Negociation salariale, differenciation verticale et liberalisation du commerce intra-industrielCe... more Negociation salariale, differenciation verticale et liberalisation du commerce intra-industrielCet article evalue les effets de la liberalisation des echanges entre deux industries qui ont differentes dotations de main-d’œuvre qualifiee. La main-d’œuvre qualifiee est necessaire pour la production des variantes de qualite elevee d’un bien differencie verticalement. Les dotations main-d’œuvre qualifiee, par consequent, minent le schema de specialisation des industries ainsi que la structure des marches, tant pour le marche des biens finaux que pour le marche du travail. Nous analysons comment l’integration economique ou beneficie ou porte prejudice aux agents dans les industries en etudiant les liens entre les marches du travail et des produits et montrons que des pertes bilaterales suivantes l’ouverture du commerce peuvent emerger a l’equilibre.Classification JEL : L13, J51, F16.
The implementation of Jewish colonization policies on the West Bank is a central feature of the A... more The implementation of Jewish colonization policies on the West Bank is a central feature of the Arab-Israel conflict. The nature of this colonization activity has undergone distinctive changes since the capture of this territory during the Six-Day War of June 1967. These changes are linked to the changing political power structure and the subsequent varying perceptions of relationships between such ideological concepts as Zionism, the State of Israel, the Land of Israel, and peace and co-existence with the Palestinian Arabs.' Additionally, there has been the role of various pressure and interest groups representing specific political and territorial viewpoints, most notably. the religious/nationalist Gush Emunim movement.2 The role of colonization as a means of ensuring territorial control has been an inherent part of Zionist policy and its implementation over the past 100 years. This factor is seen as having played a major role in the eventual delimitation of boundaries for the newly created State of Israel in 1948.3 Indeed, such a process is a well-documented phenomenon in situations of disputed or border territories, whereby one group attempts to establish territorial control and sovereignty. Such a process usually involves infiltration into a region by means of military presence and permanent garrisons, seizure (legally or illegally) of lands for development, and eventually the establishment of civilian settlement the latter representing a form of permanent presence in the territory under dispute. Historical examples are manifold, and include such instances as the Crusaders' use of settlers,4 Latin American boundaries of the past century,5 the border region between Dominica and Haiti,6 the German colonization of the Province of Posen towards the end of the nineteenth century,7 and so on. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the above process in terms of the West Bank territory. The changing emphases of the colonization policy under different Israeli governments since 1967 have not resulted in any basic transformation of the nature of the goals to be achieved by such a process. This is aimed at the establishment of civilian settlement in all or parts of the West Bank territory with the view to control over territory, resources and infrastructure, and possibly future sovereignty. This theme will be introduced by means of a brief historical survey of the colonization policies since 1967. The study will then outline the territorial effects of these policies, laying particular emphasis on the changes which have taken place since the election of the Likud government in 1977. The themes to be developed will be those of the political effect on the West Bank landscape and the means by which territorial control is being implemented.
On 28 January 2003, Israel held general elections – the fifth elections in eleven years – for a n... more On 28 January 2003, Israel held general elections – the fifth elections in eleven years – for a new parliament. Prime minister Ariel Sharon had called these elections early, following the withdrawal of the Labour Party from the national coalition government. This government had only been put together less than two years earlier after Sharon had ousted Ehud Barak in direct elections for Prime Minister. In the latest round of elections, Sharon and his Likud party emerged as outright winners with a huge plurality of 38 seats, as compared with only 19 seats for the Labour Party – the largest gap between the two major parties for well over 30 years. In addition, Sharon was the first Israeli prime minister to be re-elected to office since Menachem Begin (also of the Likud) had achieved that feat in 1981. Following his election victory, Sharon entered into coalition negotiations with other parties, finally putting together a new government on 27 February. The new government, composed of four centrist and right wing parties, commanded 67 seats (the Israeli Knesset has a total of 120 seats, so that any coalition government requires a minimum of 61 seats to hold a majority) but was vastly different in composition to that of the outgoing national unity government.
The changing nature of settlement structures In Israel are described in the context of the respon... more The changing nature of settlement structures In Israel are described in the context of the response offered by the highly centralised and bureaucratised planning establishment. The study notes the tension that exists between the establishment with its strong rural ideological bias on the one hand, and the need to adapt to the reality of an ever-increasing urbanised rural landscape. The system of managerial and manipulated development of the landscape is discussed, these processes giving rise to a specific form of socio-political space. The political and ideological interests of the institutional authorities also result in a sectoral system of inter-settlement relationships rather than the theorised regional interaction patterns.
ABSTRACT: The Israel-Palestine peace process has been implemented in a series of stages, beginnin... more ABSTRACT: The Israel-Palestine peace process has been implemented in a series of stages, beginning with limited Palestinian autonomy in part of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, followed by the territorial expansion of the self government region to include all major ...
An introductory essay by a noted Israeli geographer and prominent specialist in geopolitics exami... more An introductory essay by a noted Israeli geographer and prominent specialist in geopolitics examines patterns of knowlege construction concerning the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, noting that much research has been influenced by national narratives of the Israeli and Palestinian practioners, unequal access to sources of knowledge, the recent critical turn in social sciences research in Israel, and the strong focus on territory/boundary demarcation in conflict resolution. Commenting specifically on the three papers that follow in this issue of Eurasian Geography and Economics (EGE), he argues that they demonstrate the utility of moving beyond traditional narratives to develop alternative approaches based on a pragmatic assessment of prospects for conflict resolution.
Security comes before everything else' has been a slogan which has accompanied the State of Israe... more Security comes before everything else' has been a slogan which has accompanied the State of Israel throughout its history. Security considerations are the number one national priority in Israel and their influence is felt in almost every walk of life. Research projects have analyzed the problematic military-civilian relationship in a number of areas, but have not dealt with the way in which this national priority has influenced the formation of the human and civilian geographical landscapes. This paper examines the way in which regional and local planning have been influenced by the security discourse and the role of security considerations in the decision-making process concerning land use, zoning and physical planning. The problem is even more acute in Israel than other countries because of the small territorial size of the country, the rapidly growing population and the resultant competition for scarce land resources. There is virtually no region inside Israel where competition between military and civilian land uses and priorities does not take place. Military and civilian land uses are intertwined with each other, creating a complex mosaic which often causes conflicts and tensions. The debate concerning military-civil relations has become increasingly multidisciplinary in recent years. Political scientists, sociologists, economists and anthropologists have become involved in an everwidening, and increasingly critical, debate over the role of the military authorities and defence establishments in western democracies in general and in Israel in particular. Noticeable for its absence, however, has been a discussion of the geographical and territorial dimensions of the civilmilitary interface. This is all the more surprising given the fact that the defence and military establishment is one of the major consumers of land, with army camps, training grounds, weapons stores and personnel accommodation requiring relatively large tracts of land. Land zoning for
The discussion on the relationship between political geography and political science is based on ... more The discussion on the relationship between political geography and political science is based on a symposium held as part of the IGU WPM conference on geopolitics and Globalization held in Israel in January 1998. Dan Elazar, a professor of political science at Bar Ilan University in Israel and known for his work on the territorial dimension of political analysis, was invited to present his ideas on the relationship between politics and space (territory) in his writings and to comment on the extent to which he was aware of, and used, the works of political geographers in his own research. Responses were invited from political geographers (Alex Murphy, John O'Loughlin and David Newman) as well as from political scientists (Ian Lustick) and IR scholars (Yosef Lapid) known for their interest in the spatial dimension of political analysis. What follows is a revised version of these original presentations.
On writing 'involved' political geography Social scientists know that one person's 'truth' may bc... more On writing 'involved' political geography Social scientists know that one person's 'truth' may bc another person's 'propaganda'. Both (and also other) perspectives may be valid. Legitimate differences of opinion are to be expected, respected and encouraged-unless there is a bogus basis to the research and thus 'findings'. It is hoped that scholars in all states will always he open to accepting others' views and that research will not be condemned just because it is 'different' or perhaps because of the respective state in which the scholars live. (Knight, 1770).
The issue-areas of this conference straddle both Europe and Asia. The deliberate insertion of a h... more The issue-areas of this conference straddle both Europe and Asia. The deliberate insertion of a hyphen between "Euro" and "Asia" in the title reflects our wish to avoid the military-strategic connotations of the more commonly used term "Eurasia" and to criticize the traditional "metageography" to which it is so closely related. Instead of remaining within the established limits of bounded territoriality, we would like to shift the focus to the more inclusive concepts of flow and mobility and to identify the diversity of ideas, imaginations, human practices, and social institutions that not only form boundaries but also unit this vast region. We believe an understanding of Euro-Asian diversity to be a prerequisite for initiating and sustaining a dialogue of civilizations on a continent shared by both Europe and Asia. The starting point of the conference, then, can be said to be "unity in diversity". Themes and sub-themes of the conference:° Historical Perspectives on Euro-Asia: Mobility versus Territoriality; Heterogeneity versus Homogeneization° Cultural Diplomacy: Inter-Cultural Communication and Dialogue of Diasporas° Mid-West and Central Asia in the 21st Century: Clash or Dialogue of Civilizations?° The Continent-Ocean Interface: Towards Comprehensive Maritime Security for Euro-Asia° New Great Games and Beyond: Energy Security and Resource Sharing° The Deepening and Broadening of Democracy and Autonomy° BioDiversity of Euro-Asia and Climate Change: Towards Adaptative Strategies and International Cooperation° Bridging Asia and Europe through Mobility and Connectivity: Transport, Infrastructure and Logistics° Climatic Change, Disaster Management and Adaptive Strategies° Mapping Peace and Cooperation: Towards Alternative Cartographies Board and lodging (including the nights of 12 and 16 February) shall be provided and paid for during the entire duration of the conference. Local hospitality will begin with dinner on Sunday 12 February and end with breakfast on Friday 17 February.
The Canadian Geographer/Le Géographe canadien, 1995
ABSTRACT The current Israel-Palestine peace process is expected to result in a final territorial ... more ABSTRACT The current Israel-Palestine peace process is expected to result in a final territorial solution and the ultimate formation of a separate Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. By all definitions, such a state would be small in terms of its population size, its areal extent, and its economic capacity. Given existing conditions, a West Bank and Gaza state would suffer from problems of structural scarcity as experienced by many other small states. This would be exacerbated were the boundaries of the new state with Israel to be closed, thus severing existing economic links. Drawing on models of small state behaviour, this paper studies the possible ways in which a West Bank and Gaza state could overcome these structural deficiencies in both the short and long-terms, including full and independent control of the state's resources, investment in industrial and construction infrastructure, and through becoming an important regional and global gateway for the Arab world as a whole.Les pourparlers actuels visant la négotiation ?un traité de paix entre ľIsraël et la Palestine mèneront vraisemblablement à une solution territoriale définitive qui sera manifestée par la création ?un état palestinien indépendant. Cet état comprendrait la Rive Gauche et le territoire de Gaza. Par définition, il s'agirait ?un état dont la population, la superficie et les moyens de production seraient modestes. Étant donné les conditions actuelles, le nouvel état comprenant la Rive Gauche et le territoire de Gaza, tout comme les autres états de petite taille, ferait face à des déficiences structure!les. Si la frontière entre le nouvel état et Israël était fermée, ce qui aurait pour effet de rompre les liens économiques actuels, ces déficiences se feraient davantage sentir. Ce travail se propose ?examiner, àľaide de modèles portant sur le fonctionnement des états de petite taille, les stratégies visant à pallier ces déficiences, à court terme comme à long terme. Les stratégies àľétude comprennent: (a) la prise de contrôle totale des ressources du nouvel état par son gouvernement indépendant, (b) ľaménagement ?infrastructures dans les domaines de ľindustrie et de la construction par des investissements dans ces domaines et (c) la mise en valeur du nouvel état comme porte ?entrée régionale et globale vers ľensemble du monde arabe.
The Canadian Geographer/Le Géographe canadien, 1984
ABSTRACT Settlement activity in the West Bank and Galilee mountain regions is examined to establi... more ABSTRACT Settlement activity in the West Bank and Galilee mountain regions is examined to establish the extent to which the changing ideologies in Israeli society are reflected. While settlement location and settlement type are both seen to have influenced Jewish colonization over the past 100 years, it is the former that provides the dominant framework for understanding decision-making in a situation of territorial conflict. The change in dominant ideology in Israel during the 1970s is evidenced by a process of modification in settlement policies, resulting in the development of new urban village types in a mountain environment.Ce texte examine les colonies de peuplements en Cisjordanie et en Galilée afin d'établir dans quelle mesureellesrefletent éevolution idéologique delasociété israelienne. Si le lieu et le type des colonies semblent avoir influé sur la colonisation juive depuis 100 ans, c'est le lieu qui sert de cadre dominant permettant de comprendre les décisions prises en cas de conflit territorial. Le changement d'idéologie dominante en Israël durant les années 1970 est attesté par un processus de modification dans les politiques de colonisation, ce qui a entraîné l'aménagement de nouveaux types de villages urbains en milieu montagneux.
The term geopolitics is understood and used in a variety of ways. Political geographers typically... more The term geopolitics is understood and used in a variety of ways. Political geographers typically invoke the term with reference to the geographical assumptions and understandings that influence world politics. Outside of the academy, geopolitics often connotes a conservative or right-wing political-territorial calculus associated with the strategic designs of Henry Kissinger, Aleksandr Dugin, and followers of the new Geopolitik in Germany. This forum considers the nature and significance of the gap in the ways that the term geopolitics is understood and deployed. Four eminent contributors to the literature in political geography offer their thoughts on the meanings associated with the term and potential confusions that arise from its different uses.
State boundaries have constituted a major topic in the tradition of political geography. Boundary... more State boundaries have constituted a major topic in the tradition of political geography. Boundary analysis has focused on the international scale, since international boundaries provide perhaps the most explicit manifestation of the large-scale connection between politics and geography. The past decade has witnessed a renewed interest in boundaries, both within geography and from the wider field of social theory. Geographers have sought to place the notions of boundary within other social theoretical constructs, while other social scientists have attempted to understand the role of space and, in some cases, territory in their understanding of personal, group, and national boundaries and identities. Recent studies include analyses of the postmodern ideas of territoriality and the`disappearance' of borders, the construction of sociospatial identities, socialization narratives in which boundaries are responsible for creating the`us' and the`Other', and the different scale dimensions of boundary research. These can be brought together within a multidimensional, multidisciplinary framework for the future study of boundary phenomena.
Negociation salariale, differenciation verticale et liberalisation du commerce intra-industrielCe... more Negociation salariale, differenciation verticale et liberalisation du commerce intra-industrielCet article evalue les effets de la liberalisation des echanges entre deux industries qui ont differentes dotations de main-d’œuvre qualifiee. La main-d’œuvre qualifiee est necessaire pour la production des variantes de qualite elevee d’un bien differencie verticalement. Les dotations main-d’œuvre qualifiee, par consequent, minent le schema de specialisation des industries ainsi que la structure des marches, tant pour le marche des biens finaux que pour le marche du travail. Nous analysons comment l’integration economique ou beneficie ou porte prejudice aux agents dans les industries en etudiant les liens entre les marches du travail et des produits et montrons que des pertes bilaterales suivantes l’ouverture du commerce peuvent emerger a l’equilibre.Classification JEL : L13, J51, F16.
The implementation of Jewish colonization policies on the West Bank is a central feature of the A... more The implementation of Jewish colonization policies on the West Bank is a central feature of the Arab-Israel conflict. The nature of this colonization activity has undergone distinctive changes since the capture of this territory during the Six-Day War of June 1967. These changes are linked to the changing political power structure and the subsequent varying perceptions of relationships between such ideological concepts as Zionism, the State of Israel, the Land of Israel, and peace and co-existence with the Palestinian Arabs.' Additionally, there has been the role of various pressure and interest groups representing specific political and territorial viewpoints, most notably. the religious/nationalist Gush Emunim movement.2 The role of colonization as a means of ensuring territorial control has been an inherent part of Zionist policy and its implementation over the past 100 years. This factor is seen as having played a major role in the eventual delimitation of boundaries for the newly created State of Israel in 1948.3 Indeed, such a process is a well-documented phenomenon in situations of disputed or border territories, whereby one group attempts to establish territorial control and sovereignty. Such a process usually involves infiltration into a region by means of military presence and permanent garrisons, seizure (legally or illegally) of lands for development, and eventually the establishment of civilian settlement the latter representing a form of permanent presence in the territory under dispute. Historical examples are manifold, and include such instances as the Crusaders' use of settlers,4 Latin American boundaries of the past century,5 the border region between Dominica and Haiti,6 the German colonization of the Province of Posen towards the end of the nineteenth century,7 and so on. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the above process in terms of the West Bank territory. The changing emphases of the colonization policy under different Israeli governments since 1967 have not resulted in any basic transformation of the nature of the goals to be achieved by such a process. This is aimed at the establishment of civilian settlement in all or parts of the West Bank territory with the view to control over territory, resources and infrastructure, and possibly future sovereignty. This theme will be introduced by means of a brief historical survey of the colonization policies since 1967. The study will then outline the territorial effects of these policies, laying particular emphasis on the changes which have taken place since the election of the Likud government in 1977. The themes to be developed will be those of the political effect on the West Bank landscape and the means by which territorial control is being implemented.
On 28 January 2003, Israel held general elections – the fifth elections in eleven years – for a n... more On 28 January 2003, Israel held general elections – the fifth elections in eleven years – for a new parliament. Prime minister Ariel Sharon had called these elections early, following the withdrawal of the Labour Party from the national coalition government. This government had only been put together less than two years earlier after Sharon had ousted Ehud Barak in direct elections for Prime Minister. In the latest round of elections, Sharon and his Likud party emerged as outright winners with a huge plurality of 38 seats, as compared with only 19 seats for the Labour Party – the largest gap between the two major parties for well over 30 years. In addition, Sharon was the first Israeli prime minister to be re-elected to office since Menachem Begin (also of the Likud) had achieved that feat in 1981. Following his election victory, Sharon entered into coalition negotiations with other parties, finally putting together a new government on 27 February. The new government, composed of four centrist and right wing parties, commanded 67 seats (the Israeli Knesset has a total of 120 seats, so that any coalition government requires a minimum of 61 seats to hold a majority) but was vastly different in composition to that of the outgoing national unity government.
The changing nature of settlement structures In Israel are described in the context of the respon... more The changing nature of settlement structures In Israel are described in the context of the response offered by the highly centralised and bureaucratised planning establishment. The study notes the tension that exists between the establishment with its strong rural ideological bias on the one hand, and the need to adapt to the reality of an ever-increasing urbanised rural landscape. The system of managerial and manipulated development of the landscape is discussed, these processes giving rise to a specific form of socio-political space. The political and ideological interests of the institutional authorities also result in a sectoral system of inter-settlement relationships rather than the theorised regional interaction patterns.
ABSTRACT: The Israel-Palestine peace process has been implemented in a series of stages, beginnin... more ABSTRACT: The Israel-Palestine peace process has been implemented in a series of stages, beginning with limited Palestinian autonomy in part of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, followed by the territorial expansion of the self government region to include all major ...
An introductory essay by a noted Israeli geographer and prominent specialist in geopolitics exami... more An introductory essay by a noted Israeli geographer and prominent specialist in geopolitics examines patterns of knowlege construction concerning the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, noting that much research has been influenced by national narratives of the Israeli and Palestinian practioners, unequal access to sources of knowledge, the recent critical turn in social sciences research in Israel, and the strong focus on territory/boundary demarcation in conflict resolution. Commenting specifically on the three papers that follow in this issue of Eurasian Geography and Economics (EGE), he argues that they demonstrate the utility of moving beyond traditional narratives to develop alternative approaches based on a pragmatic assessment of prospects for conflict resolution.
Security comes before everything else' has been a slogan which has accompanied the State of Israe... more Security comes before everything else' has been a slogan which has accompanied the State of Israel throughout its history. Security considerations are the number one national priority in Israel and their influence is felt in almost every walk of life. Research projects have analyzed the problematic military-civilian relationship in a number of areas, but have not dealt with the way in which this national priority has influenced the formation of the human and civilian geographical landscapes. This paper examines the way in which regional and local planning have been influenced by the security discourse and the role of security considerations in the decision-making process concerning land use, zoning and physical planning. The problem is even more acute in Israel than other countries because of the small territorial size of the country, the rapidly growing population and the resultant competition for scarce land resources. There is virtually no region inside Israel where competition between military and civilian land uses and priorities does not take place. Military and civilian land uses are intertwined with each other, creating a complex mosaic which often causes conflicts and tensions. The debate concerning military-civil relations has become increasingly multidisciplinary in recent years. Political scientists, sociologists, economists and anthropologists have become involved in an everwidening, and increasingly critical, debate over the role of the military authorities and defence establishments in western democracies in general and in Israel in particular. Noticeable for its absence, however, has been a discussion of the geographical and territorial dimensions of the civilmilitary interface. This is all the more surprising given the fact that the defence and military establishment is one of the major consumers of land, with army camps, training grounds, weapons stores and personnel accommodation requiring relatively large tracts of land. Land zoning for
The discussion on the relationship between political geography and political science is based on ... more The discussion on the relationship between political geography and political science is based on a symposium held as part of the IGU WPM conference on geopolitics and Globalization held in Israel in January 1998. Dan Elazar, a professor of political science at Bar Ilan University in Israel and known for his work on the territorial dimension of political analysis, was invited to present his ideas on the relationship between politics and space (territory) in his writings and to comment on the extent to which he was aware of, and used, the works of political geographers in his own research. Responses were invited from political geographers (Alex Murphy, John O'Loughlin and David Newman) as well as from political scientists (Ian Lustick) and IR scholars (Yosef Lapid) known for their interest in the spatial dimension of political analysis. What follows is a revised version of these original presentations.
On writing 'involved' political geography Social scientists know that one person's 'truth' may bc... more On writing 'involved' political geography Social scientists know that one person's 'truth' may bc another person's 'propaganda'. Both (and also other) perspectives may be valid. Legitimate differences of opinion are to be expected, respected and encouraged-unless there is a bogus basis to the research and thus 'findings'. It is hoped that scholars in all states will always he open to accepting others' views and that research will not be condemned just because it is 'different' or perhaps because of the respective state in which the scholars live. (Knight, 1770).
The issue-areas of this conference straddle both Europe and Asia. The deliberate insertion of a h... more The issue-areas of this conference straddle both Europe and Asia. The deliberate insertion of a hyphen between "Euro" and "Asia" in the title reflects our wish to avoid the military-strategic connotations of the more commonly used term "Eurasia" and to criticize the traditional "metageography" to which it is so closely related. Instead of remaining within the established limits of bounded territoriality, we would like to shift the focus to the more inclusive concepts of flow and mobility and to identify the diversity of ideas, imaginations, human practices, and social institutions that not only form boundaries but also unit this vast region. We believe an understanding of Euro-Asian diversity to be a prerequisite for initiating and sustaining a dialogue of civilizations on a continent shared by both Europe and Asia. The starting point of the conference, then, can be said to be "unity in diversity". Themes and sub-themes of the conference:° Historical Perspectives on Euro-Asia: Mobility versus Territoriality; Heterogeneity versus Homogeneization° Cultural Diplomacy: Inter-Cultural Communication and Dialogue of Diasporas° Mid-West and Central Asia in the 21st Century: Clash or Dialogue of Civilizations?° The Continent-Ocean Interface: Towards Comprehensive Maritime Security for Euro-Asia° New Great Games and Beyond: Energy Security and Resource Sharing° The Deepening and Broadening of Democracy and Autonomy° BioDiversity of Euro-Asia and Climate Change: Towards Adaptative Strategies and International Cooperation° Bridging Asia and Europe through Mobility and Connectivity: Transport, Infrastructure and Logistics° Climatic Change, Disaster Management and Adaptive Strategies° Mapping Peace and Cooperation: Towards Alternative Cartographies Board and lodging (including the nights of 12 and 16 February) shall be provided and paid for during the entire duration of the conference. Local hospitality will begin with dinner on Sunday 12 February and end with breakfast on Friday 17 February.
The Canadian Geographer/Le Géographe canadien, 1995
ABSTRACT The current Israel-Palestine peace process is expected to result in a final territorial ... more ABSTRACT The current Israel-Palestine peace process is expected to result in a final territorial solution and the ultimate formation of a separate Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. By all definitions, such a state would be small in terms of its population size, its areal extent, and its economic capacity. Given existing conditions, a West Bank and Gaza state would suffer from problems of structural scarcity as experienced by many other small states. This would be exacerbated were the boundaries of the new state with Israel to be closed, thus severing existing economic links. Drawing on models of small state behaviour, this paper studies the possible ways in which a West Bank and Gaza state could overcome these structural deficiencies in both the short and long-terms, including full and independent control of the state's resources, investment in industrial and construction infrastructure, and through becoming an important regional and global gateway for the Arab world as a whole.Les pourparlers actuels visant la négotiation ?un traité de paix entre ľIsraël et la Palestine mèneront vraisemblablement à une solution territoriale définitive qui sera manifestée par la création ?un état palestinien indépendant. Cet état comprendrait la Rive Gauche et le territoire de Gaza. Par définition, il s'agirait ?un état dont la population, la superficie et les moyens de production seraient modestes. Étant donné les conditions actuelles, le nouvel état comprenant la Rive Gauche et le territoire de Gaza, tout comme les autres états de petite taille, ferait face à des déficiences structure!les. Si la frontière entre le nouvel état et Israël était fermée, ce qui aurait pour effet de rompre les liens économiques actuels, ces déficiences se feraient davantage sentir. Ce travail se propose ?examiner, àľaide de modèles portant sur le fonctionnement des états de petite taille, les stratégies visant à pallier ces déficiences, à court terme comme à long terme. Les stratégies àľétude comprennent: (a) la prise de contrôle totale des ressources du nouvel état par son gouvernement indépendant, (b) ľaménagement ?infrastructures dans les domaines de ľindustrie et de la construction par des investissements dans ces domaines et (c) la mise en valeur du nouvel état comme porte ?entrée régionale et globale vers ľensemble du monde arabe.
The Canadian Geographer/Le Géographe canadien, 1984
ABSTRACT Settlement activity in the West Bank and Galilee mountain regions is examined to establi... more ABSTRACT Settlement activity in the West Bank and Galilee mountain regions is examined to establish the extent to which the changing ideologies in Israeli society are reflected. While settlement location and settlement type are both seen to have influenced Jewish colonization over the past 100 years, it is the former that provides the dominant framework for understanding decision-making in a situation of territorial conflict. The change in dominant ideology in Israel during the 1970s is evidenced by a process of modification in settlement policies, resulting in the development of new urban village types in a mountain environment.Ce texte examine les colonies de peuplements en Cisjordanie et en Galilée afin d'établir dans quelle mesureellesrefletent éevolution idéologique delasociété israelienne. Si le lieu et le type des colonies semblent avoir influé sur la colonisation juive depuis 100 ans, c'est le lieu qui sert de cadre dominant permettant de comprendre les décisions prises en cas de conflit territorial. Le changement d'idéologie dominante en Israël durant les années 1970 est attesté par un processus de modification dans les politiques de colonisation, ce qui a entraîné l'aménagement de nouveaux types de villages urbains en milieu montagneux.
The term geopolitics is understood and used in a variety of ways. Political geographers typically... more The term geopolitics is understood and used in a variety of ways. Political geographers typically invoke the term with reference to the geographical assumptions and understandings that influence world politics. Outside of the academy, geopolitics often connotes a conservative or right-wing political-territorial calculus associated with the strategic designs of Henry Kissinger, Aleksandr Dugin, and followers of the new Geopolitik in Germany. This forum considers the nature and significance of the gap in the ways that the term geopolitics is understood and deployed. Four eminent contributors to the literature in political geography offer their thoughts on the meanings associated with the term and potential confusions that arise from its different uses.
State boundaries have constituted a major topic in the tradition of political geography. Boundary... more State boundaries have constituted a major topic in the tradition of political geography. Boundary analysis has focused on the international scale, since international boundaries provide perhaps the most explicit manifestation of the large-scale connection between politics and geography. The past decade has witnessed a renewed interest in boundaries, both within geography and from the wider field of social theory. Geographers have sought to place the notions of boundary within other social theoretical constructs, while other social scientists have attempted to understand the role of space and, in some cases, territory in their understanding of personal, group, and national boundaries and identities. Recent studies include analyses of the postmodern ideas of territoriality and the`disappearance' of borders, the construction of sociospatial identities, socialization narratives in which boundaries are responsible for creating the`us' and the`Other', and the different scale dimensions of boundary research. These can be brought together within a multidimensional, multidisciplinary framework for the future study of boundary phenomena.
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