This essay asks what has changed in the relationship between Charlie Hebdo and the French state. ... more This essay asks what has changed in the relationship between Charlie Hebdo and the French state. In its first incarnation as the May ’68-influenced Hara-Kiri Hebdo, the paper assailed all figures of authority and used a questionable “second-degree” humor in its treatment of the oppressed, notably women and immigrants. At this time, Charlie proved to be a thorn in the side of the French political and military elites and was prosecuted accordingly. Religion became a major target for Charlie in the late 1970s with the arrival of a new pope and the Iranian (Islamic) Revolution. When Charlie Hebdo resurfaced in the 1990s, it underwent a change in personnel and outlook, adhering more closely to a political line. Since 9/11, the paper has conducted a relentless critique of Islam and Islamism, citing French secular freedoms as defense. Analysis of Charlie’s anticlerical satire in differing historical, social, and political contexts highlights the ways in which the paper has shifted from establishment bugbear to c...
Manus McGrogan traces the radical posters that flowered on the walls of Paris in the spring of 19... more Manus McGrogan traces the radical posters that flowered on the walls of Paris in the spring of 1968, while a new exhibition at the Hayward Gallery in London offers a chance to see them.
Militants sans frontières? Fusions and frictions of US movements in Paris, 1970 The turn of the s... more Militants sans frontières? Fusions and frictions of US movements in Paris, 1970 The turn of the seventies was a crucial conjuncture in the development of radical movements in France, not simply because of the trail blazed by the mass revolt of May '68, but due to the advent of US movements and underground themes in the French left, subsequently suffusing the broader culture in the 1970s. Nascent women's and gay liberation movements in France drew directly on their American counterparts for ideas and inspiration. Crucially, some of the pioneers of these groups had been to the US and become involved with the antiwar and sexual liberation movements, returning with fresh perspectives. The texts and images of their respective publications in 1970-71 underscore this transatlantic borrowing. Besides the currents of sexual liberation, sections of the French far left kept a watchful eye on events Stateside, focusing on the evolution of the broad "Movement. " Based on recently gathered oral testimonies of former activists and archival evidence, I trace the presence in Paris, 1970, of Black Panther Party members, and Yippies Jerry Rubin and Abbie Hoffman, showing how their interactions with French militants revealed both an exemplarity of US radicals' language and symbolism to sections of the French underground scene, and important differences between American and French political cultures. Moreover, this transnational "moment" of tension and fusion was pivotal in the spread of French grassroots left political culture from classic Marxism toward youth and identity themes in the decade ahead.
This essay traces the presence of British left-wing radicals in Portugal during the Carnation Rev... more This essay traces the presence of British left-wing radicals in Portugal during the Carnation Revolution of 1974–5, a phase of significant sociopolitical change that fired the imagination of layers of activists across Europe. The revolution, sparked by a captain’s coup within the military, also effectively ended Portugal’s colonial wars, and with its new armed forces movement and proliferation of workers’ commissions, held out the possibility of revolutionary socialism – and not simply the transition to a Western-style democracy. The revolution acquired wider international significance given the shock to the global Left of the right-wing military coup in Chile in September 1973. Moreover, British respondents refer to the period as a key moment of “revolutionary tourism” in the arc of revolt that swept the 1960s and 1970s. Groups such as the International Socialists sent delegations to Portugal to forge links with trade unions and left parties, and numerous individuals came as observers, or indeed to participate more fully in the events. Beyond generic analyses on the course and impact of the Portuguese Revolution, I conduct an oral and archival history which identifies the visitors’ motivations and experiences, their exchanges with Portuguese militants, the “lessons learned” and any political reorientation of the British radical Left prompted by the uprising. Indeed, the military counter-coup of 1975 proved a decisive moment, leading ultimately to a “normalization” of Portuguese society, and dashing the hopes of the European radical Left. For some on the British Left, Portugal 1975 came to represent the end of the European revolutionary movement that had begun in the late 1960s.
Le Marec, Joelle (dir.) ; Pucciarelli, Mimmo (dir.). — La Presse alternative entre la culture de ... more Le Marec, Joelle (dir.) ; Pucciarelli, Mimmo (dir.). — La Presse alternative entre la culture de l’emancipation et les chemins de l’utopie : Actes du colloque de Lyon, janvier 2012. — Lyon : Atelier de creation libertaire, 2013 [nov.]. — 400 p. ; 21 cm + facsimile n/b de l'affiche de l'exposition organisee par le CEDRATS a l'occasion du colloque.
With this thesis on the aftermath of 1968 in France, I have recreated the moment and environment ... more With this thesis on the aftermath of 1968 in France, I have recreated the moment and environment of the libertarian paper Tout! Usually associated in historiography with the birth of the gay liberation movement in France, my initial research revealed its influence as more penetrative and revealing of the diverse left and new, countercultural movements of the early 1970s. I sought the testimony of former militants, writers and artists to uncover historical detail and motivations, and consulted relevant textual archives, aiming to situate and examine the paper within a number of interrelated contexts. Results showed the paper's historical touchstones of scurrilous Revolutionary papers and 19th/20th caricature typified by L’Assiette au Beurre. The parallel paths of Dada, surrealism and situationism, and the Marxisant legacy of the Russian Revolution, foreshadowed the blend of cultural and political in Tout! May „68 was the crucible of militant, festive currents and speech, a time o...
Tout! Gauchisme, contre culture et presse alternative dans l'apres Mai 68, 2018
« Ce n’est qu’un début, continuons le combat ! ». Après Mai 68, et malgré la répression policière... more « Ce n’est qu’un début, continuons le combat ! ». Après Mai 68, et malgré la répression policière, les groupuscules gauchistes se recomposent et tentent de poursuivre l’aventure révolutionnaire. Parmi eux, les étudiants de Vive la Révolution détonnent. Ces maoïstes tendance libertaire, ou « mao spontex » comme on les qualifiera, militent auprès des ouvriers, notamment immigrés, tout en étant fortement influencés par les mouvements radicaux américains. Leur journal, rebaptisé Tout !, quinzomadaire grand format aux couleurs vives ayant Jean-Paul Sartre pour Directeur de publication, cherche à fomenter une révolution à la fois politique et culturelle. Il ouvre ses colonnes aux mouvements et luttes antiautoritaires qui foisonnent : libération des femmes, antipsychiatrie, reconnaissance des homosexuels, jeunes en colère... Bien qu’éphémère, cette extraordinaire expérience d’un journal foutraque se trouve au carrefour de trois courants : gauchisme, nouveaux mouvements sociaux et contre-culture. Pour la première fois racontée, cette histoire montre comment Tout ! a concentré de façon explosive ces influences, qu’il a agrémentées de slogans percutants et d’un graphisme éclatant, pour devenir le fer de lance de la presse alternative.
Après une thèse de doctorat sur Tout ! et la presse alternative en France après 1968, Manus McGrogan enseigne les études françaises à l’Université de Portsmouth en Angleterre.
This essay traces the presence of British left wing radicals in Portugal during the Carnation Rev... more This essay traces the presence of British left wing radicals in Portugal during the Carnation Revolution of 1974-75, a phase of significant socio-political change that fired the imagination of layers of activists across Europe. The Revolution, sparked by a captain’s coup within the military, also effectively ended Portugal’s colonial wars, and with its new armed forces movement and proliferation of workers’ commissions, held out the possibility of revolutionary socialism - and not simply the transition to a Western-style democracy. The revolution acquired wider international significance given the shock to the global left of the right-wing military coup in Chile in September 1973. Moreover, British respondents refer to the period as a key moment of “revolutionary tourism” in the arc of revolt that swept the 1960s and 70s. Groups such as the International Socialists (IS) sent delegations to Portugal to forge links with trade unions and left parties, and numerous individuals came as observers, or indeed to participate more fully in the events. Beyond generic analyses on the course and impact of the Portuguese Revolution, I conduct an oral and archival history which identifies the visitors’ motivations and experiences, their exchanges with Portuguese militants, the “lessons learned” and any political reorientation of the British radical left prompted by the uprising. Indeed, the military counter-coup of 1975 proved a decisive moment, leading ultimately to a “normalization” of Portuguese society, and dashing the hopes of the European radical left. For some on the British left, Portugal 1975 came to represent the end of the European revolutionary movement that had begun in the late 1960s.
This essay asks what has changed in the relationship between Charlie Hebdo and the French state. ... more This essay asks what has changed in the relationship between Charlie Hebdo and the French state. In its first incarnation as the May ’68-influenced Hara-Kiri Hebdo, the paper assailed all figures of authority and used a questionable “second-degree” humor in its treatment of the oppressed, notably women and immigrants. At this time, Charlie proved to be a thorn in the side of the French political and military elites and was prosecuted accordingly. Religion became a major target for Charlie in the late 1970s with the arrival of a new pope and the Iranian (Islamic) Revolution. When Charlie Hebdo resurfaced in the 1990s, it underwent a change in personnel and outlook, adhering more closely to a political line. Since 9/11, the paper has conducted a relentless critique of Islam and Islamism, citing French secular freedoms as defense. Analysis of Charlie’s anticlerical satire in differing historical, social, and political contexts highlights the ways in which the paper has shifted from establishment bugbear to champion of “Republican” values.
Cet essai se propose d’analyser l’évolution de la relation entre Charlie Hebdo et l’État français. Dans sa première incarnation post-Mai 68, période du titre Hara-Kiri Hebdo, les représentants de toutes les autorités sont mis sous les feux de la critique, le journal recourant à un humour “au second degré” parfois douteux dans son traitement des couches défavorisées, notamment les femmes et les immigrés. Charlie, à cette époque, joue un rôle de poil à gratter vis-à-vis des élites politiques et militaires françaises, et se trouve plusieurs fois poursuivi en justice. C’est seulement à la fin des années 1970 que la religion devient une cible majeure pour l’hebdomadaire au moment de l’élection d’un nouveau pape (1978) et de la Révolution (islamique) iranienne (1979). Quand il refait surface dans les années 1990, après avoir cessé de paraitre en 1981, Charlie s’est restructuré, et adhère plus étroitement à une ligne politique. A partir de 2001, le journal critique sans relâche l’islam et l’islamisme, en défendant notamment le principe de laïcité. L’évaluation de la satire anticléricale de Charlie dans ces différents contextes historiques, sociaux et politiques met en évidence la façon dont le journal, autrefois croquemitaine de l’establishment, est peu à peu devenu le champion des valeurs “républicaines.”
This essay asks what has changed in the relationship between Charlie Hebdo and the French state. ... more This essay asks what has changed in the relationship between Charlie Hebdo and the French state. In its first incarnation as the May ’68-influenced Hara-Kiri Hebdo, the paper assailed all figures of authority and used a questionable “second-degree” humor in its treatment of the oppressed, notably women and immigrants. At this time, Charlie proved to be a thorn in the side of the French political and military elites and was prosecuted accordingly. Religion became a major target for Charlie in the late 1970s with the arrival of a new pope and the Iranian (Islamic) Revolution. When Charlie Hebdo resurfaced in the 1990s, it underwent a change in personnel and outlook, adhering more closely to a political line. Since 9/11, the paper has conducted a relentless critique of Islam and Islamism, citing French secular freedoms as defense. Analysis of Charlie’s anticlerical satire in differing historical, social, and political contexts highlights the ways in which the paper has shifted from establishment bugbear to c...
Manus McGrogan traces the radical posters that flowered on the walls of Paris in the spring of 19... more Manus McGrogan traces the radical posters that flowered on the walls of Paris in the spring of 1968, while a new exhibition at the Hayward Gallery in London offers a chance to see them.
Militants sans frontières? Fusions and frictions of US movements in Paris, 1970 The turn of the s... more Militants sans frontières? Fusions and frictions of US movements in Paris, 1970 The turn of the seventies was a crucial conjuncture in the development of radical movements in France, not simply because of the trail blazed by the mass revolt of May '68, but due to the advent of US movements and underground themes in the French left, subsequently suffusing the broader culture in the 1970s. Nascent women's and gay liberation movements in France drew directly on their American counterparts for ideas and inspiration. Crucially, some of the pioneers of these groups had been to the US and become involved with the antiwar and sexual liberation movements, returning with fresh perspectives. The texts and images of their respective publications in 1970-71 underscore this transatlantic borrowing. Besides the currents of sexual liberation, sections of the French far left kept a watchful eye on events Stateside, focusing on the evolution of the broad "Movement. " Based on recently gathered oral testimonies of former activists and archival evidence, I trace the presence in Paris, 1970, of Black Panther Party members, and Yippies Jerry Rubin and Abbie Hoffman, showing how their interactions with French militants revealed both an exemplarity of US radicals' language and symbolism to sections of the French underground scene, and important differences between American and French political cultures. Moreover, this transnational "moment" of tension and fusion was pivotal in the spread of French grassroots left political culture from classic Marxism toward youth and identity themes in the decade ahead.
This essay traces the presence of British left-wing radicals in Portugal during the Carnation Rev... more This essay traces the presence of British left-wing radicals in Portugal during the Carnation Revolution of 1974–5, a phase of significant sociopolitical change that fired the imagination of layers of activists across Europe. The revolution, sparked by a captain’s coup within the military, also effectively ended Portugal’s colonial wars, and with its new armed forces movement and proliferation of workers’ commissions, held out the possibility of revolutionary socialism – and not simply the transition to a Western-style democracy. The revolution acquired wider international significance given the shock to the global Left of the right-wing military coup in Chile in September 1973. Moreover, British respondents refer to the period as a key moment of “revolutionary tourism” in the arc of revolt that swept the 1960s and 1970s. Groups such as the International Socialists sent delegations to Portugal to forge links with trade unions and left parties, and numerous individuals came as observers, or indeed to participate more fully in the events. Beyond generic analyses on the course and impact of the Portuguese Revolution, I conduct an oral and archival history which identifies the visitors’ motivations and experiences, their exchanges with Portuguese militants, the “lessons learned” and any political reorientation of the British radical Left prompted by the uprising. Indeed, the military counter-coup of 1975 proved a decisive moment, leading ultimately to a “normalization” of Portuguese society, and dashing the hopes of the European radical Left. For some on the British Left, Portugal 1975 came to represent the end of the European revolutionary movement that had begun in the late 1960s.
Le Marec, Joelle (dir.) ; Pucciarelli, Mimmo (dir.). — La Presse alternative entre la culture de ... more Le Marec, Joelle (dir.) ; Pucciarelli, Mimmo (dir.). — La Presse alternative entre la culture de l’emancipation et les chemins de l’utopie : Actes du colloque de Lyon, janvier 2012. — Lyon : Atelier de creation libertaire, 2013 [nov.]. — 400 p. ; 21 cm + facsimile n/b de l'affiche de l'exposition organisee par le CEDRATS a l'occasion du colloque.
With this thesis on the aftermath of 1968 in France, I have recreated the moment and environment ... more With this thesis on the aftermath of 1968 in France, I have recreated the moment and environment of the libertarian paper Tout! Usually associated in historiography with the birth of the gay liberation movement in France, my initial research revealed its influence as more penetrative and revealing of the diverse left and new, countercultural movements of the early 1970s. I sought the testimony of former militants, writers and artists to uncover historical detail and motivations, and consulted relevant textual archives, aiming to situate and examine the paper within a number of interrelated contexts. Results showed the paper's historical touchstones of scurrilous Revolutionary papers and 19th/20th caricature typified by L’Assiette au Beurre. The parallel paths of Dada, surrealism and situationism, and the Marxisant legacy of the Russian Revolution, foreshadowed the blend of cultural and political in Tout! May „68 was the crucible of militant, festive currents and speech, a time o...
Tout! Gauchisme, contre culture et presse alternative dans l'apres Mai 68, 2018
« Ce n’est qu’un début, continuons le combat ! ». Après Mai 68, et malgré la répression policière... more « Ce n’est qu’un début, continuons le combat ! ». Après Mai 68, et malgré la répression policière, les groupuscules gauchistes se recomposent et tentent de poursuivre l’aventure révolutionnaire. Parmi eux, les étudiants de Vive la Révolution détonnent. Ces maoïstes tendance libertaire, ou « mao spontex » comme on les qualifiera, militent auprès des ouvriers, notamment immigrés, tout en étant fortement influencés par les mouvements radicaux américains. Leur journal, rebaptisé Tout !, quinzomadaire grand format aux couleurs vives ayant Jean-Paul Sartre pour Directeur de publication, cherche à fomenter une révolution à la fois politique et culturelle. Il ouvre ses colonnes aux mouvements et luttes antiautoritaires qui foisonnent : libération des femmes, antipsychiatrie, reconnaissance des homosexuels, jeunes en colère... Bien qu’éphémère, cette extraordinaire expérience d’un journal foutraque se trouve au carrefour de trois courants : gauchisme, nouveaux mouvements sociaux et contre-culture. Pour la première fois racontée, cette histoire montre comment Tout ! a concentré de façon explosive ces influences, qu’il a agrémentées de slogans percutants et d’un graphisme éclatant, pour devenir le fer de lance de la presse alternative.
Après une thèse de doctorat sur Tout ! et la presse alternative en France après 1968, Manus McGrogan enseigne les études françaises à l’Université de Portsmouth en Angleterre.
This essay traces the presence of British left wing radicals in Portugal during the Carnation Rev... more This essay traces the presence of British left wing radicals in Portugal during the Carnation Revolution of 1974-75, a phase of significant socio-political change that fired the imagination of layers of activists across Europe. The Revolution, sparked by a captain’s coup within the military, also effectively ended Portugal’s colonial wars, and with its new armed forces movement and proliferation of workers’ commissions, held out the possibility of revolutionary socialism - and not simply the transition to a Western-style democracy. The revolution acquired wider international significance given the shock to the global left of the right-wing military coup in Chile in September 1973. Moreover, British respondents refer to the period as a key moment of “revolutionary tourism” in the arc of revolt that swept the 1960s and 70s. Groups such as the International Socialists (IS) sent delegations to Portugal to forge links with trade unions and left parties, and numerous individuals came as observers, or indeed to participate more fully in the events. Beyond generic analyses on the course and impact of the Portuguese Revolution, I conduct an oral and archival history which identifies the visitors’ motivations and experiences, their exchanges with Portuguese militants, the “lessons learned” and any political reorientation of the British radical left prompted by the uprising. Indeed, the military counter-coup of 1975 proved a decisive moment, leading ultimately to a “normalization” of Portuguese society, and dashing the hopes of the European radical left. For some on the British left, Portugal 1975 came to represent the end of the European revolutionary movement that had begun in the late 1960s.
This essay asks what has changed in the relationship between Charlie Hebdo and the French state. ... more This essay asks what has changed in the relationship between Charlie Hebdo and the French state. In its first incarnation as the May ’68-influenced Hara-Kiri Hebdo, the paper assailed all figures of authority and used a questionable “second-degree” humor in its treatment of the oppressed, notably women and immigrants. At this time, Charlie proved to be a thorn in the side of the French political and military elites and was prosecuted accordingly. Religion became a major target for Charlie in the late 1970s with the arrival of a new pope and the Iranian (Islamic) Revolution. When Charlie Hebdo resurfaced in the 1990s, it underwent a change in personnel and outlook, adhering more closely to a political line. Since 9/11, the paper has conducted a relentless critique of Islam and Islamism, citing French secular freedoms as defense. Analysis of Charlie’s anticlerical satire in differing historical, social, and political contexts highlights the ways in which the paper has shifted from establishment bugbear to champion of “Republican” values.
Cet essai se propose d’analyser l’évolution de la relation entre Charlie Hebdo et l’État français. Dans sa première incarnation post-Mai 68, période du titre Hara-Kiri Hebdo, les représentants de toutes les autorités sont mis sous les feux de la critique, le journal recourant à un humour “au second degré” parfois douteux dans son traitement des couches défavorisées, notamment les femmes et les immigrés. Charlie, à cette époque, joue un rôle de poil à gratter vis-à-vis des élites politiques et militaires françaises, et se trouve plusieurs fois poursuivi en justice. C’est seulement à la fin des années 1970 que la religion devient une cible majeure pour l’hebdomadaire au moment de l’élection d’un nouveau pape (1978) et de la Révolution (islamique) iranienne (1979). Quand il refait surface dans les années 1990, après avoir cessé de paraitre en 1981, Charlie s’est restructuré, et adhère plus étroitement à une ligne politique. A partir de 2001, le journal critique sans relâche l’islam et l’islamisme, en défendant notamment le principe de laïcité. L’évaluation de la satire anticléricale de Charlie dans ces différents contextes historiques, sociaux et politiques met en évidence la façon dont le journal, autrefois croquemitaine de l’establishment, est peu à peu devenu le champion des valeurs “républicaines.”
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Papers by Manus McGrogan
Leur journal, rebaptisé Tout !, quinzomadaire grand format aux couleurs vives ayant Jean-Paul Sartre pour Directeur de publication, cherche à fomenter une révolution à la fois politique et culturelle. Il ouvre ses colonnes aux mouvements et luttes antiautoritaires qui foisonnent : libération des femmes, antipsychiatrie, reconnaissance des homosexuels, jeunes en colère...
Bien qu’éphémère, cette extraordinaire expérience d’un journal foutraque se trouve au carrefour de trois courants : gauchisme, nouveaux mouvements sociaux et contre-culture. Pour la première fois racontée, cette histoire montre comment Tout ! a concentré de façon explosive ces influences, qu’il a agrémentées de slogans percutants et d’un graphisme éclatant, pour devenir le fer de lance de la presse alternative.
Après une thèse de doctorat sur Tout ! et la presse alternative en France après 1968, Manus McGrogan enseigne les études françaises à l’Université de Portsmouth en Angleterre.
Cet essai se propose d’analyser l’évolution de la relation entre Charlie Hebdo et l’État français. Dans sa première incarnation post-Mai 68, période du titre Hara-Kiri Hebdo, les représentants de toutes les autorités sont mis sous les feux de la critique, le journal recourant à un humour “au second degré” parfois douteux dans son traitement des couches défavorisées, notamment les femmes et les immigrés. Charlie, à cette époque, joue un rôle de poil à gratter vis-à-vis des élites politiques et militaires françaises, et se trouve plusieurs fois poursuivi en justice. C’est seulement à la fin des années 1970 que la religion devient une cible majeure pour l’hebdomadaire au moment de l’élection d’un nouveau pape (1978) et de la Révolution (islamique) iranienne (1979). Quand il refait surface dans les années 1990, après avoir cessé de paraitre en 1981, Charlie s’est restructuré, et adhère plus étroitement à une ligne politique. A partir de 2001, le journal critique sans relâche l’islam et l’islamisme, en défendant notamment le principe de laïcité. L’évaluation de la satire anticléricale de Charlie dans ces différents contextes historiques, sociaux et politiques met en évidence la façon dont le journal, autrefois croquemitaine de l’establishment, est peu à peu devenu le champion des valeurs “républicaines.”
Leur journal, rebaptisé Tout !, quinzomadaire grand format aux couleurs vives ayant Jean-Paul Sartre pour Directeur de publication, cherche à fomenter une révolution à la fois politique et culturelle. Il ouvre ses colonnes aux mouvements et luttes antiautoritaires qui foisonnent : libération des femmes, antipsychiatrie, reconnaissance des homosexuels, jeunes en colère...
Bien qu’éphémère, cette extraordinaire expérience d’un journal foutraque se trouve au carrefour de trois courants : gauchisme, nouveaux mouvements sociaux et contre-culture. Pour la première fois racontée, cette histoire montre comment Tout ! a concentré de façon explosive ces influences, qu’il a agrémentées de slogans percutants et d’un graphisme éclatant, pour devenir le fer de lance de la presse alternative.
Après une thèse de doctorat sur Tout ! et la presse alternative en France après 1968, Manus McGrogan enseigne les études françaises à l’Université de Portsmouth en Angleterre.
Cet essai se propose d’analyser l’évolution de la relation entre Charlie Hebdo et l’État français. Dans sa première incarnation post-Mai 68, période du titre Hara-Kiri Hebdo, les représentants de toutes les autorités sont mis sous les feux de la critique, le journal recourant à un humour “au second degré” parfois douteux dans son traitement des couches défavorisées, notamment les femmes et les immigrés. Charlie, à cette époque, joue un rôle de poil à gratter vis-à-vis des élites politiques et militaires françaises, et se trouve plusieurs fois poursuivi en justice. C’est seulement à la fin des années 1970 que la religion devient une cible majeure pour l’hebdomadaire au moment de l’élection d’un nouveau pape (1978) et de la Révolution (islamique) iranienne (1979). Quand il refait surface dans les années 1990, après avoir cessé de paraitre en 1981, Charlie s’est restructuré, et adhère plus étroitement à une ligne politique. A partir de 2001, le journal critique sans relâche l’islam et l’islamisme, en défendant notamment le principe de laïcité. L’évaluation de la satire anticléricale de Charlie dans ces différents contextes historiques, sociaux et politiques met en évidence la façon dont le journal, autrefois croquemitaine de l’establishment, est peu à peu devenu le champion des valeurs “républicaines.”