We argue in this article that the social and economic conditions in the Angkorian society of the ... more We argue in this article that the social and economic conditions in the Angkorian society of the tenth century or earlier contributed to the decline in status of some middle level officials, as is evident from the mid-eleventh century. Many Angkorian inscriptions written between the late ninth and late twelfth centuries record purchases and donations of lands acquired for religious foundations. The texts often contain details of transactions and disputes seeking to validate title to these holdings. The buyers include middle-ranking loñ and va ¯p, and increasingly, higher-ranking officials. An analysis of the roles and activities of the officials reveals something of their relative status and helps explain the disappearance of va ¯p from the inscriptions in the eleventh century, and the relegation of loñ to temple roles by the twelfth century. The transfer of communal lands and lands owned by these officials to elites is attributed to hierarchical restrictions on land purchases, a reduction in fiscal immunities, and the need for taxes to be paid to the centre with high-value goods in Angkor's moneyless economy.
Few Angkorian temple inscriptions contain data on revenues and scheduling of resources in a form ... more Few Angkorian temple inscriptions contain data on revenues and scheduling of resources in a form that is both comprehensive and coherent. As a result, the operations of Angkor's temples and āśrama are not well understood. Yet to ensure sustainability, it must have been important for foundations to keep records, particularly of offerings to deities and maintenance of personnel, at times numbering into the thousands. This paper uses an accounting approach to shed some light on the modes of support for workers of religious establishments. Prime uncertainties addressed in the process are varying scales of weights and measures for rice, and volumetric relationships between different forms of rice. Working back from stated quantities of rice and paddy, at times unrealistically precise , we deduce that the auditors adopted a ratio of 2 when calculating the conversion of paddy to rice, rather than the 2.5 commonly used in contemporary Indian texts. We also reevaluate the frequencies of two religious festivals , saṅkrānta and tithiviśeṣana, and the meaning of vroḥ. The metabolic requirements of different age groups and sexes in rice-eating communities, together with the rations prescribed in some of Yaśovarman's āśrama allow us to estimate that a liḥ of rice at that time weighed between 800 g and 900 g and from this to infer the age range for boys who were studying in those āśrama. The implications of the profiting of some and the under-provisioning for other sanctuary personnel are considered in conjunction with the institution of fortnightly scheduling seen in some religious establishments.
The names and titles of thousands of commoners recorded on stone in temple precincts have been re... more The names and titles of thousands of commoners recorded on stone in temple precincts have been regarded until recently as uninteresting and incapable of providing insights into the lives of these commoners. This study indicates that numerical analyses of data on personnel can enhance understanding of their circumstances.
The continuing near equal proportions of males and females amongst the non-sanctuary personnel, and the fact that the 9th century age ranges of the minors conform to what might be expected for natural communities, indicate that these people were whole families or communities. By contrast, there are more females than males in sanctuary lists, conceivably because some roles are gender specific. The reduced recording of non-sanctuary workers, non-sanctuary children and of juveniles after the Roluos period suggests a greater focus on sanctuary operations, with non-sanctuary operations being taken more for granted, indicating that labour was easier to procure, and workers regarded increasingly as factors of agricultural output. This is consistent with the increasing number of temple complexes estab- lished from the 10th century, as well as the supporting infrastructure and industry, all suggesting growing local populations. Even though the proportions of gvāl and lap declined, they were likely counted as part of the adult workforce.
The shift to Koh Ker cannot be readily explained as driven by anticipated economic benefits. The omissions and inventions in the royal eulogies between the reigns of Yaśovarman and Rājendravarman indicate disquiet, if not discord, between opposing factions. The move of the centre from Angkor to Koh Ker might be best understood as a strategy by Jayavarman IV to weaken an opposing group and bolster his power base, allied with si. Following the return from Koh Ker to Angkor, a change in the socio-political power structure, perhaps seen in the rising influence of many officials and gho commoners, becomes apparent. Available inscriptions from the first half of the 10th century make no explicit reference to unstable political conditions during that period, but anyone familiar with the Khmer texts could not expect to find them.
À propos des « interminables listes nominatives d'esclaves » dans les inscriptions angkoriennes
Nouvelles propositions fondées sur des analyses statistiques de la main-d'œuvre mentionnée dans ces inscriptions
Cet article, fondé sur les mentions de milliers d'individus figurant dans les inscriptions entre le IXe et le XIIe siècle, étudie les changements de statut survenus pendant cette période parmi les différentes catégories de travailleurs employés dans les sanctuaires et hors des sanctuaires.
Dans une première partie, nous étudierons comment le contexte socio-écono¬mique de ces travailleurs a évolué au fil du temps et ce que les inscriptions peuvent nous révéler de la composition des différents groupes de travailleurs et de leurs statuts respectifs. Dans la seconde partie, sur la base de ces analyses, nous développerons une hypothèse : il existe peut-être un lien entre les changements de statut de deux catégories de travailleurs (hommes), désignés par les appellatifs si et gho, la montée en puissance de certains fonctionnaires royaux, et le fait que Jayavarman IV ait décidé de rester à Koh Ker après son accession au trône (vers 928 ap. J.-C.) et d'en faire sa capitale.
using the corpus of pre-Angkorian (6th–8th century) and Angkorian (9th–14th century) inscriptions... more using the corpus of pre-Angkorian (6th–8th century) and Angkorian (9th–14th century) inscriptions, this study finds a growing frequency and diversity of road terms, particularly during the 11th century when the khmer began expanding across mainland southeast Asia. this likely corresponds to the development of the durable roads of the Angkorian transport system. Analysis of the texts highlights a distinction between types of roads (e.g., thnal, phlu, vraḥ phlu) that may be discerned from archaeological features (causeways, embankments, main roads) visible in the landscape today. the paper supports the view that the road system was the product of centuries of inter-regional communication rather than the work of Jayavarman Vii predominantly and demonstrates the utility of employing inscriptions to provide spatio- temporal contexts of features found through traditional archaeological investigations.
Aséanie, sciences humaines en Asie du Sud-Est, 2011
An appreciation of the use of power by the Angkorian Empire is gained through analysing aggregate... more An appreciation of the use of power by the Angkorian Empire is gained through analysing aggregated spatial and temporal data from pre-Angkorian and Angkorian period inscriptions. This paper argues that the Khmer empire depended to a significant degree on administration operating through regional centres and on its long-established communication and trade links. The mode of control varied with distance from the capital and over time. Its political economy is marked by three concurrent cycles indicative of changing power relationships: cycles of royal inscriptions, of non-royal inscriptions, and of control over peripheral territories. Angkor’s processes and strategies were sufficiently flexible for it to endure for approximately six centuries. At some stage from the fourteenth century, key processes and strategies for maintaining its integrity as an empire became less effective than before, and the cyclical pattern ended.
It has been observed that, in contrast to other Asian and Southeast Asian polities, there are no ... more It has been observed that, in contrast to other Asian and Southeast Asian polities, there are no records of monetary transactions in Angkor's 6th–14th century inscriptions, and no reference to a unit of account after the late 8th century. Explanations for this have been offered, but none of them have much support. In fact, a considerable range of monetary concepts are expressed throughout the study period, and it is unlikely that there was no unit of account. Differences between records of temple inventories and exchange transactions suggest that perhaps display was more important in temples, and that quantitative values such as weights were important in the exchanges. An explanation for the lack of monetary transactions may lie in the fact that the epigraphy is written by and for an elite seemingly concerned more with merit, hierarchy and display of wealth than bureaucratic detail.
The study presents a relational database of words referring to material items and institutional p... more The study presents a relational database of words referring to material items and institutional processes in over 700 Pre-Angkorian and Angkorian inscriptions, from the sixth to the fourteenth centuries CE. The lexical items within the database have been spatially and temporally referenced, and a
We argue in this article that the social and economic conditions in the Angkorian society of the ... more We argue in this article that the social and economic conditions in the Angkorian society of the tenth century or earlier contributed to the decline in status of some middle level officials, as is evident from the mid-eleventh century. Many Angkorian inscriptions written between the late ninth and late twelfth centuries record purchases and donations of lands acquired for religious foundations. The texts often contain details of transactions and disputes seeking to validate title to these holdings. The buyers include middle-ranking loñ and va ¯p, and increasingly, higher-ranking officials. An analysis of the roles and activities of the officials reveals something of their relative status and helps explain the disappearance of va ¯p from the inscriptions in the eleventh century, and the relegation of loñ to temple roles by the twelfth century. The transfer of communal lands and lands owned by these officials to elites is attributed to hierarchical restrictions on land purchases, a reduction in fiscal immunities, and the need for taxes to be paid to the centre with high-value goods in Angkor's moneyless economy.
Few Angkorian temple inscriptions contain data on revenues and scheduling of resources in a form ... more Few Angkorian temple inscriptions contain data on revenues and scheduling of resources in a form that is both comprehensive and coherent. As a result, the operations of Angkor's temples and āśrama are not well understood. Yet to ensure sustainability, it must have been important for foundations to keep records, particularly of offerings to deities and maintenance of personnel, at times numbering into the thousands. This paper uses an accounting approach to shed some light on the modes of support for workers of religious establishments. Prime uncertainties addressed in the process are varying scales of weights and measures for rice, and volumetric relationships between different forms of rice. Working back from stated quantities of rice and paddy, at times unrealistically precise , we deduce that the auditors adopted a ratio of 2 when calculating the conversion of paddy to rice, rather than the 2.5 commonly used in contemporary Indian texts. We also reevaluate the frequencies of two religious festivals , saṅkrānta and tithiviśeṣana, and the meaning of vroḥ. The metabolic requirements of different age groups and sexes in rice-eating communities, together with the rations prescribed in some of Yaśovarman's āśrama allow us to estimate that a liḥ of rice at that time weighed between 800 g and 900 g and from this to infer the age range for boys who were studying in those āśrama. The implications of the profiting of some and the under-provisioning for other sanctuary personnel are considered in conjunction with the institution of fortnightly scheduling seen in some religious establishments.
The names and titles of thousands of commoners recorded on stone in temple precincts have been re... more The names and titles of thousands of commoners recorded on stone in temple precincts have been regarded until recently as uninteresting and incapable of providing insights into the lives of these commoners. This study indicates that numerical analyses of data on personnel can enhance understanding of their circumstances.
The continuing near equal proportions of males and females amongst the non-sanctuary personnel, and the fact that the 9th century age ranges of the minors conform to what might be expected for natural communities, indicate that these people were whole families or communities. By contrast, there are more females than males in sanctuary lists, conceivably because some roles are gender specific. The reduced recording of non-sanctuary workers, non-sanctuary children and of juveniles after the Roluos period suggests a greater focus on sanctuary operations, with non-sanctuary operations being taken more for granted, indicating that labour was easier to procure, and workers regarded increasingly as factors of agricultural output. This is consistent with the increasing number of temple complexes estab- lished from the 10th century, as well as the supporting infrastructure and industry, all suggesting growing local populations. Even though the proportions of gvāl and lap declined, they were likely counted as part of the adult workforce.
The shift to Koh Ker cannot be readily explained as driven by anticipated economic benefits. The omissions and inventions in the royal eulogies between the reigns of Yaśovarman and Rājendravarman indicate disquiet, if not discord, between opposing factions. The move of the centre from Angkor to Koh Ker might be best understood as a strategy by Jayavarman IV to weaken an opposing group and bolster his power base, allied with si. Following the return from Koh Ker to Angkor, a change in the socio-political power structure, perhaps seen in the rising influence of many officials and gho commoners, becomes apparent. Available inscriptions from the first half of the 10th century make no explicit reference to unstable political conditions during that period, but anyone familiar with the Khmer texts could not expect to find them.
À propos des « interminables listes nominatives d'esclaves » dans les inscriptions angkoriennes
Nouvelles propositions fondées sur des analyses statistiques de la main-d'œuvre mentionnée dans ces inscriptions
Cet article, fondé sur les mentions de milliers d'individus figurant dans les inscriptions entre le IXe et le XIIe siècle, étudie les changements de statut survenus pendant cette période parmi les différentes catégories de travailleurs employés dans les sanctuaires et hors des sanctuaires.
Dans une première partie, nous étudierons comment le contexte socio-écono¬mique de ces travailleurs a évolué au fil du temps et ce que les inscriptions peuvent nous révéler de la composition des différents groupes de travailleurs et de leurs statuts respectifs. Dans la seconde partie, sur la base de ces analyses, nous développerons une hypothèse : il existe peut-être un lien entre les changements de statut de deux catégories de travailleurs (hommes), désignés par les appellatifs si et gho, la montée en puissance de certains fonctionnaires royaux, et le fait que Jayavarman IV ait décidé de rester à Koh Ker après son accession au trône (vers 928 ap. J.-C.) et d'en faire sa capitale.
using the corpus of pre-Angkorian (6th–8th century) and Angkorian (9th–14th century) inscriptions... more using the corpus of pre-Angkorian (6th–8th century) and Angkorian (9th–14th century) inscriptions, this study finds a growing frequency and diversity of road terms, particularly during the 11th century when the khmer began expanding across mainland southeast Asia. this likely corresponds to the development of the durable roads of the Angkorian transport system. Analysis of the texts highlights a distinction between types of roads (e.g., thnal, phlu, vraḥ phlu) that may be discerned from archaeological features (causeways, embankments, main roads) visible in the landscape today. the paper supports the view that the road system was the product of centuries of inter-regional communication rather than the work of Jayavarman Vii predominantly and demonstrates the utility of employing inscriptions to provide spatio- temporal contexts of features found through traditional archaeological investigations.
Aséanie, sciences humaines en Asie du Sud-Est, 2011
An appreciation of the use of power by the Angkorian Empire is gained through analysing aggregate... more An appreciation of the use of power by the Angkorian Empire is gained through analysing aggregated spatial and temporal data from pre-Angkorian and Angkorian period inscriptions. This paper argues that the Khmer empire depended to a significant degree on administration operating through regional centres and on its long-established communication and trade links. The mode of control varied with distance from the capital and over time. Its political economy is marked by three concurrent cycles indicative of changing power relationships: cycles of royal inscriptions, of non-royal inscriptions, and of control over peripheral territories. Angkor’s processes and strategies were sufficiently flexible for it to endure for approximately six centuries. At some stage from the fourteenth century, key processes and strategies for maintaining its integrity as an empire became less effective than before, and the cyclical pattern ended.
It has been observed that, in contrast to other Asian and Southeast Asian polities, there are no ... more It has been observed that, in contrast to other Asian and Southeast Asian polities, there are no records of monetary transactions in Angkor's 6th–14th century inscriptions, and no reference to a unit of account after the late 8th century. Explanations for this have been offered, but none of them have much support. In fact, a considerable range of monetary concepts are expressed throughout the study period, and it is unlikely that there was no unit of account. Differences between records of temple inventories and exchange transactions suggest that perhaps display was more important in temples, and that quantitative values such as weights were important in the exchanges. An explanation for the lack of monetary transactions may lie in the fact that the epigraphy is written by and for an elite seemingly concerned more with merit, hierarchy and display of wealth than bureaucratic detail.
The study presents a relational database of words referring to material items and institutional p... more The study presents a relational database of words referring to material items and institutional processes in over 700 Pre-Angkorian and Angkorian inscriptions, from the sixth to the fourteenth centuries CE. The lexical items within the database have been spatially and temporally referenced, and a
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Papers by Eileen Lustig
The continuing near equal proportions of males and females amongst the non-sanctuary personnel, and the fact that the 9th century age ranges of the minors conform to what might be expected for natural communities, indicate that these people were whole families or communities. By contrast, there are more females than males in sanctuary lists, conceivably because some roles are gender specific. The reduced recording of non-sanctuary workers, non-sanctuary children and of juveniles after the Roluos period suggests a greater focus on sanctuary operations, with non-sanctuary operations being taken more for granted, indicating that labour was easier to procure, and workers regarded increasingly as factors of agricultural output. This is consistent with the increasing number of temple complexes estab- lished from the 10th century, as well as the supporting infrastructure and industry, all suggesting growing local populations. Even though the proportions of gvāl and lap declined, they were likely counted as part of the adult workforce.
The shift to Koh Ker cannot be readily explained as driven by anticipated economic benefits. The omissions and inventions in the royal eulogies between the reigns of Yaśovarman and Rājendravarman indicate disquiet, if not discord, between opposing factions. The move of the centre from Angkor to Koh Ker might be best understood as a strategy by Jayavarman IV to weaken an opposing group and bolster his power base, allied with si. Following the return from Koh Ker to Angkor, a change in the socio-political power structure, perhaps seen in the rising influence of many officials and gho commoners, becomes apparent. Available inscriptions from the first half of the 10th century make no explicit reference to unstable political conditions during that period, but anyone familiar with the Khmer texts could not expect to find them.
À propos des « interminables listes nominatives d'esclaves » dans les inscriptions angkoriennes
Nouvelles propositions fondées sur des analyses statistiques de la main-d'œuvre mentionnée dans ces inscriptions
Cet article, fondé sur les mentions de milliers d'individus figurant dans les inscriptions entre le IXe et le XIIe siècle, étudie les changements de statut survenus pendant cette période parmi les différentes catégories de travailleurs employés dans les sanctuaires et hors des sanctuaires.
Dans une première partie, nous étudierons comment le contexte socio-écono¬mique de ces travailleurs a évolué au fil du temps et ce que les inscriptions peuvent nous révéler de la composition des différents groupes de travailleurs et de leurs statuts respectifs. Dans la seconde partie, sur la base de ces analyses, nous développerons une hypothèse : il existe peut-être un lien entre les changements de statut de deux catégories de travailleurs (hommes), désignés par les appellatifs si et gho, la montée en puissance de certains fonctionnaires royaux, et le fait que Jayavarman IV ait décidé de rester à Koh Ker après son accession au trône (vers 928 ap. J.-C.) et d'en faire sa capitale.
The continuing near equal proportions of males and females amongst the non-sanctuary personnel, and the fact that the 9th century age ranges of the minors conform to what might be expected for natural communities, indicate that these people were whole families or communities. By contrast, there are more females than males in sanctuary lists, conceivably because some roles are gender specific. The reduced recording of non-sanctuary workers, non-sanctuary children and of juveniles after the Roluos period suggests a greater focus on sanctuary operations, with non-sanctuary operations being taken more for granted, indicating that labour was easier to procure, and workers regarded increasingly as factors of agricultural output. This is consistent with the increasing number of temple complexes estab- lished from the 10th century, as well as the supporting infrastructure and industry, all suggesting growing local populations. Even though the proportions of gvāl and lap declined, they were likely counted as part of the adult workforce.
The shift to Koh Ker cannot be readily explained as driven by anticipated economic benefits. The omissions and inventions in the royal eulogies between the reigns of Yaśovarman and Rājendravarman indicate disquiet, if not discord, between opposing factions. The move of the centre from Angkor to Koh Ker might be best understood as a strategy by Jayavarman IV to weaken an opposing group and bolster his power base, allied with si. Following the return from Koh Ker to Angkor, a change in the socio-political power structure, perhaps seen in the rising influence of many officials and gho commoners, becomes apparent. Available inscriptions from the first half of the 10th century make no explicit reference to unstable political conditions during that period, but anyone familiar with the Khmer texts could not expect to find them.
À propos des « interminables listes nominatives d'esclaves » dans les inscriptions angkoriennes
Nouvelles propositions fondées sur des analyses statistiques de la main-d'œuvre mentionnée dans ces inscriptions
Cet article, fondé sur les mentions de milliers d'individus figurant dans les inscriptions entre le IXe et le XIIe siècle, étudie les changements de statut survenus pendant cette période parmi les différentes catégories de travailleurs employés dans les sanctuaires et hors des sanctuaires.
Dans une première partie, nous étudierons comment le contexte socio-écono¬mique de ces travailleurs a évolué au fil du temps et ce que les inscriptions peuvent nous révéler de la composition des différents groupes de travailleurs et de leurs statuts respectifs. Dans la seconde partie, sur la base de ces analyses, nous développerons une hypothèse : il existe peut-être un lien entre les changements de statut de deux catégories de travailleurs (hommes), désignés par les appellatifs si et gho, la montée en puissance de certains fonctionnaires royaux, et le fait que Jayavarman IV ait décidé de rester à Koh Ker après son accession au trône (vers 928 ap. J.-C.) et d'en faire sa capitale.