Upon election in 2013, the first governors of the forty-seven counties created by Kenya's 2010 co... more Upon election in 2013, the first governors of the forty-seven counties created by Kenya's 2010 constitution assumed responsibility for the construction-in some cases, especially in the historically marginalized north of the country, essentially from scratch-of local administrative apparatuses needed to perform devolved government functions and manage county budgets. This article examines the local electoral drivers of the substantial variation in the new county administrations' capacity and performance. A paired comparison of Turkana and West Pokot counties in Northern Kenya shows that threats to political survival posed by electoral opponents incentivize vertically accountable local leaders to substitute clientelism for state-building. To secure reelection in 2017, the governors of both counties needed to satisfy constituent demands for improved access to state resources. Faced with weak electoral rivals, the Turkana leader did so by extending public service delivery, which required the construction of a capable county government. In contrast, his West Pokot counterpart's vulnerability to electoral competition prompted reallocation of county resources to clients at the expense of investment in administrative capacity and public goods provision.
In the mid-2000s, Uganda's authoritarian National Resistance Movement (NRM) regime set out to ext... more In the mid-2000s, Uganda's authoritarian National Resistance Movement (NRM) regime set out to extend state control over Karamoja, a long-neglected region in the northeast of the country. This effort has involved large-scale deployment of security personnel, investment in an expansive administrative system used to subdue the local population, and construction of physical infrastructure that connects Karamoja with the rest of Uganda and facilitates the exploitation of the region's natural resources by members of the political elite. Government bodies in Karamoja capably perform functions that benefit the NRM elite and regime; other government responsibilities, notably for public service provision, have been assumed by non-state organisations. This article shows that the unevenness of state capacity in the region is the result of a coherent strategy that the regime has implemented across Uganda; developments in Karamoja illuminate this strategy and, thereby, help to account for the apparent incongruity of the country's political system.
The ethnic identities of many communities in Central Asia, the Middle East, and Sub-Saharan Afric... more The ethnic identities of many communities in Central Asia, the Middle East, and Sub-Saharan Africa are layered: larger-scale superordinate ethnic groups consist of smaller-scale subordinate ethnic (sub)groups. This underappreciated feature of ethnicity has far-reaching political ramifications. In settings where ethnic identities are layered, politicians can access the considerable benefits of coethnic voting by mobilizing the electoral support of fellow members of any ethnic layer. Presented with such choices, election candidates adapt their identity mobilization strategies to the ethnic composition of electorates in order to target and coordinate with suitable coethnic electorate segments, form winning coalitions, and fragment the voting blocs assembled by their electoral rivals. The multiplicity and malleability of available layered identities facilitates both the construction and fragmentation of cross-segment alliances as well as individual segments. Evidence from fifty-four electoral contests in Marsabit in Northern Kenya provides support for this argument.
State-making processes that occur in peripheral areas and the role that local political elites pl... more State-making processes that occur in peripheral areas and the role that local political elites play in such processes have not been adequately explored by scholars. This article investigates these important phenomena through the lens of the Ugandan state's presence in Karamoja, in the country's northeast, which until the early years of the twenty-first century was very limited. Rapid extension of the power of the Ugandan state in the region, upon which the country's rulers have embarked in the last decade, has radically altered existing governance arrangements in Karamoja and led to the formation of a subordinate Karamojan political elite. This elite has been instrumental in government efforts to establish control over the region's population and shaped this state-making process in important ways.
Karamoja, in northeastern Uganda, has occupied a marginal position within the country since its i... more Karamoja, in northeastern Uganda, has occupied a marginal position within the country since its incorporation into the British-controlled Uganda Protectorate in the early twentieth century. Culturally, economically, and politically distinct from the rest of Uganda, for most of this period the restive and often violent region elicited little interest from the country’s colonial and postcolonial rulers. The efforts that successive governments undertook to address Karamoja’s poverty and limit conflict were generally half-hearted and ineffectual. At the turn of the twenty-first century, however, the Ugandan state’s attitude towards the region changed radically. In 2006, the National Resistance Movement (NRM) government of President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni launched a brutal, but highly effective disarmament campaign, which has not only successfully reduced conflict in the region, but also led to thoroughgoing extension of the presence, and power, of the Ugandan state in the previously neglected region. Many aspects of the disarmament process, especially the widespread human rights violations committed by the Ugandan army, the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF), have been extensively documented by scholars. None of them has examined, however, the causes of the abrupt change of the government’s position towards Karamoja that manifested itself in disarmament. The subsequent extension of the power of the Ugandan state in the region has also attracted little scholarly attention. In this working paper, I endeavour to address these important gaps in the literature. In Part 1, I investigate the objectives of Uganda’s rulers, to whom I refer as “state-managers,” and the ways in which disarmament and other policies implemented by the Ugandan government in Karamoja have contributed to the realization of those objectives. I argue that, in the absence of perceived or real challenges to their continued control of the Ugandan state, the state managers initiated the process of extension of state power in the region with the intention of enriching themselves through exploitation of Karamoja’s natural resources. In Part 2 (Czuba 2017), I consider the interactions between the state managers and the emergent Karamojan political elite; in particular, I examine the role that that the cooptation of this new elite has played in state managers’ efforts to establish control over Karamoja and benefit from the region’s natural resources. The paper is based on field research conducted in Kampala and in Amudat, Moroto, and Nakapiripirit districts between October and December 2016.
The process of extension of state power in Karamoja, which Ugandan state managers initiated with ... more The process of extension of state power in Karamoja, which Ugandan state managers initiated with the 2006 disarmament campaign, has allowed them to establish effective control over the previously restive region and exploit its considerable natural resources. I explore these developments in Part 1 of this working paper (Czuba 2017), which also details some of the tools on which the state managers have relied to subdue Karamojans and forestall the possibility of forceful resistance to extension of state power: deployment of the coercive apparatus of the state, primarily in the form of the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF), and subversion of Karamojans’ livelihood systems. In Part 2, I investigate another component of the system of control that Ugandan state managers have constructed in Karamoja. Specifically, I explore the creation of a new subordinate Karamojan political elite that in recent years has largely supplanted the indigenous governance systems developed by the ethnic groups that inhabit the region. I argue that most members of this new political elite have been coopted by the state managers to represent their interests in Karamoja in exchange for government positions and wealth, including access to large-scale land acquisition. There is, however, some notable variation between Karamojong and Pokot members of the new elite, the latter of whom have been able to retain a higher degree of autonomy from the National Resistance Movement (NRM) regime due to their connections with their powerful co-ethnics in the neighbouring West Pokot County in Kenya. The paper is based on field research conducted in Kampala and in Amudat, Moroto, and Nakapiripirit districts between October and December 2016.
The transformation of Kenya’s political system initiated by the 2010 constitution—which devolved ... more The transformation of Kenya’s political system initiated by the 2010 constitution—which devolved power to newly created autonomous county governments—has resulted in the emergence of vibrant political life in Marsabit County, an ethnically heterogeneous area in the country’s historically marginalized and neglected northern periphery. This vibrancy reflects the high stakes of contestation between local political agents who seek control over the Marsabit County Government, which came into being following the 2013 elections and commands considerable powers and resources. Due to Marsabit’s population composition, these political agents’ efforts to mobilize popular support have given rise to a form of politics in which the salience of ethnic divisions is particularly marked. As no ethnic group commands absolute majority in the county, local leaders’ pursuit of power has forced them to form interethnic alliances, which—given the competing interests of different ethnic groups and the political agents who represent them—easily fragment, necessitating frequent realignments. In addition, the largest ethnic communities in Marsabit are further divided into sub-ethnic groupings that often play a major role in the interactions between political agents. In this highly dynamic political environment, the role of ethnic and sub-ethnic collective identities is unusually conspicuous. Relatedly, many local political agents display unusual readiness to openly discuss the nature of Marsabit’s political life and explicitly acknowledge the political salience of ethnicity. For this reason, the county offers a particularly suitable location for examination of the phenomenon of ethnic politics, as well as valuable insights into the related phenomena of ethnicization and territorialization of collective identities, interethnic conflict, and the leadership dynamics within pastoralist ethnic communities, all of which have played major roles in the development of Marsabit politics. The working paper is based on field research conducted in Marsabit and Nairobi from January to April and in September 2016.
Pastoralists rely on coping and adaptation strategies that have historically allowed them to achi... more Pastoralists rely on coping and adaptation strategies that have historically allowed them to achieve high levels of productivity, manage the hazards and unpredictability of life in the marginal areas that they occupy and moderate the impacts of shocks (Butt et al., 2009; Hesse and Pattison, 2013; Morton, 2006). But despite the unique suitability of these strategies to their livelihoods, the food security of many pastoralist populations – especially in Africa – is increasingly under threat. Crises faced by pastoralists have increased in frequency and intensity in recent decades. Assistance has taken many forms, but nutrition and food security have been the priorities of most humanitarian interventions, which have usually involved direct provision of food in-kind to affected populations. But can such food aid address food security? Does it contribute to the erosion of livelihoods? Does it lead to a change in mobility patterns?
This evidence synthesis represents the first ever attempt to identify, synthesize and evaluate existing evidence on both the short- and long-term impacts of in-kind food assistance on pastoralist populations and their livelihoods in humanitarian crises. It forms part of a series of humanitarian evidence syntheses and systematic reviews commissioned by the Humanitarian Evidence Programme.
The multiple natural, political and socioeconomic shocks which affected the Karimojong (and other... more The multiple natural, political and socioeconomic shocks which affected the Karimojong (and other Karamojan ethnic groups, including Ateker Dodoth and Jie) in the course of the twentieth century eroded many aspects of their traditional livelihood system, contributing to gradual emergence of new mobility patterns. The practices of the Bokora, one of the three sections of the Karimojong, have undergone a particularly radical transformation. Triggered by a wave of violence in the early years of the twenty-first century, many Bokora children began to migrate from Karamoja. The report reveals the factors which determined the dominant role of the Bokora in the evolution of Karimojong migration behaviours in general, and in the phenomenon of independent child migration in particular.
A number of return programmes targeted at Bokora child migrants have been implemented since 2007.... more A number of return programmes targeted at Bokora child migrants have been implemented since 2007. These programmes' failure to address the needs of the returnees, their families and communities and their paradoxical encouragement of child migration demonstrates the necessity of long-term, comprehensive approaches which target entire communities, establish close relationships with them and – harnessing the power of local institutions (primarily elders) and popular participation – help them to deal with the distress and trauma caused by factors present in their communities or encountered by children during their migration, and to begin the construction of a new foundation of their livelihoods. In the absence of such programming, the lives of the returnees and those close to them remain exposed the factors responsible for the large scale of Bokora child migration.
A series of crises which Karamoja experienced in recent decades has compromised the viability of ... more A series of crises which Karamoja experienced in recent decades has compromised the viability of livelihood strategies on which its largely agropastoralist and pastoralist population had traditionally relied. The paper investigates the effects which this development has had on some of the region’s most vulnerable inhabitants: adolescent girls and young women who participate in BRAC’s Youth Development Programme (YDP). It uncovers the scale of livelihoods transition which has eroded previously well-defined gender roles and forced Youth Development Centre (YDC) members, and many other Karamojans, to become involved in the newly-emerged monetised economy through small-scale income generating activities (IGAs). The paper also considers participation in BRAC’s savings scheme targeted at YDC members who – given the recent emergence of cash economy in Karamoja – currently have little experience of managing financial flows and insufficient capital to expand their economic activities.
The complex gerontocratic governance system of the Karimojong, the largest ethnic group in Karamo... more The complex gerontocratic governance system of the Karimojong, the largest ethnic group in Karamoja, was challenged in the second half of the twentieth century by the combined forces of the modernising Ugandan nation-state and undisciplined young men. The paper demonstrates that, although Karimojong power structures were substantially weakened during the period of great disequilibrium between the late 1970s and 2000s, recent years have seen their gradual reconstruction. Some traditional institutions have disappeared or declined, but the position of elders has been largely restored. Ekokwa, or an informal assembly, has partially integrated the state-imposed Local Council 1 structure and emerged as the new central political forum of the Karimojong. Karimojong culture remains in a state of flux and significant changes can be expected in the near future.
Karamoja - Uganda's poorest region - has become a major target of development and relief interven... more Karamoja - Uganda's poorest region - has become a major target of development and relief interventions, but little research has thus far focused on its inhabitants’ perceptions of their circumstances. This paper contains the voices and opinions of Karamojans from six communities in four districts of Karamoja. They share their concerns about the conditions in which they live and express their particular understanding of poverty. The paper finds that, following the loss of much of their livestock, Karamojans have devised new ways of coping with deprivation. Their strategies have not, however, been entirely successful and many continue to suffer from hunger. Karamojans are acutely aware of their desperate situation and have definite ideas about the actions which should be undertaken to alleviate poverty.
Upon election in 2013, the first governors of the forty-seven counties created by Kenya's 2010 co... more Upon election in 2013, the first governors of the forty-seven counties created by Kenya's 2010 constitution assumed responsibility for the construction-in some cases, especially in the historically marginalized north of the country, essentially from scratch-of local administrative apparatuses needed to perform devolved government functions and manage county budgets. This article examines the local electoral drivers of the substantial variation in the new county administrations' capacity and performance. A paired comparison of Turkana and West Pokot counties in Northern Kenya shows that threats to political survival posed by electoral opponents incentivize vertically accountable local leaders to substitute clientelism for state-building. To secure reelection in 2017, the governors of both counties needed to satisfy constituent demands for improved access to state resources. Faced with weak electoral rivals, the Turkana leader did so by extending public service delivery, which required the construction of a capable county government. In contrast, his West Pokot counterpart's vulnerability to electoral competition prompted reallocation of county resources to clients at the expense of investment in administrative capacity and public goods provision.
In the mid-2000s, Uganda's authoritarian National Resistance Movement (NRM) regime set out to ext... more In the mid-2000s, Uganda's authoritarian National Resistance Movement (NRM) regime set out to extend state control over Karamoja, a long-neglected region in the northeast of the country. This effort has involved large-scale deployment of security personnel, investment in an expansive administrative system used to subdue the local population, and construction of physical infrastructure that connects Karamoja with the rest of Uganda and facilitates the exploitation of the region's natural resources by members of the political elite. Government bodies in Karamoja capably perform functions that benefit the NRM elite and regime; other government responsibilities, notably for public service provision, have been assumed by non-state organisations. This article shows that the unevenness of state capacity in the region is the result of a coherent strategy that the regime has implemented across Uganda; developments in Karamoja illuminate this strategy and, thereby, help to account for the apparent incongruity of the country's political system.
The ethnic identities of many communities in Central Asia, the Middle East, and Sub-Saharan Afric... more The ethnic identities of many communities in Central Asia, the Middle East, and Sub-Saharan Africa are layered: larger-scale superordinate ethnic groups consist of smaller-scale subordinate ethnic (sub)groups. This underappreciated feature of ethnicity has far-reaching political ramifications. In settings where ethnic identities are layered, politicians can access the considerable benefits of coethnic voting by mobilizing the electoral support of fellow members of any ethnic layer. Presented with such choices, election candidates adapt their identity mobilization strategies to the ethnic composition of electorates in order to target and coordinate with suitable coethnic electorate segments, form winning coalitions, and fragment the voting blocs assembled by their electoral rivals. The multiplicity and malleability of available layered identities facilitates both the construction and fragmentation of cross-segment alliances as well as individual segments. Evidence from fifty-four electoral contests in Marsabit in Northern Kenya provides support for this argument.
State-making processes that occur in peripheral areas and the role that local political elites pl... more State-making processes that occur in peripheral areas and the role that local political elites play in such processes have not been adequately explored by scholars. This article investigates these important phenomena through the lens of the Ugandan state's presence in Karamoja, in the country's northeast, which until the early years of the twenty-first century was very limited. Rapid extension of the power of the Ugandan state in the region, upon which the country's rulers have embarked in the last decade, has radically altered existing governance arrangements in Karamoja and led to the formation of a subordinate Karamojan political elite. This elite has been instrumental in government efforts to establish control over the region's population and shaped this state-making process in important ways.
Karamoja, in northeastern Uganda, has occupied a marginal position within the country since its i... more Karamoja, in northeastern Uganda, has occupied a marginal position within the country since its incorporation into the British-controlled Uganda Protectorate in the early twentieth century. Culturally, economically, and politically distinct from the rest of Uganda, for most of this period the restive and often violent region elicited little interest from the country’s colonial and postcolonial rulers. The efforts that successive governments undertook to address Karamoja’s poverty and limit conflict were generally half-hearted and ineffectual. At the turn of the twenty-first century, however, the Ugandan state’s attitude towards the region changed radically. In 2006, the National Resistance Movement (NRM) government of President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni launched a brutal, but highly effective disarmament campaign, which has not only successfully reduced conflict in the region, but also led to thoroughgoing extension of the presence, and power, of the Ugandan state in the previously neglected region. Many aspects of the disarmament process, especially the widespread human rights violations committed by the Ugandan army, the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF), have been extensively documented by scholars. None of them has examined, however, the causes of the abrupt change of the government’s position towards Karamoja that manifested itself in disarmament. The subsequent extension of the power of the Ugandan state in the region has also attracted little scholarly attention. In this working paper, I endeavour to address these important gaps in the literature. In Part 1, I investigate the objectives of Uganda’s rulers, to whom I refer as “state-managers,” and the ways in which disarmament and other policies implemented by the Ugandan government in Karamoja have contributed to the realization of those objectives. I argue that, in the absence of perceived or real challenges to their continued control of the Ugandan state, the state managers initiated the process of extension of state power in the region with the intention of enriching themselves through exploitation of Karamoja’s natural resources. In Part 2 (Czuba 2017), I consider the interactions between the state managers and the emergent Karamojan political elite; in particular, I examine the role that that the cooptation of this new elite has played in state managers’ efforts to establish control over Karamoja and benefit from the region’s natural resources. The paper is based on field research conducted in Kampala and in Amudat, Moroto, and Nakapiripirit districts between October and December 2016.
The process of extension of state power in Karamoja, which Ugandan state managers initiated with ... more The process of extension of state power in Karamoja, which Ugandan state managers initiated with the 2006 disarmament campaign, has allowed them to establish effective control over the previously restive region and exploit its considerable natural resources. I explore these developments in Part 1 of this working paper (Czuba 2017), which also details some of the tools on which the state managers have relied to subdue Karamojans and forestall the possibility of forceful resistance to extension of state power: deployment of the coercive apparatus of the state, primarily in the form of the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF), and subversion of Karamojans’ livelihood systems. In Part 2, I investigate another component of the system of control that Ugandan state managers have constructed in Karamoja. Specifically, I explore the creation of a new subordinate Karamojan political elite that in recent years has largely supplanted the indigenous governance systems developed by the ethnic groups that inhabit the region. I argue that most members of this new political elite have been coopted by the state managers to represent their interests in Karamoja in exchange for government positions and wealth, including access to large-scale land acquisition. There is, however, some notable variation between Karamojong and Pokot members of the new elite, the latter of whom have been able to retain a higher degree of autonomy from the National Resistance Movement (NRM) regime due to their connections with their powerful co-ethnics in the neighbouring West Pokot County in Kenya. The paper is based on field research conducted in Kampala and in Amudat, Moroto, and Nakapiripirit districts between October and December 2016.
The transformation of Kenya’s political system initiated by the 2010 constitution—which devolved ... more The transformation of Kenya’s political system initiated by the 2010 constitution—which devolved power to newly created autonomous county governments—has resulted in the emergence of vibrant political life in Marsabit County, an ethnically heterogeneous area in the country’s historically marginalized and neglected northern periphery. This vibrancy reflects the high stakes of contestation between local political agents who seek control over the Marsabit County Government, which came into being following the 2013 elections and commands considerable powers and resources. Due to Marsabit’s population composition, these political agents’ efforts to mobilize popular support have given rise to a form of politics in which the salience of ethnic divisions is particularly marked. As no ethnic group commands absolute majority in the county, local leaders’ pursuit of power has forced them to form interethnic alliances, which—given the competing interests of different ethnic groups and the political agents who represent them—easily fragment, necessitating frequent realignments. In addition, the largest ethnic communities in Marsabit are further divided into sub-ethnic groupings that often play a major role in the interactions between political agents. In this highly dynamic political environment, the role of ethnic and sub-ethnic collective identities is unusually conspicuous. Relatedly, many local political agents display unusual readiness to openly discuss the nature of Marsabit’s political life and explicitly acknowledge the political salience of ethnicity. For this reason, the county offers a particularly suitable location for examination of the phenomenon of ethnic politics, as well as valuable insights into the related phenomena of ethnicization and territorialization of collective identities, interethnic conflict, and the leadership dynamics within pastoralist ethnic communities, all of which have played major roles in the development of Marsabit politics. The working paper is based on field research conducted in Marsabit and Nairobi from January to April and in September 2016.
Pastoralists rely on coping and adaptation strategies that have historically allowed them to achi... more Pastoralists rely on coping and adaptation strategies that have historically allowed them to achieve high levels of productivity, manage the hazards and unpredictability of life in the marginal areas that they occupy and moderate the impacts of shocks (Butt et al., 2009; Hesse and Pattison, 2013; Morton, 2006). But despite the unique suitability of these strategies to their livelihoods, the food security of many pastoralist populations – especially in Africa – is increasingly under threat. Crises faced by pastoralists have increased in frequency and intensity in recent decades. Assistance has taken many forms, but nutrition and food security have been the priorities of most humanitarian interventions, which have usually involved direct provision of food in-kind to affected populations. But can such food aid address food security? Does it contribute to the erosion of livelihoods? Does it lead to a change in mobility patterns?
This evidence synthesis represents the first ever attempt to identify, synthesize and evaluate existing evidence on both the short- and long-term impacts of in-kind food assistance on pastoralist populations and their livelihoods in humanitarian crises. It forms part of a series of humanitarian evidence syntheses and systematic reviews commissioned by the Humanitarian Evidence Programme.
The multiple natural, political and socioeconomic shocks which affected the Karimojong (and other... more The multiple natural, political and socioeconomic shocks which affected the Karimojong (and other Karamojan ethnic groups, including Ateker Dodoth and Jie) in the course of the twentieth century eroded many aspects of their traditional livelihood system, contributing to gradual emergence of new mobility patterns. The practices of the Bokora, one of the three sections of the Karimojong, have undergone a particularly radical transformation. Triggered by a wave of violence in the early years of the twenty-first century, many Bokora children began to migrate from Karamoja. The report reveals the factors which determined the dominant role of the Bokora in the evolution of Karimojong migration behaviours in general, and in the phenomenon of independent child migration in particular.
A number of return programmes targeted at Bokora child migrants have been implemented since 2007.... more A number of return programmes targeted at Bokora child migrants have been implemented since 2007. These programmes' failure to address the needs of the returnees, their families and communities and their paradoxical encouragement of child migration demonstrates the necessity of long-term, comprehensive approaches which target entire communities, establish close relationships with them and – harnessing the power of local institutions (primarily elders) and popular participation – help them to deal with the distress and trauma caused by factors present in their communities or encountered by children during their migration, and to begin the construction of a new foundation of their livelihoods. In the absence of such programming, the lives of the returnees and those close to them remain exposed the factors responsible for the large scale of Bokora child migration.
A series of crises which Karamoja experienced in recent decades has compromised the viability of ... more A series of crises which Karamoja experienced in recent decades has compromised the viability of livelihood strategies on which its largely agropastoralist and pastoralist population had traditionally relied. The paper investigates the effects which this development has had on some of the region’s most vulnerable inhabitants: adolescent girls and young women who participate in BRAC’s Youth Development Programme (YDP). It uncovers the scale of livelihoods transition which has eroded previously well-defined gender roles and forced Youth Development Centre (YDC) members, and many other Karamojans, to become involved in the newly-emerged monetised economy through small-scale income generating activities (IGAs). The paper also considers participation in BRAC’s savings scheme targeted at YDC members who – given the recent emergence of cash economy in Karamoja – currently have little experience of managing financial flows and insufficient capital to expand their economic activities.
The complex gerontocratic governance system of the Karimojong, the largest ethnic group in Karamo... more The complex gerontocratic governance system of the Karimojong, the largest ethnic group in Karamoja, was challenged in the second half of the twentieth century by the combined forces of the modernising Ugandan nation-state and undisciplined young men. The paper demonstrates that, although Karimojong power structures were substantially weakened during the period of great disequilibrium between the late 1970s and 2000s, recent years have seen their gradual reconstruction. Some traditional institutions have disappeared or declined, but the position of elders has been largely restored. Ekokwa, or an informal assembly, has partially integrated the state-imposed Local Council 1 structure and emerged as the new central political forum of the Karimojong. Karimojong culture remains in a state of flux and significant changes can be expected in the near future.
Karamoja - Uganda's poorest region - has become a major target of development and relief interven... more Karamoja - Uganda's poorest region - has become a major target of development and relief interventions, but little research has thus far focused on its inhabitants’ perceptions of their circumstances. This paper contains the voices and opinions of Karamojans from six communities in four districts of Karamoja. They share their concerns about the conditions in which they live and express their particular understanding of poverty. The paper finds that, following the loss of much of their livestock, Karamojans have devised new ways of coping with deprivation. Their strategies have not, however, been entirely successful and many continue to suffer from hunger. Karamojans are acutely aware of their desperate situation and have definite ideas about the actions which should be undertaken to alleviate poverty.
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Papers by Karol Czuba
Many aspects of the disarmament process, especially the widespread human rights violations committed by the Ugandan army, the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF), have been extensively documented by scholars. None of them has examined, however, the causes of the abrupt change of the government’s position towards Karamoja that manifested itself in disarmament. The subsequent extension of the power of the Ugandan state in the region has also attracted little scholarly attention. In this working paper, I endeavour to address these important gaps in the literature. In Part 1, I investigate the objectives of Uganda’s rulers, to whom I refer as “state-managers,” and the ways in which disarmament and other policies implemented by the Ugandan government in Karamoja have contributed to the realization of those objectives. I argue that, in the absence of perceived or real challenges to their continued control of the Ugandan state, the state managers initiated the process of extension of state power in the region with the intention of enriching themselves through exploitation of Karamoja’s natural resources. In Part 2 (Czuba 2017), I consider the interactions between the state managers and the emergent Karamojan political elite; in particular, I examine the role that that the cooptation of this new elite has played in state managers’ efforts to establish control over Karamoja and benefit from the region’s natural resources. The paper is based on field research conducted in Kampala and in Amudat, Moroto, and Nakapiripirit districts between October and December 2016.
This evidence synthesis represents the first ever attempt to identify, synthesize and evaluate existing evidence on both the short- and long-term impacts of in-kind food assistance on pastoralist populations and their livelihoods in humanitarian crises. It forms part of a series of humanitarian evidence syntheses and systematic reviews commissioned by the Humanitarian Evidence Programme.
Many aspects of the disarmament process, especially the widespread human rights violations committed by the Ugandan army, the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF), have been extensively documented by scholars. None of them has examined, however, the causes of the abrupt change of the government’s position towards Karamoja that manifested itself in disarmament. The subsequent extension of the power of the Ugandan state in the region has also attracted little scholarly attention. In this working paper, I endeavour to address these important gaps in the literature. In Part 1, I investigate the objectives of Uganda’s rulers, to whom I refer as “state-managers,” and the ways in which disarmament and other policies implemented by the Ugandan government in Karamoja have contributed to the realization of those objectives. I argue that, in the absence of perceived or real challenges to their continued control of the Ugandan state, the state managers initiated the process of extension of state power in the region with the intention of enriching themselves through exploitation of Karamoja’s natural resources. In Part 2 (Czuba 2017), I consider the interactions between the state managers and the emergent Karamojan political elite; in particular, I examine the role that that the cooptation of this new elite has played in state managers’ efforts to establish control over Karamoja and benefit from the region’s natural resources. The paper is based on field research conducted in Kampala and in Amudat, Moroto, and Nakapiripirit districts between October and December 2016.
This evidence synthesis represents the first ever attempt to identify, synthesize and evaluate existing evidence on both the short- and long-term impacts of in-kind food assistance on pastoralist populations and their livelihoods in humanitarian crises. It forms part of a series of humanitarian evidence syntheses and systematic reviews commissioned by the Humanitarian Evidence Programme.