Thesis Chapters by Jonas Sylvest
Present thesis is a case study applying the theory of Antonio Gramsci to labour state relations i... more Present thesis is a case study applying the theory of Antonio Gramsci to labour state relations in Turkey. More specifically it seeks to highlight the causes of political instability and the contradictory course of labour politics, mainly in the period of 1950-1980, from a Gramscian perspective. On the basis mainly of the Gramscian studies of David Adam Morton (2011) and the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci (1971) it will be illuminated how class struggles indicative to the formation of the modern Turkish state, within conditions of uneven capitalist development, resulted in a political stalemate in the 1950´s, 60´s and 70´s.
Gramscian theory claims that such political volatility is inherent to the process of state formation, which is the product of a process, which Gramsci termed a passive revolution. This concept denotes the situation, experienced in many less developed countries, where a weak
industrial bourgeoisie, or state forces acting on their behalf in the name of development, is attempting to establish hegemony – defined as rule dominated by consent – through an international catching up process involving capitalist reform. The Gramscian state, what he termed the integral state, thus, contrarily to Weberian conceptions of the state, is defined both by its use of consent and coercion. In Gramsci´s own words: “State = political society + civil society, in other words hegemony protected by the amour of coercion” (Carnoy 1984: 72). Thus, the integral state is a matrix of institutions, which is conventionally divided into the spheres of civil society and the state that “consecrate and legitimize” (Morton 2011: 7) the capitalist relations of production. Present thesis, thus, illuminates how Turkish labour movements were partially integrated into the integral state system by the dominant classes, through ideological and political co-optation. The important word here being partially, as parts of the bourgeoisie, being divided and unconsolidated by the unevenness of capitalist development, was unable to provide hegemonic leadership and therefore applied coercive measures towards labour.
This study, thus, sets itself apart from other Gramscian studies of Turkish society, in that it contains a special focus on labour relations within the integral Turkish state, and furthermore, because it makes use of the analytical concepts Uneven and Combined Development (U&CD),
the capitalist type of state, and passive revolution.
It is the claim of present thesis that such specificities to the Gramscian analysis of state-labour relations in Turkey helps illuminate the underlying power structures shaping modern state formation, and thereby clarifies the historical role of labour movements as a cog in the intricate matrix of relations making up the integral state. It is thereby the aim to clarify the class character of the state, which Antonio Gramsci claimed were obscured in the liberal demoratic state system. It does this, however, without reverting to class determination, as equal weight is given to human agency and class structure within Gramscian theory.
Through the lens of the above described theory, applied to existing studies of Turkish history, political economy and labour, it is, thus, illuminated how political processes in the multi partyera of Turkey can be perceived as a process of the refinement of the integrative exercise of passive revolution.
Papers by Jonas Sylvest
This article aims to apply the theory of Antonio Gramsci to labour-state relations in Turkey. Mor... more This article aims to apply the theory of Antonio Gramsci to labour-state relations in Turkey. More specifically it seeks to highlight the causes of political instability and the contradictory course of labour politics, mainly in the 1950-1980 period, from a Gramscian perspective. On the basis mainly of the Gramscian studies of Adam D. Morton (2011) and the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci (Gramsci 1971, 1975, 1992, 1996, 2007), the article illustrates how class struggles indicative to the formation of the modern Turkish state, within the conditions of uneven capitalist development, resulted in a political stalemate in the 1950s, 60s and 70s. Through the application of such concepts as passive revolution, uneven and combined development and the capitalist type of state, the author seeks to clarify how labour-state relations in Turkey are intrinsically linked to modern state formation. This involves the concomitant co-optation of labour movements and establishment of market relatio...
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Thesis Chapters by Jonas Sylvest
Gramscian theory claims that such political volatility is inherent to the process of state formation, which is the product of a process, which Gramsci termed a passive revolution. This concept denotes the situation, experienced in many less developed countries, where a weak
industrial bourgeoisie, or state forces acting on their behalf in the name of development, is attempting to establish hegemony – defined as rule dominated by consent – through an international catching up process involving capitalist reform. The Gramscian state, what he termed the integral state, thus, contrarily to Weberian conceptions of the state, is defined both by its use of consent and coercion. In Gramsci´s own words: “State = political society + civil society, in other words hegemony protected by the amour of coercion” (Carnoy 1984: 72). Thus, the integral state is a matrix of institutions, which is conventionally divided into the spheres of civil society and the state that “consecrate and legitimize” (Morton 2011: 7) the capitalist relations of production. Present thesis, thus, illuminates how Turkish labour movements were partially integrated into the integral state system by the dominant classes, through ideological and political co-optation. The important word here being partially, as parts of the bourgeoisie, being divided and unconsolidated by the unevenness of capitalist development, was unable to provide hegemonic leadership and therefore applied coercive measures towards labour.
This study, thus, sets itself apart from other Gramscian studies of Turkish society, in that it contains a special focus on labour relations within the integral Turkish state, and furthermore, because it makes use of the analytical concepts Uneven and Combined Development (U&CD),
the capitalist type of state, and passive revolution.
It is the claim of present thesis that such specificities to the Gramscian analysis of state-labour relations in Turkey helps illuminate the underlying power structures shaping modern state formation, and thereby clarifies the historical role of labour movements as a cog in the intricate matrix of relations making up the integral state. It is thereby the aim to clarify the class character of the state, which Antonio Gramsci claimed were obscured in the liberal demoratic state system. It does this, however, without reverting to class determination, as equal weight is given to human agency and class structure within Gramscian theory.
Through the lens of the above described theory, applied to existing studies of Turkish history, political economy and labour, it is, thus, illuminated how political processes in the multi partyera of Turkey can be perceived as a process of the refinement of the integrative exercise of passive revolution.
Papers by Jonas Sylvest
Gramscian theory claims that such political volatility is inherent to the process of state formation, which is the product of a process, which Gramsci termed a passive revolution. This concept denotes the situation, experienced in many less developed countries, where a weak
industrial bourgeoisie, or state forces acting on their behalf in the name of development, is attempting to establish hegemony – defined as rule dominated by consent – through an international catching up process involving capitalist reform. The Gramscian state, what he termed the integral state, thus, contrarily to Weberian conceptions of the state, is defined both by its use of consent and coercion. In Gramsci´s own words: “State = political society + civil society, in other words hegemony protected by the amour of coercion” (Carnoy 1984: 72). Thus, the integral state is a matrix of institutions, which is conventionally divided into the spheres of civil society and the state that “consecrate and legitimize” (Morton 2011: 7) the capitalist relations of production. Present thesis, thus, illuminates how Turkish labour movements were partially integrated into the integral state system by the dominant classes, through ideological and political co-optation. The important word here being partially, as parts of the bourgeoisie, being divided and unconsolidated by the unevenness of capitalist development, was unable to provide hegemonic leadership and therefore applied coercive measures towards labour.
This study, thus, sets itself apart from other Gramscian studies of Turkish society, in that it contains a special focus on labour relations within the integral Turkish state, and furthermore, because it makes use of the analytical concepts Uneven and Combined Development (U&CD),
the capitalist type of state, and passive revolution.
It is the claim of present thesis that such specificities to the Gramscian analysis of state-labour relations in Turkey helps illuminate the underlying power structures shaping modern state formation, and thereby clarifies the historical role of labour movements as a cog in the intricate matrix of relations making up the integral state. It is thereby the aim to clarify the class character of the state, which Antonio Gramsci claimed were obscured in the liberal demoratic state system. It does this, however, without reverting to class determination, as equal weight is given to human agency and class structure within Gramscian theory.
Through the lens of the above described theory, applied to existing studies of Turkish history, political economy and labour, it is, thus, illuminated how political processes in the multi partyera of Turkey can be perceived as a process of the refinement of the integrative exercise of passive revolution.