Papers by Simge PELİT
Karadeniz Arastirmalari Merkezi
This paper traces the securitization (1991-2016) and de-securitization (2016-2018) of the 27-year... more This paper traces the securitization (1991-2016) and de-securitization (2016-2018) of the 27-year-old name issue between Greece and the Republic of North Macedonia. The securitization period is further divided into subperiods based on the varying degrees of securitization in Skopje's discourse due to internal and external developments. Accordingly, between 1991 and 1993, fearing that the state's survival is in jeopardy, North Macedonian authorities engaged in a lower degree of securitization. After gaining UN membership in 1993, in a relatively safe position, they preferred a higher degree of securitization until the late 1990s. The degree of securitization once again lowered in the early 2000s as the country nearly slid into civil war in 2001 and ruled in its aftermath by weak coalition governments that were unable to deal extensively with foreign relations issues. In this period, North Macedonia also behaved like a good international citizen to reap some benefits in the form of progress in the EU and NATO membership. A higher degree of securitization in the discourse started in 2006, with the election of the right-wing nationalist Nikola Gruevski and lasted until 2016.
Karadeniz Araştırmaları, 2022
This paper traces the securitization (1991-2016) and de-securitization (2016-2018) of the 27-year... more This paper traces the securitization (1991-2016) and de-securitization (2016-2018) of the 27-year-old name issue between Greece and the Republic of North Macedonia. The securitization period is further divided into subperiods based on the varying degrees of securitization in Skopje's discourse due to internal and external developments. Accordingly, between 1991 and 1993, fearing that the state's survival is in jeopardy, North Macedonian authorities engaged in a lower degree of securitization. After gaining UN membership in 1993, in a relatively safe position, they preferred a higher degree of securitization until the late 1990s. The degree of securitization once again lowered in the early 2000s as the country nearly slid into civil war in 2001 and ruled in its aftermath by weak coalition governments that were unable to deal extensively with foreign relations issues. In this period, North Macedonia also behaved like a good international citizen to reap some benefits in the form of progress in the EU and NATO membership. A higher degree of securitization in the discourse started in 2006, with the election of the right-wing nationalist Nikola Gruevski and lasted until 2016.
Conference Presentations by Simge PELİT
2. ULUSLARARASI HİTİT GÜVENLİK ÇALIŞMALARI KONGRESİ 9-11 ARALIK 2022, 2022
Why do some governments initiate talks with certain radicalized terror groups in civil conflict, ... more Why do some governments initiate talks with certain radicalized terror groups in civil conflict, while they or other governments resist talks with other groups or in certain contexts? Our knowledge on this admittedly complicated question so far has been limited by the general tendency to treat all terror groups alike in security research at large. Against this backdrop, we disaggregate groups employing terror tactics with respect to their positive and negative reputations within their own constituency, and we investigate the effect that their constituency reputations have on the initiation of negotiation during civil wars. We thus propose a costbenefit calculus regarding governments and terror groups during such conflicts. Using data on domestic terror groups in civil conflicts from 1980 to 2005 and the initiation of talks between the warring parties, we find that these groups are more likely to be granted the opportunity to participate in negotiations when they develop positive constituency reputation among their followers, thus demonstrating or indicating greater staying power. We also find that negotiation is more likely with groups that invest in reputation-building strategies.
Drafts by Simge PELİT
IT TAKES TWO TO TANGO! AN ANALYSIS OF THE EU'S FAILED DEMOCRACY PROMOTION EFFORTS IN SERBIA, 2022
This thesis aims to provide a sufficient explanation for the failure of democracy promotion effor... more This thesis aims to provide a sufficient explanation for the failure of democracy promotion efforts in Serbia. Through employing process-tracing method and constructivist theory, the goal is to identify the reasons behind the failure of democracy promotion in Serbia. Since the overthrow of Milosevic regime in the country, the European Union (EU) has gradually intensified the relation between the Union and Serbia. Attributed to its normative power, the EU started the double processes of democracy promotion and Europeanization of Serbia to shape the country in accordance with its norms, values and principles. Democracy is perceived as both a means and an end by the EU. However, regarding the current status of democracy in Serbia, these efforts seem to failed dramatically. As a result of the analysis, this thesis came to the conclusion that the failure of democracy promotion in Serbia derive from Serbia-related internal and the EU-related external reasons, therefore holding both responsible.
Uploads
Papers by Simge PELİT
Conference Presentations by Simge PELİT
Drafts by Simge PELİT