proposed constraint, the Epistemic Containment Principle (ECP), does not apply uniformly: it does not apply to strong quantifiers headed by 'each'. We consider the ECP effect in light of the differential behavior of 'each' and 'every' in the environment of 'wh-', negative, and generic operators as described by Beghelli and Stowell (1997). Assuming that epistemic and root modals merge at two different syntactic heights (e.g. Cinque 1999) and that modals may act as unselective binders (Heim 1982), we extend Beghelli and Stowell’s topological approach to quantifier scope interactions in order to formulate a novel syntactic account of the ECP.
Inspired by Partee (2010), this paper defends a broad thesis that all modifiers, including numera... more Inspired by Partee (2010), this paper defends a broad thesis that all modifiers, including numeral modifiers, are restrictive in the sense that they can only restrict the denotation of the NP or VP they modify. However, the paper concentrates more narrowly on numeral modification, demonstrating that the evidence that motivated Ionin & Matushansky (2006) to assign non-restrictive, privative interpretations to numerals – assigning them functions that map singular sets to sets containing groups – is in fact consistent with restrictive modification. Ionin & Matushansky (2006)’s argument for this type of interpretation is partly based on the distribution of Turkish numerals which exclusively combine with singular bare nouns. Section 2 demonstrates that Turkish singular bare nouns are not semantically singular, but rather are unspecified for number. Western Armenian has similar characteristics. Building on some of the observations in section 2, section 3 demonstrates that restrictive modi...
This paper argues that bare determiners as in the sentence ‘Many sat down.’ should be analyzed as... more This paper argues that bare determiners as in the sentence ‘Many sat down.’ should be analyzed as involving the elision of a partitive phrase, as opposed to a noun phrase as is commonly assumed (Lobeck 1991, 1995; Bernstein 1993; Panagiotidis 2003; Alexiadou and Gengel 2011; Corver and van Koppen 2009, 2011). This analysis is supported by (i) the anaphoric interpretation of the bare determiners in context; (ii) the syntax of bare determiners; and (iii) deep event anaphora. Further, the adoption of partitive ellipsis comes with the suggestion that partitive DPs do not involve null intermediary noun phrases (cf. Jackendoff 1977, Sauerland and Yatsushiro 2004, and Ionin et al 2006), but rather that determiners can take partitive phrases as internal arguments (Matthewson 2001). The existence of such a phenomenon also militates in favor of a meaning isomorphy approach to the licensing of ellipsis (Merchant 2001), rather than structural isomorphy (Fiengo and May 1994).
Marshallese, an Oceanic language spoken on the atolls of the Marshall Islands, has a question par... more Marshallese, an Oceanic language spoken on the atolls of the Marshall Islands, has a question particle, ke, which may appear in one of a number of positions in yes/no interrogatives. Interestingly, the availability o f certain positions depends upon whether the sentential context is affirmative or negati ve. In (1), we demonstrate the various grammatical and ungramma tical positions ofke in affirmative yes/no interrogatives.
for useful and stimulating discussion on different aspects of this work. Of course, we are to bla... more for useful and stimulating discussion on different aspects of this work. Of course, we are to blame for any and all mistakes.
Idsardi and Raimy 2000 (I&R) propose that the representations posited by a learner are constr... more Idsardi and Raimy 2000 (I&R) propose that the representations posited by a learner are constrained by economy considerations. If a child hears a string like the Temiar continuative [sglOg], two possibilities are available while building the underlying representation of the string. Either the two segments [g] perceived in the string correspond to different tokens of the same type, or they correspond to the same token in the input representation. The analysis of Temiar proposed by I&R leads to the conclusion that repetition of the same token could be the answer in this case, assuming that the child receives no contradictory input—there would be just one underlying /g/ in this form. They further propose that if this type of hypothesis is available, then it must be possible for the learner to represent words with a common sub-sequence as instances of reduplication, even in a language that does not make use of reduplication for morphological purposes. The English word banana is given as an example where its possible underlying representation is as in (1). Here the link from the last instance of <a> corresponds to a loop of the type used for reduplication. I&R suggest that other considerations such as metrical information (stress assignment in the given example) would influence the learner in his learning strategy. Such a proposal makes predictions about languages that show overapplication and underapplication of phonological processes in reduplicated forms. Take for instance the following hypothetical surface forms: [imat], [itat]. The representation of the first poses no problem to the learner in regards to the identity of the segments. In the case of the second, the form [itat] could contain two instantiations of the same token or two different tokens of the same type [t]. If a form like this undergoes full reduplication, then the output either instantiates four tokens of a single underlying /t/, or else two pairs of tokens, each of two different underlying /t/s. This distinction will be relevant in cases of overapplication, since full economy of representation predicts that all four surface [t]s could be affected by the same rule, even if only one of them appears in the correct environment. Suppose a language L has total reduplication as well as an overapplying rule that assibilates t > t before i ; then the reduplicated form /itatitat/ would be predicted to surface in L as [itatitat], if the two root /t/s are different, but as [itatitat] if the four surface [t]s are underlyingly the same segment (token identical). Our reading of the literature is that overapplication is understood to affect only correspondent segments in the base and reduplicant, and thus L could have only the form [itatitat]. This interpretation, as well as our preliminary survey of the literature, suggests that full economy of representation is not utilized in setting up representations. Furthermore, notice that the form [itatitat] derived from an underlying representation that contains a single token of /t/ would not actually surface as such according to the completeness principle (Fitzpatrick 2006b) , but as [ititat] as can be seen in (2). We adduce a further argument against economy of representation based on problems that arise in linearizing reduplicated forms with regards to the completeness principle and the formalization of the procedure. Some empirical arguments in favour of economy of representation could be found in Fitzpatrick (to appear). If the evidence turns out right, the impact on the linearization procedures is non-negligeable. We tackle problems of this type and discuss their impact on the linearization algorithm.
But contra Sleeman 1996, who follows Cardinaletti and Giusti (1991)'s analysis of the Italian cou... more But contra Sleeman 1996, who follows Cardinaletti and Giusti (1991)'s analysis of the Italian counterpart to the French clitic, ne, which they analyze as being of category NP. 10 Sometimes called quantitative, see Sleeman (1996) for some discussion of this possible distinction.
This paper explores two possible connections between the diagnostics for morphological and semant... more This paper explores two possible connections between the diagnostics for morphological and semantic markedness. One possibility, a positive correlation, predicts that if a grammatical feature is diagnosed as being morphologically marked then it should also be semantically marked. This possibility follows as a consequence of the assumption that features are interpreted as restrictions on denotations. The second possibility, a negative correlation, predicts that if a grammatical feature is diagnosed as being morphologically marked then it should be semantically unmarked. This systematic inconsistency follows from the assumption that features are interpreted as augmenting functions. In our exploration of number marking, we find that the negative correlation is not only theoretically consistent with the semantic literature (in particular Link, 1983), but it is also more consistent with the empirical landscape (as noted by Sauerland, 2008). As a result, the morphological diagnostics lend support to the view that plural features are interpreted as augmenting functions. We would like to thank Uli Sauerland, Andrew Nevins, Gennaro Chierchia and two anonymous reviewers for vary valuable comments and conversations. We would also like to thank all of the participants of the MUMSA workshop for comments and helpful criticisms.
This paper argues that bare determiners, as in the sentence Many sat down, should be analyzed as ... more This paper argues that bare determiners, as in the sentence Many sat down, should be analyzed as involving the elision of a partitive phrase, as opposed to a noun phrase, as is commonly assumed (Lobeck
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