a reforma económica de la República Popular China (rpc) ha visto desde 1980 el surgimiento de nue... more a reforma económica de la República Popular China (rpc) ha visto desde 1980 el surgimiento de nuevas categorías de riqueza y poder. En forma colectiva y coloquial, estas nuevas categorías se conocen como los "nuevos ricos". Se les ha denominado también, tanto fuera como dentro de la rpc, como la nueva clase media (o clases medias) por diferentes razones. Si bien existen buenos motivos para aceptar esta designación, la evidencia de encuestas sobre los nuevos empresarios ricos realizadas desde principios de 1990 en diferentes partes de la rpc (Zhejiang, Shanxi, Qinghai, Sichuan y Hainan) sugiere precaución. En términos de jerarquía de riqueza, estatus y poder, los nuevos ricos representan no sólo un componente significativo de la clase gobernante actual, sino quizás y de manera más importante resaltan las dimensiones de un futuro a largo plazo. Es claro que desde principios de la década de los ochenta existe un cambio social masivo en la rpc propiciado por el rápido crecimiento económico. Tomar el ejemplo más obvio de creación de riqueza y llevarlo a una escala dramática ha significado que la rpc se haya convertido en algo sin igual. En 1978, China contaba con una sociedad prácticamente igualitaria en términos de ingreso, aunque era, de forma considerable, una igualdad en pobreza. El coeficiente
No se ha llegado a un acuerdo sobre las principales características del desarrollo de China en la... more No se ha llegado a un acuerdo sobre las principales características del desarrollo de China en las últimas tres décadas, sobre si es reproducible o sobre el mismo hecho de si es deseable aprender de China
China's politics have changed dramatically during the last decade. Schram, in one of the work... more China's politics have changed dramatically during the last decade. Schram, in one of the works which have stimulated this review article, has characterized the period since 1978 as one of ‘Economics in Command’ by way of contrast to the exhortation to put ‘Politics in Command’ – the slogan that dominated the last decade of Mao's life and the era of the Cultural Revolution. The drive to economic modernization has replaced ‘class struggle’ as the main goal of the People's Republic of China (PRC). Political reform has been an essential part of that drive, for in its analysis of the failings of the previous three decades the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has argued that economic growth and development could not occur without political stability and institutionalization.
PORTAL Journal of Multidisciplinary International Studies, 2011
The decision by the Chinese Communist Party in 2012 to move to open direct national elections was... more The decision by the Chinese Communist Party in 2012 to move to open direct national elections was taken in order to ensure political stability and continued economic growth, and to enhance its position of leadership. The first national general election in 2015 followed in the wake of the landmark Constituent Assembly. Victory in 2015 by the Chinese Communist Party has been accompanied by political stability and sustained economic growth. Though there is likely to be greater competition in the General Election of 2020 the principle change in politics has been the emergence of significant public policy debate. Issues of corruption, housing, and regional development are likely to be major considerations during the election, alongside debate on the simultaneous referenda that have been called on Tibet and federalism.
Consideration of the "popular" in the contemporary People's Republic of China (PRC) immediately c... more Consideration of the "popular" in the contemporary People's Republic of China (PRC) immediately confronts the methodological problem of universalism, as the essays in this issue demonstrate. The popular has certain connotations in the societies from which our analyses emanate that may or may not be commonly applied in and to contemporary Chinese society. It is, for example, often equated with both democratic and demotic developments, both of which are highly contested discourses in post-Mao China, not least because of their apparent Westernness. 1 The concept of popular culture may be similarly challenged, though perhaps differently, not least since in that usage popular is more than simply an adjective, as both Li Hsiao-t'i and Jing Wang make explicit. Academic inquiry, and particularly its language, must necessarily assume this universalism even as it dissects the popular and associated phenomena in positions 9:1
Reform in the People's Republic of China has seen a dramatic change in the discourse of localism,... more Reform in the People's Republic of China has seen a dramatic change in the discourse of localism, which has now moved from being a political crime to being a technique for encouraging entrepreneurialism and economic development. One of the oft-cited arguments about the coincidence of economic growth and localism is that this might result in a weakening of central governments and even the agendas of the nation state. An investigation of place identity in Shanxi Province, North China, suggests to the contrary that the impact of new discourses of localism has actually strengthened the nationalist project through creating new and more integrated multiple place identities.
PORTAL Journal of Multidisciplinary International Studies, 2005
The reform of state socialism came relatively late to Qinghai Province in the Northwest of the Pe... more The reform of state socialism came relatively late to Qinghai Province in the Northwest of the People’s Republic of China. One of Qinghai’s most dynamic groups in the social leadership of reform has been the Salar. The Salar were one of the officially recognized nationalities identified in the People’s Republic of China during the 1950s. A relatively small group of some 100,000 currently live along the upper reaches of the Yellow River, on the borders of Qinghai and Gansu Provinces. The Salar are characterised by their commitment to both Islam and China, and by their belief that they live in permanent exile, though there is considerable uncertainty about their origins. The evidence of recent research in Qinghai suggests the perspective of being Chinese citizens, yet a people in exile, significantly shapes recent Salar social and economic activism.
Arts the Journal of the Sydney University Arts Association, Jan 27, 2012
Economic reform in the People's Republic of China [PRC] since 1980 has seen the emergence of new ... more Economic reform in the People's Republic of China [PRC] since 1980 has seen the emergence of new categories of wealth and power. Collectively and colloquially these new categories have been referred to as the 'new rich'. They have also been referred to both inside and outside of the PRC as the new middle class (or middle classes) if for different reasons. While there are good reasons for accepting this designation, the evidence from surveys of new rich entrepreneurs conducted since the early 1990s in different parts of the PRC (Zhejiang, Shanxi, Qinghai, Sichuan, and Hainan) suggests caution. In terms of hierarchies of wealth, status and power the new rich not only represent a significant component of the current ruling class, but perhaps, more significantly, highlight the dimensions for the long-term future. It is clearly the case that there has been massive social change in the wake of rapid economic growth in the People's Republic of China [PRC] since the early 1980s. To take the most obvious example, the creation of wealth on a dramatic scale has meant that the PRC has become very unequal. In 1978 the PRC was a fairly equal society in terms of income, albeit an equality of poverty to some considerable extent. The Gini Coefficient is one of the standard measures of equality where equality is represented as 0 and inequality as 1. In 2005 the
The campaign to Open Up the West that started in 2000 has been presented as a major state project... more The campaign to Open Up the West that started in 2000 has been presented as a major state project of nation-building directed at the interior provincial-level jurisdictions in order to encourage endogenous economic growth, to reduce socio-economic inequalities, and to ensure social and political stability in non-Han areas of the PRC. Despite appearances to the contrary it is more of an adjustment to the PRC's regional development policy than a radical change, not least because of debate and imprecision about its goals, processes and finance. Its impact is perhaps best viewed from provincial and local perspectives. These stress not only the importance of the west's varied social and economic ecology, but also the significance of the sub-provincial as a focus for analysis.
An important part of the China Dream is the development of a comfortable middle class lifestyle f... more An important part of the China Dream is the development of a comfortable middle class lifestyle for all. This is not such a surprising development since a public discourse surrounding the emergence of a middle class has been in the making for over a decade. There is though nonetheless an apparent paradox in a Communist Party embracing the middle class. Understanding how and why this has occurred, as well as attempting to identify the consequences for social stratification in China is clearly important. While it would seem reasonable to attempt to analyse China’s middle class in terms of wealth, or occupation or even lifestyle, it is argued that this is fairly meaningless: in this context the middle class is more a discourse than social structure.
Page 1. STUDIES ON CONTEMPORARY CHINA CENTRE AND PROVINCES CHINA 1978-1993 Power as Non-Zero Sum ... more Page 1. STUDIES ON CONTEMPORARY CHINA CENTRE AND PROVINCES CHINA 1978-1993 Power as Non-Zero Sum -,?■; l Page 2. Centre and Provinces: China 1978-1993 Page 3. Studies on Contemporary China ...
For obvious reasons the dramatic changes in China's political climate during the past four ye... more For obvious reasons the dramatic changes in China's political climate during the past four years have directed the attention of western political scientists to the actual process of decision-making in the People's Republic. Since 1966 an essential part of that decision-making process has been revealed through the Politburo's chung-fa (i.e., " centrally issued ") documents. Although by no means all of each year's series have become available outside China, a substantial number have. It is these Politburo chung-fa the central documents of the title which are the subject for analysis in this monograph.
Saich’s own The Origins of the Fir.st United Front in China: The Role of Sneevliet (Alias Marine ... more Saich’s own The Origins of the Fir.st United Front in China: The Role of Sneevliet (Alias Marine (Leiden: Brill 199 I) is also about the 1920s, and also overlaps both with this volume and with Wilbur and How’s. Stuart R. Schram and Nancy J. Hodes’ multi-volume Afao’s Road to Power: Reiyoliitiot7ai3,, Writings, 1912-l9=l9 (Armonk: Sharpe 1992) is the biggest and least selective and the most undiscriminating and raw of all these studies, in that it aims to produce a translation into English &dquo;of every item [by Mao] of which the Chinese text can be obtained&dquo;.
The scene at the crossroads seems typical of anywhere in Central Asia. The air is arid; walls and... more The scene at the crossroads seems typical of anywhere in Central Asia. The air is arid; walls and sidewalks are made of pressed mud; the sandy dust eddies and swirls down the road. The streetscape is unmistakably Turkic and Islamic. Along the road from a mosque, on one side of the cross-street leading into the junction is a row of explicitly Halal eateries. Outside at stools, the customers are all men, most sporting embroidered hats and prolific beards. Round the corner are a number of hardware and motor vehicle repair shops, with younger men sitting around on motorcycles, smoking outside. Women almost invariably wear black headscarves, and have their arms, legs and shoulders also clothed. If accompanying their husbands, they walk at a discreet distance behind. At the crossroads itself, there are rows of shaded stalls where open-air butchers have legs and shoulders of lamb hanging on hooks in full view, the blood dripping onto the ground. Opposite, dry farming vegetables-chillies, capsicums, cabbage-are on sale from the backs of trucks. Despite appearances, the location is Central China rather than Central Asia. It is the market crossroads at Gaizi [Jiezi], 1 the largest town in the Xunhua Salar Autonomous County of Qinghai Province, though not its administrative centre. 2 As a map of the People's Republic of China (PRC) quickly reveals, Xunhua County is close to its physical centre; where the upper reaches of the Yellow River cross from Qinghai Province into Gansu Province. Xunhua in general, and Gaizi in particular-with its central Salar Alitiuli Mosque-is the epicentre of population and spiritual home for the close on 100,000 Salar. The Salar are described by the PRC as a Turkic and Islamic (Sunni) people. The majority live in Xunhua County, with a small minority based outside in the neighbouring counties of Hualong and Tongren (both in Qinghai) and Jishishan and Xiahe (both in Gansu). Long before the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) came to power in 1949 it had committed itself to the principle of a multinational state for China, in order to politically manage the approximately 6 per cent of the population who were not regarded as Han Chinese but had been subjects of the Qing Empire and became (in principle) citizens of the successor Republic after the collapse of the Empire in 1911 (Mackerras, 1994;
One of the more interesting aspects of politics in the People's Republic of China during the ... more One of the more interesting aspects of politics in the People's Republic of China during the 1990s was the attempt by many provincial leaders to create a specifically provincial discourse of development that entailed the reformulation of provincial identity. Both inside and outside the People's Republic of China, provincialism has often been held to challenge the unity of the Chinese state. However, an examination of the provincial discourse of development in Shanxi during the 1990s suggests that provincial and indeed more local identity politics are more complex and finely nuanced than might at first seem to be the case. Shanxi's new provincial identity was neither exclusive nor opposed to other identities, but one of a series of multiple and overlapping identities, structured within a hierarchy of place and identity that reached down to and interacted with the more local levels of county and village, as well as up to the national level. At the same time it is clear tha...
The War of Resistance to Japan of 1937-1945 was a defining moment in the development of Eást Asia... more The War of Resistance to Japan of 1937-1945 was a defining moment in the development of Eást Asia not simply because of its conflict but also because its progress led directly to the victory of the Chinese Communist Party in 1949, the establishment of the People's Republic of China, the retreat of the Chinese Nationalist Party to Taiwan, and indirectly to the economic and po litical consequences of those events. Necessarily, the history of the War of Resistance to Japan has been and remains highly ideologized: seen through the filters of the civil war between Nationalists and Communists, the wider Cold War of which the Chinese conflict rapidly became part, and the politics within the Chinese Communist Party. Important as those perspectives may be, they can also obscure the dynamics of social change. In the 1990s the climate for scholarship began to change dramatically, both because there was greater access to a wider range of sources and also because there was greater and closer interaction among scholars globally, betw een those inside and those outside the People's Republic of China researching the War of Resistance to Japan. This volume resulted from precisely that kind of cooperative project building on the latest re search into the dynamics of social change at the local level during the War of Resistance to Japan. Participants were invited to a workshop at the
On a late winter's day in 1989 a grey-haired, round woman of about 80 in a padded jacket and ... more On a late winter's day in 1989 a grey-haired, round woman of about 80 in a padded jacket and a black beanie moved across 1st May Square in the centre of Taiyuan, the capital of Shanxi province. She was presenting awards to the…
a reforma económica de la República Popular China (rpc) ha visto desde 1980 el surgimiento de nue... more a reforma económica de la República Popular China (rpc) ha visto desde 1980 el surgimiento de nuevas categorías de riqueza y poder. En forma colectiva y coloquial, estas nuevas categorías se conocen como los "nuevos ricos". Se les ha denominado también, tanto fuera como dentro de la rpc, como la nueva clase media (o clases medias) por diferentes razones. Si bien existen buenos motivos para aceptar esta designación, la evidencia de encuestas sobre los nuevos empresarios ricos realizadas desde principios de 1990 en diferentes partes de la rpc (Zhejiang, Shanxi, Qinghai, Sichuan y Hainan) sugiere precaución. En términos de jerarquía de riqueza, estatus y poder, los nuevos ricos representan no sólo un componente significativo de la clase gobernante actual, sino quizás y de manera más importante resaltan las dimensiones de un futuro a largo plazo. Es claro que desde principios de la década de los ochenta existe un cambio social masivo en la rpc propiciado por el rápido crecimiento económico. Tomar el ejemplo más obvio de creación de riqueza y llevarlo a una escala dramática ha significado que la rpc se haya convertido en algo sin igual. En 1978, China contaba con una sociedad prácticamente igualitaria en términos de ingreso, aunque era, de forma considerable, una igualdad en pobreza. El coeficiente
No se ha llegado a un acuerdo sobre las principales características del desarrollo de China en la... more No se ha llegado a un acuerdo sobre las principales características del desarrollo de China en las últimas tres décadas, sobre si es reproducible o sobre el mismo hecho de si es deseable aprender de China
China's politics have changed dramatically during the last decade. Schram, in one of the work... more China's politics have changed dramatically during the last decade. Schram, in one of the works which have stimulated this review article, has characterized the period since 1978 as one of ‘Economics in Command’ by way of contrast to the exhortation to put ‘Politics in Command’ – the slogan that dominated the last decade of Mao's life and the era of the Cultural Revolution. The drive to economic modernization has replaced ‘class struggle’ as the main goal of the People's Republic of China (PRC). Political reform has been an essential part of that drive, for in its analysis of the failings of the previous three decades the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has argued that economic growth and development could not occur without political stability and institutionalization.
PORTAL Journal of Multidisciplinary International Studies, 2011
The decision by the Chinese Communist Party in 2012 to move to open direct national elections was... more The decision by the Chinese Communist Party in 2012 to move to open direct national elections was taken in order to ensure political stability and continued economic growth, and to enhance its position of leadership. The first national general election in 2015 followed in the wake of the landmark Constituent Assembly. Victory in 2015 by the Chinese Communist Party has been accompanied by political stability and sustained economic growth. Though there is likely to be greater competition in the General Election of 2020 the principle change in politics has been the emergence of significant public policy debate. Issues of corruption, housing, and regional development are likely to be major considerations during the election, alongside debate on the simultaneous referenda that have been called on Tibet and federalism.
Consideration of the "popular" in the contemporary People's Republic of China (PRC) immediately c... more Consideration of the "popular" in the contemporary People's Republic of China (PRC) immediately confronts the methodological problem of universalism, as the essays in this issue demonstrate. The popular has certain connotations in the societies from which our analyses emanate that may or may not be commonly applied in and to contemporary Chinese society. It is, for example, often equated with both democratic and demotic developments, both of which are highly contested discourses in post-Mao China, not least because of their apparent Westernness. 1 The concept of popular culture may be similarly challenged, though perhaps differently, not least since in that usage popular is more than simply an adjective, as both Li Hsiao-t'i and Jing Wang make explicit. Academic inquiry, and particularly its language, must necessarily assume this universalism even as it dissects the popular and associated phenomena in positions 9:1
Reform in the People's Republic of China has seen a dramatic change in the discourse of localism,... more Reform in the People's Republic of China has seen a dramatic change in the discourse of localism, which has now moved from being a political crime to being a technique for encouraging entrepreneurialism and economic development. One of the oft-cited arguments about the coincidence of economic growth and localism is that this might result in a weakening of central governments and even the agendas of the nation state. An investigation of place identity in Shanxi Province, North China, suggests to the contrary that the impact of new discourses of localism has actually strengthened the nationalist project through creating new and more integrated multiple place identities.
PORTAL Journal of Multidisciplinary International Studies, 2005
The reform of state socialism came relatively late to Qinghai Province in the Northwest of the Pe... more The reform of state socialism came relatively late to Qinghai Province in the Northwest of the People’s Republic of China. One of Qinghai’s most dynamic groups in the social leadership of reform has been the Salar. The Salar were one of the officially recognized nationalities identified in the People’s Republic of China during the 1950s. A relatively small group of some 100,000 currently live along the upper reaches of the Yellow River, on the borders of Qinghai and Gansu Provinces. The Salar are characterised by their commitment to both Islam and China, and by their belief that they live in permanent exile, though there is considerable uncertainty about their origins. The evidence of recent research in Qinghai suggests the perspective of being Chinese citizens, yet a people in exile, significantly shapes recent Salar social and economic activism.
Arts the Journal of the Sydney University Arts Association, Jan 27, 2012
Economic reform in the People's Republic of China [PRC] since 1980 has seen the emergence of new ... more Economic reform in the People's Republic of China [PRC] since 1980 has seen the emergence of new categories of wealth and power. Collectively and colloquially these new categories have been referred to as the 'new rich'. They have also been referred to both inside and outside of the PRC as the new middle class (or middle classes) if for different reasons. While there are good reasons for accepting this designation, the evidence from surveys of new rich entrepreneurs conducted since the early 1990s in different parts of the PRC (Zhejiang, Shanxi, Qinghai, Sichuan, and Hainan) suggests caution. In terms of hierarchies of wealth, status and power the new rich not only represent a significant component of the current ruling class, but perhaps, more significantly, highlight the dimensions for the long-term future. It is clearly the case that there has been massive social change in the wake of rapid economic growth in the People's Republic of China [PRC] since the early 1980s. To take the most obvious example, the creation of wealth on a dramatic scale has meant that the PRC has become very unequal. In 1978 the PRC was a fairly equal society in terms of income, albeit an equality of poverty to some considerable extent. The Gini Coefficient is one of the standard measures of equality where equality is represented as 0 and inequality as 1. In 2005 the
The campaign to Open Up the West that started in 2000 has been presented as a major state project... more The campaign to Open Up the West that started in 2000 has been presented as a major state project of nation-building directed at the interior provincial-level jurisdictions in order to encourage endogenous economic growth, to reduce socio-economic inequalities, and to ensure social and political stability in non-Han areas of the PRC. Despite appearances to the contrary it is more of an adjustment to the PRC's regional development policy than a radical change, not least because of debate and imprecision about its goals, processes and finance. Its impact is perhaps best viewed from provincial and local perspectives. These stress not only the importance of the west's varied social and economic ecology, but also the significance of the sub-provincial as a focus for analysis.
An important part of the China Dream is the development of a comfortable middle class lifestyle f... more An important part of the China Dream is the development of a comfortable middle class lifestyle for all. This is not such a surprising development since a public discourse surrounding the emergence of a middle class has been in the making for over a decade. There is though nonetheless an apparent paradox in a Communist Party embracing the middle class. Understanding how and why this has occurred, as well as attempting to identify the consequences for social stratification in China is clearly important. While it would seem reasonable to attempt to analyse China’s middle class in terms of wealth, or occupation or even lifestyle, it is argued that this is fairly meaningless: in this context the middle class is more a discourse than social structure.
Page 1. STUDIES ON CONTEMPORARY CHINA CENTRE AND PROVINCES CHINA 1978-1993 Power as Non-Zero Sum ... more Page 1. STUDIES ON CONTEMPORARY CHINA CENTRE AND PROVINCES CHINA 1978-1993 Power as Non-Zero Sum -,?■; l Page 2. Centre and Provinces: China 1978-1993 Page 3. Studies on Contemporary China ...
For obvious reasons the dramatic changes in China's political climate during the past four ye... more For obvious reasons the dramatic changes in China's political climate during the past four years have directed the attention of western political scientists to the actual process of decision-making in the People's Republic. Since 1966 an essential part of that decision-making process has been revealed through the Politburo's chung-fa (i.e., " centrally issued ") documents. Although by no means all of each year's series have become available outside China, a substantial number have. It is these Politburo chung-fa the central documents of the title which are the subject for analysis in this monograph.
Saich’s own The Origins of the Fir.st United Front in China: The Role of Sneevliet (Alias Marine ... more Saich’s own The Origins of the Fir.st United Front in China: The Role of Sneevliet (Alias Marine (Leiden: Brill 199 I) is also about the 1920s, and also overlaps both with this volume and with Wilbur and How’s. Stuart R. Schram and Nancy J. Hodes’ multi-volume Afao’s Road to Power: Reiyoliitiot7ai3,, Writings, 1912-l9=l9 (Armonk: Sharpe 1992) is the biggest and least selective and the most undiscriminating and raw of all these studies, in that it aims to produce a translation into English &dquo;of every item [by Mao] of which the Chinese text can be obtained&dquo;.
The scene at the crossroads seems typical of anywhere in Central Asia. The air is arid; walls and... more The scene at the crossroads seems typical of anywhere in Central Asia. The air is arid; walls and sidewalks are made of pressed mud; the sandy dust eddies and swirls down the road. The streetscape is unmistakably Turkic and Islamic. Along the road from a mosque, on one side of the cross-street leading into the junction is a row of explicitly Halal eateries. Outside at stools, the customers are all men, most sporting embroidered hats and prolific beards. Round the corner are a number of hardware and motor vehicle repair shops, with younger men sitting around on motorcycles, smoking outside. Women almost invariably wear black headscarves, and have their arms, legs and shoulders also clothed. If accompanying their husbands, they walk at a discreet distance behind. At the crossroads itself, there are rows of shaded stalls where open-air butchers have legs and shoulders of lamb hanging on hooks in full view, the blood dripping onto the ground. Opposite, dry farming vegetables-chillies, capsicums, cabbage-are on sale from the backs of trucks. Despite appearances, the location is Central China rather than Central Asia. It is the market crossroads at Gaizi [Jiezi], 1 the largest town in the Xunhua Salar Autonomous County of Qinghai Province, though not its administrative centre. 2 As a map of the People's Republic of China (PRC) quickly reveals, Xunhua County is close to its physical centre; where the upper reaches of the Yellow River cross from Qinghai Province into Gansu Province. Xunhua in general, and Gaizi in particular-with its central Salar Alitiuli Mosque-is the epicentre of population and spiritual home for the close on 100,000 Salar. The Salar are described by the PRC as a Turkic and Islamic (Sunni) people. The majority live in Xunhua County, with a small minority based outside in the neighbouring counties of Hualong and Tongren (both in Qinghai) and Jishishan and Xiahe (both in Gansu). Long before the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) came to power in 1949 it had committed itself to the principle of a multinational state for China, in order to politically manage the approximately 6 per cent of the population who were not regarded as Han Chinese but had been subjects of the Qing Empire and became (in principle) citizens of the successor Republic after the collapse of the Empire in 1911 (Mackerras, 1994;
One of the more interesting aspects of politics in the People's Republic of China during the ... more One of the more interesting aspects of politics in the People's Republic of China during the 1990s was the attempt by many provincial leaders to create a specifically provincial discourse of development that entailed the reformulation of provincial identity. Both inside and outside the People's Republic of China, provincialism has often been held to challenge the unity of the Chinese state. However, an examination of the provincial discourse of development in Shanxi during the 1990s suggests that provincial and indeed more local identity politics are more complex and finely nuanced than might at first seem to be the case. Shanxi's new provincial identity was neither exclusive nor opposed to other identities, but one of a series of multiple and overlapping identities, structured within a hierarchy of place and identity that reached down to and interacted with the more local levels of county and village, as well as up to the national level. At the same time it is clear tha...
The War of Resistance to Japan of 1937-1945 was a defining moment in the development of Eást Asia... more The War of Resistance to Japan of 1937-1945 was a defining moment in the development of Eást Asia not simply because of its conflict but also because its progress led directly to the victory of the Chinese Communist Party in 1949, the establishment of the People's Republic of China, the retreat of the Chinese Nationalist Party to Taiwan, and indirectly to the economic and po litical consequences of those events. Necessarily, the history of the War of Resistance to Japan has been and remains highly ideologized: seen through the filters of the civil war between Nationalists and Communists, the wider Cold War of which the Chinese conflict rapidly became part, and the politics within the Chinese Communist Party. Important as those perspectives may be, they can also obscure the dynamics of social change. In the 1990s the climate for scholarship began to change dramatically, both because there was greater access to a wider range of sources and also because there was greater and closer interaction among scholars globally, betw een those inside and those outside the People's Republic of China researching the War of Resistance to Japan. This volume resulted from precisely that kind of cooperative project building on the latest re search into the dynamics of social change at the local level during the War of Resistance to Japan. Participants were invited to a workshop at the
On a late winter's day in 1989 a grey-haired, round woman of about 80 in a padded jacket and ... more On a late winter's day in 1989 a grey-haired, round woman of about 80 in a padded jacket and a black beanie moved across 1st May Square in the centre of Taiyuan, the capital of Shanxi province. She was presenting awards to the…
Uploads
Papers by david goodman