Bietak, Manfred / Prell, Silvia. The Enigma of the Hyksos Volume IV. Changing Clusters and Migration in the Near Eastern Bronze Age. Collected Papers of a Workshop held in Vienna 4th−6th of December 2019 (Contributions to the Archaeology of Egypt, Nubia and the Levant, 2021
The Middle Bronze Age (hereafter, MBA) is a time
of intense economic exchange in the Levant. Afte... more The Middle Bronze Age (hereafter, MBA) is a time
of intense economic exchange in the Levant. After a
period of decline that disrupted cultural and economic
interaction in the southern Levant and Mesopotamia
during the Early Bronze Age IV (2500–2000 BCE),
urbanism prevailed again throughout the Levant.
Settlements flourished, regional and international
relations resumed, and trade expanded significantly,
extending to new regions such as Crete and Cyprus.2
The cultural koinè of the Middle Bronze Age was
thus born, with characteristics identified mainly from
the Southern Levant where extensive archaeological
investigations defined, for over a century, the cultural
paysage of t he fi rst h alf of t he 2nd millennium BCE.
In western Syria, information on the Middle Bronze
Age came mainly from the large excavations on
the Orontes Valley and the Idlib province; coastal
evidence from Ugarit and Tell Sukas deemed spotty,
with meagre and inconclusive results due to poor
publications. In Lebanon, Middle Bronze Age cultural
characterization depended heavily on Egyptian and
Palestinian correspondences, whether textual or
material; a dependency that would phagocyte for a
long time any discussion on the indigenous traits of the
Middle Bronze Age in the country. The exceptional
findings from Byblos contributed largely in quelling
original reflections on this period, and the lengthy
Civil War (1975–1990) applied the coup de grace
on archaeological activity in the country. However,
as of 1993, relative stability encouraged initiating
or resuming fieldwork in many regions resulting in
an unprecedented volume of new evidential records
for the Middle Bronze Age. This new welcome data
facilitated the attempt at identifying regionalism
in Lebanon through specifying architectural and
material cultural markers.
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Papers by Hanan Charaf
and Egypt resumed, spurred on by Egypt’s insatiable need for cedar wood. As early as
the 4th millennium BC, Byblos’ monopoly of the exploitation of the lush cedar forests
covering the northern part of the Mount Lebanon range was a lure to Egyptian power,
hungry for the precious wood and resin used in construction and mummification. The
relatively short distance between Egypt and coastal Lebanon, estimated to be 270 nautical
miles, favoured direct connections. These relationships were sustained for the duration
of the Old Kingdom (c. 2700‑2181 BC) but came to a halt during the First Intermediate
Period (c. 2181‑2050 BC) when Egypt experienced a period of internal turmoil that led to
the cessation of exchanges with the Levant and particularly with Byblos. The Admonitions
of Ipuwer (Fig. 16.1) written on the recto of a single papyrus during the Middle Kingdom
(c. 2050‑1650 BC) lamented the interruption of sailing to Byblos and the shortage of cedar
resin and wood used in the mummification and burial processes (Gardiner 1909, 10, 32;
Pritchard 1969, 441; Lichtheim 1973, 152).
Late Bronze Age (LBA, c. 1550– c. 1200 BCE) pottery attesting to a substantial – but not
surprising – reduction in human occupation of the plain during this period. Out of the hundreds
of sherds found at those 11 sites, only 66 dated to the LBA. Most of the LBA pottery
collected from the survey came from the sites of Tell Humaira and Tell Biri, both located by
the Nahr el-Kebir River (ancient Eleutheros). As it is typical of ceramic material from surveys,
most of the pottery was in sherd form. The only complete objects were from a looted
tomb at Tell Humaira that yielded local and imported material. Study of the ceramic material
shows a ceramic repertoire that belongs to the productions of the Akkar Plain known
from the site of Tell Arqa, indicating that these 11 eleven sites belong to a homogeneous
local cultural sphere.
of intense economic exchange in the Levant. After a
period of decline that disrupted cultural and economic
interaction in the southern Levant and Mesopotamia
during the Early Bronze Age IV (2500–2000 BCE),
urbanism prevailed again throughout the Levant.
Settlements flourished, regional and international
relations resumed, and trade expanded significantly,
extending to new regions such as Crete and Cyprus.2
The cultural koinè of the Middle Bronze Age was
thus born, with characteristics identified mainly from
the Southern Levant where extensive archaeological
investigations defined, for over a century, the cultural
paysage of t he fi rst h alf of t he 2nd millennium BCE.
In western Syria, information on the Middle Bronze
Age came mainly from the large excavations on
the Orontes Valley and the Idlib province; coastal
evidence from Ugarit and Tell Sukas deemed spotty,
with meagre and inconclusive results due to poor
publications. In Lebanon, Middle Bronze Age cultural
characterization depended heavily on Egyptian and
Palestinian correspondences, whether textual or
material; a dependency that would phagocyte for a
long time any discussion on the indigenous traits of the
Middle Bronze Age in the country. The exceptional
findings from Byblos contributed largely in quelling
original reflections on this period, and the lengthy
Civil War (1975–1990) applied the coup de grace
on archaeological activity in the country. However,
as of 1993, relative stability encouraged initiating
or resuming fieldwork in many regions resulting in
an unprecedented volume of new evidential records
for the Middle Bronze Age. This new welcome data
facilitated the attempt at identifying regionalism
in Lebanon through specifying architectural and
material cultural markers.
2017– 2018 de la mission Byblos et la mer (BLM)
est assez abondante, mais fortement fragmentée.
Ceci n’est pas exceptionnel vu le caractère de la
plupart des contextes fouillés (remaniement des
fouilles Dunand, remblais ou fosses). Cependant, les
contextes en séquence stratigraphique (voir supra
Chanteau) ont livré un assemblage assez cohérent
dont les caractéristiques stylistiques concordent
chronologiquement avec la stratigraphie mise au jour.
Ceci est d’autant plus précieux que ce corpus rejoint les
études céramologiques commencées ailleurs à Byblos
sur le chantier de l’Université libanaise centré sur le
château médiéval (Chaaya 2018 ; 2020 ; Chaaya et
Charaf à paraître ; Charaf 2020 ; 2021). Il est notoire
que les fouilles de M. Dunand ont particulièrement
négligé les études céramologiques du site. Certes, les
publications de la série des Fouilles de Byblos incluent
certaines illustrations de poterie, mais aucune étude
poussée n’a été entreprise sur le corpus trouvé pour
placer cette céramique récoltée pendant plus de cent ans
en stratigraphie. Vu la méthode de fouilles hautement
controversée employée par M. Dunand pour Byblos, il
a été particulièrement difficile d’exploiter la céramique
publiée d’une manière satisfaisante. Par conséquent,
à part une poignée de recherches louables, mais
très ponctuelles (Homsy 2003 ; Karageorghis 2008 ;
Saghieh 1983 : 103–117 ; Salles 1980 ; Seif 2007 ;
Thalmann 2008 ; Tufnell 1969), la céramique de
Byblos avec ses caractéristiques intrinsèques ou
importées et ses connexions inter ou suprarégionales
est restée largement inconnue.
ceramics were unearthed either in tombs or in rooms associated with cultic or feasting rituals. A LBA underground cella also yielded dozens of Cypriot pottery vases. These imported vessels belong to nearly all Cypriot styles commonly exported to the Levant, attesting to vigorous trade interactions between the coastal Levantine city of Sidon and Cyprus.
This paper presents the latest account of these imports, categorises, using the available data, the first occurrences of Cypriot wares at Sidon and compares the representativeness of this assemblage with other sites regionally (Lebanon) and interregionally, leading to an initial attempt at understanding the network patterns that governed the trade of these vases to southern Lebanon.
of sessions from 2015-2017 at the American Schools of Oriental Research (ASOR) Annual Meetings,
and laid out the research questions and issues we originally wished to address both in these
sessions and in our final publication. Cognizant of the historically well-established narratives and
more recent reflexions and accounts that have been developed around the Late Bronze Age-Iron
Age I transition in the Southern Levant and in Cyprus1, we aimed to draw attention to the diversity
of the Levantine dataset by considering fresh evidence from the Northern Levant, spanning southern
Turkey, Syria, and Lebanon. We wished to evaluate the data from the Northern Levant from an
independent viewpoint in light of ongoing discussions around diversity in regional narratives and
trajectories2, particularly given the rapid evolution and expansion of the regional dataset over the
past decade or so3. This includes an array of new and renewed excavations focusing on sites
occupied in the Iron Age I, as well as emerging information from several sites with long occupation
sequences, which have produced Iron Age I evidence for the first time. Beyond this, however, it
also necessitates evaluating and incorporating competing perspectives and evolving theoretical
approaches from other parts of the Eastern Mediterranean4. Using this evidence, we wished to
evaluate the degree to which existing narratives from other areas of the Eastern Mediterranean might
(or might not) be applicable to the Northern Levant, and to identify and draw out more nuanced
regional patterns worthy of further research and consideration.
This presentation analyses the architectural and material characteristics of the end of the Late Bronze Age I/beginning of the Iron Age I in Lebanon with the aim at isolating both local characteristics and regional influences.
technological continuity with Level 13 (MBII), making it necessary to define the chronological and regional limits of LBI pottery in the Northern Levant.
and Egypt resumed, spurred on by Egypt’s insatiable need for cedar wood. As early as
the 4th millennium BC, Byblos’ monopoly of the exploitation of the lush cedar forests
covering the northern part of the Mount Lebanon range was a lure to Egyptian power,
hungry for the precious wood and resin used in construction and mummification. The
relatively short distance between Egypt and coastal Lebanon, estimated to be 270 nautical
miles, favoured direct connections. These relationships were sustained for the duration
of the Old Kingdom (c. 2700‑2181 BC) but came to a halt during the First Intermediate
Period (c. 2181‑2050 BC) when Egypt experienced a period of internal turmoil that led to
the cessation of exchanges with the Levant and particularly with Byblos. The Admonitions
of Ipuwer (Fig. 16.1) written on the recto of a single papyrus during the Middle Kingdom
(c. 2050‑1650 BC) lamented the interruption of sailing to Byblos and the shortage of cedar
resin and wood used in the mummification and burial processes (Gardiner 1909, 10, 32;
Pritchard 1969, 441; Lichtheim 1973, 152).
Late Bronze Age (LBA, c. 1550– c. 1200 BCE) pottery attesting to a substantial – but not
surprising – reduction in human occupation of the plain during this period. Out of the hundreds
of sherds found at those 11 sites, only 66 dated to the LBA. Most of the LBA pottery
collected from the survey came from the sites of Tell Humaira and Tell Biri, both located by
the Nahr el-Kebir River (ancient Eleutheros). As it is typical of ceramic material from surveys,
most of the pottery was in sherd form. The only complete objects were from a looted
tomb at Tell Humaira that yielded local and imported material. Study of the ceramic material
shows a ceramic repertoire that belongs to the productions of the Akkar Plain known
from the site of Tell Arqa, indicating that these 11 eleven sites belong to a homogeneous
local cultural sphere.
of intense economic exchange in the Levant. After a
period of decline that disrupted cultural and economic
interaction in the southern Levant and Mesopotamia
during the Early Bronze Age IV (2500–2000 BCE),
urbanism prevailed again throughout the Levant.
Settlements flourished, regional and international
relations resumed, and trade expanded significantly,
extending to new regions such as Crete and Cyprus.2
The cultural koinè of the Middle Bronze Age was
thus born, with characteristics identified mainly from
the Southern Levant where extensive archaeological
investigations defined, for over a century, the cultural
paysage of t he fi rst h alf of t he 2nd millennium BCE.
In western Syria, information on the Middle Bronze
Age came mainly from the large excavations on
the Orontes Valley and the Idlib province; coastal
evidence from Ugarit and Tell Sukas deemed spotty,
with meagre and inconclusive results due to poor
publications. In Lebanon, Middle Bronze Age cultural
characterization depended heavily on Egyptian and
Palestinian correspondences, whether textual or
material; a dependency that would phagocyte for a
long time any discussion on the indigenous traits of the
Middle Bronze Age in the country. The exceptional
findings from Byblos contributed largely in quelling
original reflections on this period, and the lengthy
Civil War (1975–1990) applied the coup de grace
on archaeological activity in the country. However,
as of 1993, relative stability encouraged initiating
or resuming fieldwork in many regions resulting in
an unprecedented volume of new evidential records
for the Middle Bronze Age. This new welcome data
facilitated the attempt at identifying regionalism
in Lebanon through specifying architectural and
material cultural markers.
2017– 2018 de la mission Byblos et la mer (BLM)
est assez abondante, mais fortement fragmentée.
Ceci n’est pas exceptionnel vu le caractère de la
plupart des contextes fouillés (remaniement des
fouilles Dunand, remblais ou fosses). Cependant, les
contextes en séquence stratigraphique (voir supra
Chanteau) ont livré un assemblage assez cohérent
dont les caractéristiques stylistiques concordent
chronologiquement avec la stratigraphie mise au jour.
Ceci est d’autant plus précieux que ce corpus rejoint les
études céramologiques commencées ailleurs à Byblos
sur le chantier de l’Université libanaise centré sur le
château médiéval (Chaaya 2018 ; 2020 ; Chaaya et
Charaf à paraître ; Charaf 2020 ; 2021). Il est notoire
que les fouilles de M. Dunand ont particulièrement
négligé les études céramologiques du site. Certes, les
publications de la série des Fouilles de Byblos incluent
certaines illustrations de poterie, mais aucune étude
poussée n’a été entreprise sur le corpus trouvé pour
placer cette céramique récoltée pendant plus de cent ans
en stratigraphie. Vu la méthode de fouilles hautement
controversée employée par M. Dunand pour Byblos, il
a été particulièrement difficile d’exploiter la céramique
publiée d’une manière satisfaisante. Par conséquent,
à part une poignée de recherches louables, mais
très ponctuelles (Homsy 2003 ; Karageorghis 2008 ;
Saghieh 1983 : 103–117 ; Salles 1980 ; Seif 2007 ;
Thalmann 2008 ; Tufnell 1969), la céramique de
Byblos avec ses caractéristiques intrinsèques ou
importées et ses connexions inter ou suprarégionales
est restée largement inconnue.
ceramics were unearthed either in tombs or in rooms associated with cultic or feasting rituals. A LBA underground cella also yielded dozens of Cypriot pottery vases. These imported vessels belong to nearly all Cypriot styles commonly exported to the Levant, attesting to vigorous trade interactions between the coastal Levantine city of Sidon and Cyprus.
This paper presents the latest account of these imports, categorises, using the available data, the first occurrences of Cypriot wares at Sidon and compares the representativeness of this assemblage with other sites regionally (Lebanon) and interregionally, leading to an initial attempt at understanding the network patterns that governed the trade of these vases to southern Lebanon.
of sessions from 2015-2017 at the American Schools of Oriental Research (ASOR) Annual Meetings,
and laid out the research questions and issues we originally wished to address both in these
sessions and in our final publication. Cognizant of the historically well-established narratives and
more recent reflexions and accounts that have been developed around the Late Bronze Age-Iron
Age I transition in the Southern Levant and in Cyprus1, we aimed to draw attention to the diversity
of the Levantine dataset by considering fresh evidence from the Northern Levant, spanning southern
Turkey, Syria, and Lebanon. We wished to evaluate the data from the Northern Levant from an
independent viewpoint in light of ongoing discussions around diversity in regional narratives and
trajectories2, particularly given the rapid evolution and expansion of the regional dataset over the
past decade or so3. This includes an array of new and renewed excavations focusing on sites
occupied in the Iron Age I, as well as emerging information from several sites with long occupation
sequences, which have produced Iron Age I evidence for the first time. Beyond this, however, it
also necessitates evaluating and incorporating competing perspectives and evolving theoretical
approaches from other parts of the Eastern Mediterranean4. Using this evidence, we wished to
evaluate the degree to which existing narratives from other areas of the Eastern Mediterranean might
(or might not) be applicable to the Northern Levant, and to identify and draw out more nuanced
regional patterns worthy of further research and consideration.
This presentation analyses the architectural and material characteristics of the end of the Late Bronze Age I/beginning of the Iron Age I in Lebanon with the aim at isolating both local characteristics and regional influences.
technological continuity with Level 13 (MBII), making it necessary to define the chronological and regional limits of LBI pottery in the Northern Levant.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xOfiNn_mvnU
This lecture is in memory of Anis Chaaya, professor of Art and
Archaeology at the Lebanese University and member of the Heritage LG
at ARWA, who unexpectedly passed away from Covid-19 on March 21, 2021.
This presentation will focus on his researches at two Lebanese sites
that formed parts of his Master and PhD studies and in recognition of
his contributions to the field of archaeology in the ancient Near
East.
The scope of archaeological interest of Anis was vast and varied. For
his MA, he studied the Iron Age II pottery from Tell Arqa (ancient
Irqata) in northern Lebanon and successfully anchored the local and
imported ceramic productions to the three levels dated to the Iron Age
II, proving that the Iron Age reoccupation of the site after a long
hiatus did not occur until the 10th century BCE when a dense network
of houses was uncovered. The site gained some importance during the
9th-8th century and was fitted with a rampart and a temple probably
dedicated to Ashtart. But it was largely destroyed in the mid-eight
century BCE coinciding with the military campaign of Tighlat Pileser
III to Arqa. Afterwards, occupation ceased and the site was turned
into a cemetery with a number of cremation pits that was used until
the 7th century BCE.
For his PhD, Anis examined the extensive defensive fortification
system laid out by the Crusaders in the County of Tripoli. During his
last years, his researches on the medieval poliorcetic tradition were
particularly focused on the Crusader castles of Byblos where he
initiated in 2015 a program of excavations and GPR surveys on the
medieval remains of Byblos. His research confirmed concretely that the
Crusaders erected their castle on the imposing fortifications walls
from the Bronze and Iron Ages, using parts of the so-called Hyksos
rampart as foundation for the donjon. Excavations at the foot of the
castle revealed a stone glacis that could be dated to the Middle
Bronze Age I.
Study of the ceramic material dated to the Late Bronze Age shows an alignment with the Late Bronze Age pottery found at the excavated site of Tell Arqa, indicating that all of these 11 sites belong to a homogeneous local cultural sphere. Most of the Late Bronze Age pottery collected came from the sites of Tell Humaira and Tell Biri, both located by the Nahr el-Kebir River. As typical to ceramic material from surveys, all the recovered pottery was unfortunately in sherd form. The only complete objects were from an obviously looted tomb at Tell Humaira that yielded local and imported material.
The Iron Age pottery varies between three main families and comprises different types of plates, bowls, chalices, jugs, juglets, kraters, cooking pots, and amphorae. The majority of the assemblage dates to the Iron Age II and Iron Age III.
CHAIRS: Hanan Charaf (University of Paris I) and Lynn Welton (Oriental Institute), Presiding
PRESENTERS:
2:00
Introduction (5 min.)
2:05
Sara Pizzimenti (Sapienza University of Rome), “The Iron Age I at Karkemish: New Results from Areas
C, G, and S” (25 min.)
2:35
Doga Karakaya (University of Tübingen), “Agricultural Patterns at Tell Tayinat and Beyond: The Archaeobotanical and Stable Carbon Isotope Evidence” (25 min.)
3:05
Eric Jensen (University of Arkansas), “Destruction, Recovery, and Renewal: The Late Bronze to Iron Age Transition at Tell Qarqur” (25 min.)
3:35
Elisabeth Wagner-Durand (Albert-Ludwigs-University, Freiburg), “Rural Peace after City Life? Kamid el-
Loz during the Iron Age” (25 min.)
Compared to the earlier period, Late Bronze Age II occupation at Arqa witnessed a decline in human occupation. Level 11 displayed only a few structures dated to the 14th century BC, a time when Arqa, known by its ancient name Irqata, was mentioned nine times in the Amarna Texts. The 13th century is better represented with flimsy but cohesive architecture.
During the 2004 season, important new material evidence came to light that altered traditional understandings for the end of the Late Bronze Age at this site, with possible ramifications for the region. An analysis of the excavated ceramics revealed the presence of Handmade Burnished Ware, in addition to new vessel types common to the 12th century BC. However, the bulk of the material belongs to a late 13th century tradition with strong affinities to ceramics from Level 6-upper in Area II at Tell Kazel, Stratum G at Sarepta, and to a lesser degree, the last occupational phase at Ugarit. The results of this study show convincing, albeit limited, evidence for lowering the date of the end of Level 11 at Arqa to the latter half of the 12th century BC.
Song of Songs 4.11:
Your lips distil nectar, my bride;
honey and milk are under your tongue;
the scent of your garments is like the scent of Lebanon.
Following recent special issues dedicated to Cyprus and the Neo-Hittites, this edition of Near Eastern Archaeology presents new archaeological research within the boundaries of the modern state of Lebanon. Why Lebanon some may ask? As one of the countries of the ancient Levant, it is home to famous Canaanite and Phoenicians cities such as Byblos, Tyre, and Sidon. Legend has it that the alphabet was disseminated to the European continent from the shores of Tyre. Byblos was one of the main trading centers during the Bronze Age which sent the much sought-after cedar wood to Egypt. The excavations undertaken by the French over more than three decades revealed a thriving city together with an incredible array of luxury gifts sent by the pharaohs to the kings of Byblos as well as the oldest alphabetical inscription on the sarcophagus of the Byblian king Ahirom. Recent excavations at Tell el-Burak, south of Sidon, and Tell Fadous-Kfarabida, north of Byblos, have put new Bronze and Iron Age cities on the map. Ongoing research in Beirut, Tell el-Burak, and Tyre will certainly yield additional data crucial for better comprehension of the Phoenician presence in Lebanon.
Unfortunately, due to modern language and political barriers, the archaeology of Lebanon is underrepresented in English-language scholarship on the Levant. The present issue of NEA cannot fully alleviate this situation, but it is our hope that it will serve as a window to the manifold archaeological activities in Lebanon. Perhaps, it will also foster welcome cooperation between American and Lebanese institutions.
The editors chose to focus mainly on recent excavations in Lebanon in order to present the latest scholarship available. NEA is particularly pleased that in addition to known archaeologists who have been working in Lebanon for years, younger Lebanese scholars are given a podium to present their research. Following the tradition of the journal, we also included a Forum which focuses on the Lebanese museums. The authors featured in this issue all were delighted to share their data and contributed generously to the common effort. The editors gratefully acknowledge their cooperation and patience. In many cases, this is the first time that the materials are being comprehensively presented to the English speaking scholarly community.
For practical reasons, this issue confines the discussion to the prehistoric and early historic periods. As a matter of course, Lebanon is just as richly endowed with later period sites, which equally deserve the attention of those who work in other parts of the Levant. We hope that the dialog between specialists will be extended to these later periods as well.
Particular thanks are owed to Ann E. Killebrew, editor of NEA, who from the start whole-heartedly supported the endeavor and invested much of her time and expertise to see the project through. Bob Mullins and Justin Lev-Tov helped greatly in the initial editing of the English articles and we are very grateful to them. We also take this opportunity to thank art director Susan Lingo for her expert and visually impressive graphic layout of this issue.
May this issue serve to promote scholarship across national boundaries.
Hanan Charaf and Gabriele Fassbeck
Guest Editors
During the last season of excavations at Tell Arqa in September 2005, the idea emerged of putting together a Festschift for Jean-Paul Thalmann, who would be celebrating his sixtieth birthday the following year. Otto Cichocki who was studying the ancient wood of Tell Arqa and Lebanon approached me with the idea of celebrating this important milestone with a collection of articles written in honor of the Sheikh of Arqa, a term of endearment bestowed upon Jean-Paul that demonstrates the degree of attachment he holds to this tell. Otto and I discussed the idea with Christine, Jean-Paul’s wife, who was very enthusiastic and supportive of this project. We knew that we didn’t have enough time or resources to put together a monumental work if we wanted the publication to be out in less than two years. Therefore, we decided to focus on Tell Arqa in particular and Lebanon in general by inviting former team members and scholars who worked at Arqa, or who maintain research links with the dig, to contribute to the book. We painfully realize that numerous other colleagues of Jean-Paul had to be left out of our selection, and we hope they understand the criteria that influenced our decision. We cannot thank enough Claude Doumet-Serhal who immediately agreed to publish the Festschrift in a special volume of AHL. This ensured prompt publication. Otto, who was juggling multiple Austrian and European projects, as well as the birth of his fifth child (welcome Adele!), couldn’t follow through on the editing, but he kept in close contact with me as to the progress of the work. His unfaltering support and his advice were of great help to me in crucial times, especially since this was my first editing job. For this I would like to thank him warmly. Without the combined efforts of the contributors (who respected the imposed deadlines) and the editorial board, this special issue of AHL honoring Jean-Paul Thalmann would have never been out on time.
Hanan Charaf
One aspect of this flourishing trade concerns the pottery imports from Cyprus. Both of the Lebanese sites featured in this study have yielded hundreds of Cypriot vessels from the Middle Cypriot and Late Cypriot periods, attesting to a robust trade with the island of Cyprus. One area of focus in this research dealt with isolating the region in Cyprus from which some of these imports reached Lebanon. As such, it was important for me to examine Cypriot material found in Cyprus and housed at the Nicholson Museum at the University. Michael Turner, the senior curator, and Dr Elizabeth Bollen, the assistant curator, were extremely gracious in providing me with space and allowing me to examine the entire corpus of pottery from the tombs of Stephania. I spent three weeks going through dozens of boxes containing ceramic vessels found in those tombs. Visual examination of the material, most of which is still unpublished, proved to be extremely helpful when comparing it with the vessels from Lebanon. Preliminary observations indicate that the ceramic material from the two Lebanese sites is different from that found at Stephania. I was also able to identify the Cypriot styles to which many of the Stephania pottery belonged. I compiled a list of these identifications and handed it to Dr Bollen to update the museum database.
During my stay in Sydney, I was based at CCANESA, where I benefitted from its library and, most of all, from the cordial and fruitful conversations I had with Dr Stephen Bourke, Dr Kate Da Costa, and Dr Bernadette McCall. I gave a departmental seminar in CCANESA’s Near Eastern Seminar Series on the topic: Interconnections between Lebanon and Cyprus during the Middle and Late Bronze Age: New Perspectives from the Sites of Tell Arqa and Sidon. I was extremely fortunate to have Dr Kathryn Eriksson attend the lecture and make numerous pertinent remarks on the material found on those two sites. The conversation with Dr Eriksson continued after the seminar, and a week later, during a splendid outing to Manly Beach.
My time in Sydney was, thus, extremely profitable on many levels. I thoroughly enjoyed my interactions with all of the scholars at CCANESA and the Nicholson Museum. My deepest thanks go to Karen Hendrix for her friendship and for helping me with the administrative paperwork with the university, and to Ghada Daher, an Australian-Lebanese PhD candidate at the University of Sydney, for showing me around Sydney. I would also like to acknowledge everyone at the Women’s College where I resided for the duration of my grant. Dr Amanda Bell, Dr Tiffany Donnelly, Dr Tamson Pietsch, and Gineke de Haan made my stay in this lovely residential community a time to remember and hopefully to do again.
انطلاقًا من هذا الواقع، وضع هذا الكتاب ليكون دليلًا للطالب في رحلته العلمية للبحث عن إعادة بناء الماضي من خلال البقايا المادية المكتشفة. هدف هذا الدليل تسهيل بحث الطالب من خلال تزويده بأبرز المفاتيح عن علم الآثار وتياراته المعاصرة.
لجنة إعداد الدليل
حزيران 2022
The International Syrian Congress on Archaeology and Cultural Heritage (ISCACH), held December 3-5, 2015 in Beirut, Lebanon, was designed to bring together international scholars who have directed or participated in archaeological expeditions in Syria, and colleagues from Syria. By doing so, not only could the results of years of archaeological investigations and cultural heritage management in Syria be shared and discussed, but also a spirit of friendship and collaboration could be fostered and strengthened during this turbulent period.
The Congress focussed on the scientific aspects of each explored site and region allowing researchers to examine in detail each heritage site, its characteristics and identity. Archaeological Explorations in Syria 2000-2011: Proceedings of ISCACH-Beirut 2015 consists of two parts. The first part presents the results of archaeological investigations conducted between 2000 and 2010. The second part comprises abstracts of papers and posters presented during the Congress. It is hoped that this book will represent an important contribution to the scientific dialogue between international and Syrian scholars, and will appeal to the general public interested in the culture and history of Syria.
442 F Journal of Near Eastern Studiesspanned more than 30 years (1985–2016). This very thick volume with almost 1,000 pages gathers all data collected during the excavations in forty chapters or-ganized in seven parts. These chapters authored by thirty-eight scholars—the majority closely involved in Ashkelon’s dig—range from discussing traditional re-sults (e.g., stra tigraphy and artifact discussions) to more innovative accounts (e.g., archaeometric and spatial analyses).
Late Bronze Age (LBA, c. 1550– c. 1200 BCE) pottery attesting to a substantial – but not
surprising – reduction in human occupation of the plain during this period. Out of the hundreds
of sherds found at those 11 sites, only 66 dated to the LBA. Most of the LBA pottery
collected from the survey came from the sites of Tell Humaira and Tell Biri, both located by
the Nahr el-Kebir River (ancient Eleutheros). As it is typical of ceramic material from surveys,
most of the pottery was in sherd form. The only complete objects were from a looted
tomb at Tell Humaira that yielded local and imported material. Study of the ceramic material
shows a ceramic repertoire that belongs to the productions of the Akkar Plain known
from the site of Tell Arqa, indicating that these 11 eleven sites belong to a homogeneous
local cultural sphere.