Research Papers by Vikash Chandra, PhD
This paper analyses the impact of COVID-19 on the liberal international order. While doing so, it... more This paper analyses the impact of COVID-19 on the liberal international order. While doing so, it underscores that the challenges to the liberal international order have been posed by the exogenous forces in the form of the revisionist states and endogenous forces like President Donald Trump’s leadership style. Considering COVID-19 as an intervening variable between the liberal international order and exogenous and forces endogenous, it argues that as a catalyst COVID-19 is stimulating both the exogenous and endogenous factors in such a way that they are proving detrimental to the liberal international order. It concludes with an observation that instead of dismantling the foundations of the liberal international order, the revisionist states, especially China, will try to extend and strengthen their leadership role in the institutional foundation of the liberal international order in the post-COVID-19 era.
Keywords: COVID-19, Liberal International Order, Institutional Foundation, Democratic Peace, Revisionist States, Hegemony.
Jadavpur Journal of International Relations , 2021
India has been alleged for adopting a reluctant approach to the doctrine of responsibility to pro... more India has been alleged for adopting a reluctant approach to the doctrine of responsibility to protect (R2P). In light of this allegation, this paper explains India’s approach to R2P and attempts to answer why India has adopted a cautious and reluctant approach. To give a comprehensive picture and provide a compelling account of India’s cautiousness and reluctance, this paper has used an eclectic approach. The systemic and domestic variables, along with normative and materialistic factors have been taken simultaneously into account. While answering the research question, it has been argued that India’s approach to R2P is shaped by a set of six variables namely, its approach to the doctrine per se; historical legacies, especially India’s colonial experience and its applications for its attitude towards the principles of non-intervention and state sovereignty; domestic compulsions such as failure of India to deliver inclusive and equitable development in remote areas and its consequences; the intentions of the great powers; security concerns like insurgency in various parts, including Kashmir; and unintended consequences of conflict escalation and its implication for India have been linchpin in shaping India’s approach. It demonstrates how these factors have cumulatively shaped India to neither vote in favour of intervention nor stand up with the governments that fail to protect their citizens and thus in fulfilling their obligations under the first principle of the doctrine of R2P.
Keywords: responsibility to protect, India, state sovereignty, domestic factors, great powers, insurgency, unintended consequences.
India Quarterly, 2020
Abstract
This paper analyses India’s counter-terrorism diplomacy at the United Nations and ar... more Abstract
This paper analyses India’s counter-terrorism diplomacy at the United Nations and argues that it is based on five pillars namely, normative, coercive, legal, compliance and domestic implementation, and promotion of international cooperation. The normative pillar elucidates India's stand on de-legitimisation of terrorism, the root cause approach, and sectoral vs comprehensive approach while the coercive pillar divulges India’s position on counter-terrorism sanctions and the use of force. The legal measure explains India’s contribution to the development of the international legal framework against terrorism through its sponsoring, co-sponsoring, draft proposal and consensus-building initiatives. Methodologically, it is based largely on the analysis of the primary archival sources, speeches of Indian delegates at the United Nations General Assembly, its Sixth Committee, and India’s national reports submitted to the UN Counter-Terrorism Committee and 1540 Committee. By analysing India’s counter-terrorism diplomacy at the United Nations, this paper seeks to spark a discourse among researchers working in this field with cases of India and other states as well, and pave the way for further researches on India’s counter-terrorism diplomacy at the UN and comparative studies with cases of other states. It concludes with observations that state sovereignty remains at the core of India’s counter-terrorism diplomacy and given the divergence of preferences of other states, India's diplomatic endeavour could not yield desired results.
China Report , 2019
This article has two goals. First, to illustrate China’s counter-terrorism strategy at the United... more This article has two goals. First, to illustrate China’s counter-terrorism strategy at the United Nations (UN), analyse its cornerstones and underscore changing patterns. Second, on the basis of the Chinese counter-terrorism strategy at the UN, make some observations about how rising powers behave in international organisations and highlight their attitude to the liberal international order. It considers Chinese positions in the debates in the General Assembly (1972-2018), its Sixth Committee, and the Security Council (since the early 1990s) and identifies certain pillars of China’s counter-terrorism strategy. These include norm entrepreneurship, diplomatic measures, promotion of international cooperation, and domestic measures to fulfil obligations emanating from UN resolutions, conventions and declarations. It shows how China has shaped the discourse on terrorism at the UN and how its counter-terror narratives and advocacy have been and are being shaped by the discourse among states and competing blocs like the Organization of Islamic Conference over this period. It concludes with the observation that, despite changes in its strategy in recent years, the defining principles of China’s counter-terrorism strategy, such as the respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs, have not eroded. Changes like accepting that the UN must play a ‘central coordination role’ in international counter-terrorism should be regarded as a further extension of China’s zeal to maintain the international order, because the UN is a defining pillar of the present international order.
Keywords: Rising Powers, United Nations, Terrorism, De-legitimisation, Consensus-building, Responsible Actor, State sovereignty.
Indian Journal of Political Science, 2019
Terrorism is one of the most serious threats that humanity is facing today. It is a serious probl... more Terrorism is one of the most serious threats that humanity is facing today. It is a serious problem not just because it kills and maims but also because it compels people to live in a situation of psychological terror. Any counter terrorism measure will be effective only when it is based on a proper understanding of terrorism. The proper understanding becomes inevitable when none have agreed on a definition. The meaning and nature of terrorism have gone under a drastic change. Unlike today, once it was used in a positive sense. This paper tries to understand the origin and evolution of terrorism. How it has evolved over times and what factors led to the changes? It divides the history of terrorism into four phases namely Nationalist/Anti-colonial Phase, Revolutionary/Anarchist Phase Ideological Phase and Ethnic Nationalism Phase. It concludes with an observation that though several factors have contributed to the evolution none have affected like technological innovation, especially in the field of transportation, communication and warfare.
Keywords: French revolution, terrorism, anarchist, anti-colonialism, ideological, ethnic nationalism.
India Quarterly, 2018
This paper has two-fold goals: to develop a coherent concept of accommodation and explicate varia... more This paper has two-fold goals: to develop a coherent concept of accommodation and explicate variable shaping the process of accommodation; and to analyse and evaluate the challenges and prospects of India’s accommodation in the emerging international order. It defines accommodation as a ‘state strategy’ and ‘process’. It figures out six determinants viz. the sphere of influence, structural variables,
convergence/divergence of national interest, perception and intention towards the international order, political and socio-cultural values, and costs of non-accommodation. Instead of addressing the process of accommodation from accommodation-seekers’ perspective, the paper investigates the issue from accommodators’ perspective. Therefore, rather than describing traditional foundations of India’s claim of accommodation, i.e. population, territory, military, and democracy, it illustrates conditions under which the established power accommodate rising powers. By comparing and contrasting India’s interests, principles, and values vis-à-vis the USA and China, it demonstrates how differing strategic calculations, economic and commercial interests and divergence in political socio-cultural norms and values, China is posing or may pose challenges to India’s accommodation. It suggests that India needs to strike a balance between the declining America and rising China. It will have to learn how not to turn China from an adversary to an enemy. A prudent strategy for India will be to balance China, however, in the nonmilitary, i.e. diplomatic, political and economic realms. Nevertheless, the engagement dimension should not be marginalised, actual or even perceived.
World Affairs, 2018
The redistribution and diffusion of power in the international system has reflected the rise of... more The redistribution and diffusion of power in the international system has reflected the rise of new centres of power demanding their legitimate say. Speculation on the preferred strategy of established powers towards the demands of rising contenders has become an important concern. While some scholars believe that it will be accommodation, others think that it will be containment. This paper analyses why established states prefer to accommodate some rising powers while opposing others and finds that, to comprehend the prospects of accommodation, one must understand the intentions of the challengers. Since intentions and perceptions are shaped by domestic variables, attention has been given to four such factors, namely regime type, economic system, human rights regime and social system. This paper concludes that the prospects for accommodating nations with revisionist intentions and wider differences in terms of domestic variables vis-à-vis established powers are poorer than for status quoists and those with large-scale similarities.
Jadavpur Journal of International Relations, 2017
This paper examines continuity and change in Indian foreign policy since Narendra Modi took offic... more This paper examines continuity and change in Indian foreign policy since Narendra Modi took office. It proceeds with analysing six issues that dominated India’s foreign engagement between the prime ministerial regimes of Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh as a reference point. To evaluate the level of change, it defines major change as a major shift in the goals and strategies of a state’s foreign policy and argues that most often a major change in foreign policy is a result of changes in the systemic variables followed by a change in either state or individual level variables. Indian foreign policy under Modi is witnessing a proactive turn infused by a strong leadership. The new government has redefined India’s foreign policy priorities, and the level of external engagement has also gone up. However, areas like democracy promotion have not upheld their momentum, and the government’s regional policy has failed to utilise the opportunities that were available to it when it began its tenure. Also, foreign policy changes under the new government cannot be regarded as a major change because the goals and strategies of Indian foreign policy have not changed.
Content Development by Vikash Chandra, PhD
BPSC-109 Political Processes and Institutions in Comparative Perspective, 2021
This unit exposes you to conceptual and analytical frameworks which capture and explainfederalism... more This unit exposes you to conceptual and analytical frameworks which capture and explainfederalism. The unit also takes three federations (Canadian, Australian and the Indian)for an comparative analysis.After reading this unit, you should be able to: Explain the process involved in the evolution of federal systems Identify the characteristics of federalism Describe the nature and features of federalism in India, Australia, and Canada Identify the centralising and decentralizing trends in federal processes.
BPSC-109 Political Processes and Institutions in Comparative Perspective, 2021
Political Processes an Institutions in Comparative Perspective, IGNOU Political Science B.A. (Honours), 2021
Perspectives on International Relations and World History, IGNOU Political Science B.A. (Honours), 2021
This unit would discuss the Marxist approaches to international politics. After studying this uni... more This unit would discuss the Marxist approaches to international politics. After studying this unit, you should be able to: Explain the basic assumptions of the Marxist approach to International Relations (IR) Describe the evolution of the Marxist approaches Distinguish the Marxist approach from the Realist and Liberal approaches Explain the Marxist approach to key issues of IR like world order, hegemony, great power wars and imperialism Describe the variations in the Marxist approach and how they contribute to our understanding of world politics.
Book Chapters by Vikash Chandra, PhD
India and United Nations in the 21st Century, 2022
This chapter highlights the way Non-Traditional security threats came into the UN agenda and offe... more This chapter highlights the way Non-Traditional security threats came into the UN agenda and offers an analysis of the Indian perspective on three Non-Traditional security threats namely, the global health challenges, protection of civilians and women in armed conflicts at the United Nations.
India's Foreign Policy: Continuity With Difference Under Modi Government , 2017
Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses , 2021
In August 2021, India assumed the Presidency of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) for th... more In August 2021, India assumed the Presidency of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) for the eighth-term as a non-permanent member of the Security Council. In this context, this opinion piece highlights how India approached the Afghanistan Crisis in its twin capacities: as the President of the UN Security Council and as a Non-permanent Member of the UN Security Council.
Book Reviews by Vikash Chandra, PhD
India Quarterly , 2024
Previously, researchers interested in India's behaviour in the international system have conceptu... more Previously, researchers interested in India's behaviour in the international system have conceptualised and envisioned India in a variety of ways including as a swing state, link state, leading power, rule taker, rising power and so on. In the book under review, the authors envisioned India as a 'kingmaker'. The basic idea behind this is India's perceived linchpin role in deciding the fate of the contemporary liberal international order in the coming years. Amidst the rise of China and the likelihood of its challenge to the liberal international order, along with other revisionist states, the authors see merit and potential in India as a rising power, possessing the potential to shift the balance of power in favour of either the status quo or the revisionist states. The book is a result of the authors' conviction that a proper understanding of the foundations of India's perception and behaviour visà-vis the liberal international order at this juncture will provide analysts and policymakers with key insights about which side India is likely to tilt. Divided into three parts, the book aims to 'examine India's place in the global order' (p. 35). More precisely, the authors endeavour to examine whether India is a status quo power, willing to cooperate with the status quo states to preserve and maintain the liberal international order, or a revisionist state, willing to cooperate with other revisionist states to make significant changes in it. Three chapters in the first section of the book have three goals: to explain why India should be seen as a 'kingmaker', to chart out challenges to the global order and to explicate the theoretical framework and conceptualise treaty networks. To conceptualise India as a 'kingmaker', in the first chapter, the authors have located India in the context of non-aligned foreign policy and the South Asian regional power framework. On the basis of principles, norms and values stipulated by India from time to time, the authors have envisioned their 'kingmaker', that is, India, as a state that prefers multipolarity, respects state sovereignty and territorial integrity, adheres to norms of non-intervention in internal affairs, respects human rights and attaches importance to international organisations. While charting the challenges to the global order in the next chapter, with suitable theoretical examples of hegemonic stability and power transition theories, the book has highlighted how an order is created and maintained.
Commonwealth & Comparative Politics, 2020
India Quarterly, 2019
The great debates in the discipline of International Relations have moved away from the grand the... more The great debates in the discipline of International Relations have moved away from the grand theories like realism and liberalism to towards debates among mid-range theories like neoclassical realism and democratic peace theory. Along with the mid-range theories, a new tendency called 'eclecticism' has also gained currency among researchers (Lake 2013). Instead of depending on any particular theory or approach, the use of multiple theories, even sometimes contradictory theories together to explain foreign policy behaviour, phenomenon or event is the defining feature of the eclecticism. The Theorizing Indian Foreign Policy represents a fine example of epistemological eclecticism. By using various theories, concepts and methods of the Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) and International Relations, the book investigate some key aspects of contemporary Indian foreign policy. Every chapter of the volume begins with a systematic illustration of a theory, concept or approach followed by an analysis of a selected case on the basis of the illustrated theory, approach or the concept. Ten chapters of the book are divided into three sections. The first section containing two chapters by Pallavi Raghavan and Audrey Alejandro concentrates on methodological and disciplinary challenges faced by the students of Indian foreign policy. These chapters explain how history and sociology can enlighten us to understand Indian foreign policy more appropriately. In the survey of Nehru's foreign policy, Raghavan has shown how by providing subject matter for theorisation and contextualisation of circumstances in a particular event, the study of India's international history can help us to understand its contemporary foreign policy. While investigating the lack of theoretical study in India, Audrey Alejandro has noted that Indian academics and think tanks have been obsessed with conducting state-centric and policy-oriented researches meant to be published most preferably in the national level Journals. She has found that the marginalisation of the theoretical and non-state centric paradigms is a consequence of the lack of alternative economic resources for think tanks and universities. India's colonial experience and centralisation of foreign policymaking in New Delhi have also contributed to the narrowing down the scope of the research at policy-centrism. Four chapters in the second section enlighten how the ideational and normative variables such as values, perceptions and belief system influence the foreign policy-making
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Research Papers by Vikash Chandra, PhD
Keywords: COVID-19, Liberal International Order, Institutional Foundation, Democratic Peace, Revisionist States, Hegemony.
Keywords: responsibility to protect, India, state sovereignty, domestic factors, great powers, insurgency, unintended consequences.
This paper analyses India’s counter-terrorism diplomacy at the United Nations and argues that it is based on five pillars namely, normative, coercive, legal, compliance and domestic implementation, and promotion of international cooperation. The normative pillar elucidates India's stand on de-legitimisation of terrorism, the root cause approach, and sectoral vs comprehensive approach while the coercive pillar divulges India’s position on counter-terrorism sanctions and the use of force. The legal measure explains India’s contribution to the development of the international legal framework against terrorism through its sponsoring, co-sponsoring, draft proposal and consensus-building initiatives. Methodologically, it is based largely on the analysis of the primary archival sources, speeches of Indian delegates at the United Nations General Assembly, its Sixth Committee, and India’s national reports submitted to the UN Counter-Terrorism Committee and 1540 Committee. By analysing India’s counter-terrorism diplomacy at the United Nations, this paper seeks to spark a discourse among researchers working in this field with cases of India and other states as well, and pave the way for further researches on India’s counter-terrorism diplomacy at the UN and comparative studies with cases of other states. It concludes with observations that state sovereignty remains at the core of India’s counter-terrorism diplomacy and given the divergence of preferences of other states, India's diplomatic endeavour could not yield desired results.
Keywords: Rising Powers, United Nations, Terrorism, De-legitimisation, Consensus-building, Responsible Actor, State sovereignty.
Keywords: French revolution, terrorism, anarchist, anti-colonialism, ideological, ethnic nationalism.
convergence/divergence of national interest, perception and intention towards the international order, political and socio-cultural values, and costs of non-accommodation. Instead of addressing the process of accommodation from accommodation-seekers’ perspective, the paper investigates the issue from accommodators’ perspective. Therefore, rather than describing traditional foundations of India’s claim of accommodation, i.e. population, territory, military, and democracy, it illustrates conditions under which the established power accommodate rising powers. By comparing and contrasting India’s interests, principles, and values vis-à-vis the USA and China, it demonstrates how differing strategic calculations, economic and commercial interests and divergence in political socio-cultural norms and values, China is posing or may pose challenges to India’s accommodation. It suggests that India needs to strike a balance between the declining America and rising China. It will have to learn how not to turn China from an adversary to an enemy. A prudent strategy for India will be to balance China, however, in the nonmilitary, i.e. diplomatic, political and economic realms. Nevertheless, the engagement dimension should not be marginalised, actual or even perceived.
Content Development by Vikash Chandra, PhD
Book Chapters by Vikash Chandra, PhD
Opinion & Commentary by Vikash Chandra, PhD
Book Reviews by Vikash Chandra, PhD
Keywords: COVID-19, Liberal International Order, Institutional Foundation, Democratic Peace, Revisionist States, Hegemony.
Keywords: responsibility to protect, India, state sovereignty, domestic factors, great powers, insurgency, unintended consequences.
This paper analyses India’s counter-terrorism diplomacy at the United Nations and argues that it is based on five pillars namely, normative, coercive, legal, compliance and domestic implementation, and promotion of international cooperation. The normative pillar elucidates India's stand on de-legitimisation of terrorism, the root cause approach, and sectoral vs comprehensive approach while the coercive pillar divulges India’s position on counter-terrorism sanctions and the use of force. The legal measure explains India’s contribution to the development of the international legal framework against terrorism through its sponsoring, co-sponsoring, draft proposal and consensus-building initiatives. Methodologically, it is based largely on the analysis of the primary archival sources, speeches of Indian delegates at the United Nations General Assembly, its Sixth Committee, and India’s national reports submitted to the UN Counter-Terrorism Committee and 1540 Committee. By analysing India’s counter-terrorism diplomacy at the United Nations, this paper seeks to spark a discourse among researchers working in this field with cases of India and other states as well, and pave the way for further researches on India’s counter-terrorism diplomacy at the UN and comparative studies with cases of other states. It concludes with observations that state sovereignty remains at the core of India’s counter-terrorism diplomacy and given the divergence of preferences of other states, India's diplomatic endeavour could not yield desired results.
Keywords: Rising Powers, United Nations, Terrorism, De-legitimisation, Consensus-building, Responsible Actor, State sovereignty.
Keywords: French revolution, terrorism, anarchist, anti-colonialism, ideological, ethnic nationalism.
convergence/divergence of national interest, perception and intention towards the international order, political and socio-cultural values, and costs of non-accommodation. Instead of addressing the process of accommodation from accommodation-seekers’ perspective, the paper investigates the issue from accommodators’ perspective. Therefore, rather than describing traditional foundations of India’s claim of accommodation, i.e. population, territory, military, and democracy, it illustrates conditions under which the established power accommodate rising powers. By comparing and contrasting India’s interests, principles, and values vis-à-vis the USA and China, it demonstrates how differing strategic calculations, economic and commercial interests and divergence in political socio-cultural norms and values, China is posing or may pose challenges to India’s accommodation. It suggests that India needs to strike a balance between the declining America and rising China. It will have to learn how not to turn China from an adversary to an enemy. A prudent strategy for India will be to balance China, however, in the nonmilitary, i.e. diplomatic, political and economic realms. Nevertheless, the engagement dimension should not be marginalised, actual or even perceived.
and rising powers can mitigate the possibilities of violent conflicts’ (p. 4).
According to the Global Terrorism Index 2017, Indian was 7th most terrorism affected the state in the world. Although, it is primarily a victim of state-sponsored terrorism, yet, domestic terrorist outfits also enjoy cross-border support. Consequently, India's counter-terrorism strategy transcendent the domestic legal-criminal justice approach and heavily relies on diplomacy to counter the menace. Although India has been using diplomatic tools at regional multilateral forums and bilateral levels, yet, the United Nations (UN) is a place where it has vested more time, energy and diplomatic resources than any other multilateral forum. Its counter-terrorism diplomacy at the UN is based on five pillars namely, normative, legal, projecting itself as a responsible actor, the promotion of international cooperation, and compliance and domestic implementation of its obligations (including foreign policy and diplomatic measures). The normative pillar elucidates India's stand on de-legitimisation of terrorism, the root cause approach, comprehensive vs comprehensive approach, Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy, and the use of force while legal pillar concentrates on India’s contribution to the development of international legal framework against terrorism, however, special attention has been paid to India’s initiative called Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism. To implement its obligations, India has taken several measures at the domestic and foreign policy level. To garner support in favour of its initiatives, facilitate international cooperation and pursue its national interests, India has adopted four diplomatic tools- advocacy, consensus-building, Sponsoring, and Co-sponsoring the draft Resolutions and Conventions.
Meanwhile, this paper argues that because of the divergence of preferences and national interest of the UN members, India's diplomatic endeavour could not yield desires success. It shows how diverging national interests resulted in sub-optimal outcomes. It concludes with an observation that state sovereignty and state-centrism remain at the core of India’s counter-terrorism diplomacy at the United Nations.
Despite government’s active participation and adventurism, Indian soft power is facing challenges at five levels- Political values and functioning of the Modi government, cultural pluralism vs. cultural nationalism, leadership style, changes in Indian foreign policy, and the lack of adequate hard power. Because of attacks against minorities and tolerance-intolerance debate, in recent times political values such as democracy, secularism and tolerance have been pushed on a tightrope. Since coming of Modi in power, shift strong tilt towards the USA and Israel in Indian foreign policy. Consequently, it would be quite difficult to attract the members of the Organization of Islamic Conference members. India lacks economic power to support soft power. In the absence of requisite economic resources, India is facing difficulty in funding and sponsoring programs and activities that can promote its soft power. Modi’s leadership style poses a challenge because some attribute of his leadership style pushes him closer to Indira Gandhi.
To garner soft power, ‘balance and restraint’ should be made the mantra of foreign and domestic policy. India will have to return to the essence of the Buddhist philosophy i.e. the middle path or balance at the foreign policy level while restraint at the cultural and political value levels. India will have to firmly stand with the constitutionally mandated principle of secularism and freedom of speech, on the one hand, and follow the policy of cultural pluralism instead of cultural nationalism, on the other.
This paper analyses the impact of COVID-19 on the liberal international order. While doing so, it underscores that the challenges to the liberal international order has been posed by the exogenous forces in the form of the revisionist states and endogenous forces like President Donald Trump’s leadership style. Considering the COVID-19 as an intervening variable between the liberal international order and exogenous and forces endogenous, it argues that as a catalyst the COVID-19 is stimulating both the exogenous and endogenous factors in such a way that they are proving detrimental for the liberal international order. It concludes with an observation that instead of dismantling the foundations of the liberal international order, the revisionist states, especially China, will try to extend and strengthen their leadership role in the institutional foundation of the liberal international order in the post-COVID-19 era.