Mario Kalik
Filozof iz Beograda, trenutno završava doktorat na Filozofskom fakultetu u Beogradu na temu Šelerove filozofske antropologije i metafizike.
Bio je predsednik Udruženja studenata filozofije Jugoslavije, jedan od pokretača skupa „Filozofski susreti” i član Saveta „Filozofskih susreta”. Bio član redakcije studentskog filozofskog časopisa „Izokrenuti svet“. Bio je stipendista Fondacije za razvoj naučnog i umetničkog podmlatka Republike Srbije. Sa dva izlaganja učestvovao je u radu seminara „Filozofija između Istoka i Zapada” u SANU pod rukovodstvom akademika Mihaila Đurića, i u radu seminaru SANU o svetskoj ekonomskoj i društvenoj krizi pod rukovodstvom akademika Mihaila Markovića. Objavio je više naučnih radova u kojima, između ostalog, razmatra ideje Sokrata, Marksa, Markuzea, Altisera, Šelera, Gelena, Badjua, Žižeka, Mihaila Markovića i drugih mislilaca. Bavi se i publicistikom, i do sada je objavio veliki broj tekstova vezanih za idejne, društvene i političke teme u dnevnim i nedeljnim novinama, i na internet portalima (Politika, Pečat, Nova srpska politička misao itd.)
Bio je predsednik Udruženja studenata filozofije Jugoslavije, jedan od pokretača skupa „Filozofski susreti” i član Saveta „Filozofskih susreta”. Bio član redakcije studentskog filozofskog časopisa „Izokrenuti svet“. Bio je stipendista Fondacije za razvoj naučnog i umetničkog podmlatka Republike Srbije. Sa dva izlaganja učestvovao je u radu seminara „Filozofija između Istoka i Zapada” u SANU pod rukovodstvom akademika Mihaila Đurića, i u radu seminaru SANU o svetskoj ekonomskoj i društvenoj krizi pod rukovodstvom akademika Mihaila Markovića. Objavio je više naučnih radova u kojima, između ostalog, razmatra ideje Sokrata, Marksa, Markuzea, Altisera, Šelera, Gelena, Badjua, Žižeka, Mihaila Markovića i drugih mislilaca. Bavi se i publicistikom, i do sada je objavio veliki broj tekstova vezanih za idejne, društvene i političke teme u dnevnim i nedeljnim novinama, i na internet portalima (Politika, Pečat, Nova srpska politička misao itd.)
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Ključne reči: Karl Marks, V.I. Lenjin, komunizam, studentska revolucija '68., totalitarizam, komunistički zločini, kapitalizam, privatna svojina, revolucija
Summary: During the 20th century, Marxism, socialism and communism were controversial ideas and projects that had mass supporters, but also opponents. After the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Cold War, this controversy disappeared from the global historical and conceptual scene. Dominant theoretical and ideological productions were established around the dogmatic consensus on the irrevocable "end" and "death" of Marks's thought and communism, and the "eternal" victory of capitalism and "liberal democracy". The Marxist and Communist project were completely reduced and identified with "totalitarianism", "massive crimes", "madness", etc.; their criminalization, pathologization and satanization were at work. The author interprets this process as an ideological offensive that should sabotage any revolutionary change of the established order of world capitalism. Taking Sartre's thought that "Marxism remains the philosophy of our time" as the basis, he poinst to the ideas and thinkers who in the last decades have resisted the rejection of Marx and communism on the dump of history. Jacques Derrida, Alain Badiou and Slavoj Žižek stand out as particularly important ones. There is a noticeable return to Marx, communism and revolutionary ideals of '68 on the contemporary intellectual scene. The cause of this reactivation should be sought in the restoration of capitalism in a form that resembles the 19th century, when Marx's, communist and the idea of the socialist revolution were born.
Keywords: Karl Marx, V.I. Lenin, communism, student revolution '68., totalitarianism, communist crimes, capitalism, private property, revolution
Ključne reči: Karl Marks, V.I. Lenjin, komunizam, studentska revolucija '68., totalitarizam, komunistički zločini, kapitalizam, privatna svojina, revolucija
Summary: During the 20th century, Marxism, socialism and communism were controversial ideas and projects that had mass supporters, but also opponents. After the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Cold War, this controversy disappeared from the global historical and conceptual scene. Dominant theoretical and ideological productions were established around the dogmatic consensus on the irrevocable "end" and "death" of Marks's thought and communism, and the "eternal" victory of capitalism and "liberal democracy". The Marxist and Communist project were completely reduced and identified with "totalitarianism", "massive crimes", "madness", etc.; their criminalization, pathologization and satanization were at work. The author interprets this process as an ideological offensive that should sabotage any revolutionary change of the established order of world capitalism. Taking Sartre's thought that "Marxism remains the philosophy of our time" as the basis, he poinst to the ideas and thinkers who in the last decades have resisted the rejection of Marx and communism on the dump of history. Jacques Derrida, Alain Badiou and Slavoj Žižek stand out as particularly important ones. There is a noticeable return to Marx, communism and revolutionary ideals of '68 on the contemporary intellectual scene. The cause of this reactivation should be sought in the restoration of capitalism in a form that resembles the 19th century, when Marx's, communist and the idea of the socialist revolution were born.
Keywords: Karl Marx, V.I. Lenin, communism, student revolution '68., totalitarianism, communist crimes, capitalism, private property, revolution
Key-Words: revolutionary subject, working class, marginal groups, student movement, socialism, liberation, human needs, freedom, nature, utopia, art, repression
Key-Words: revolutionary subject, working class, marginal groups, student movement, socialism, liberation, human needs, freedom, nature, utopia, art, repression
Key-Words: civilization, society, repression, domination, the pleasure principle, the reality principle, surplus-repression, performance principle
Key-Words: civilization, society, repression, domination, the pleasure principle, the reality principle, surplus-repression, performance principle
Ključne reči: Karl Marks, V.I. Lenjin, komunizam, studentska revolucija '68., totalitarizam, komunistički zločini, kapitalizam, privatna svojina, revolucija
Summary: During the 20th century, Marxism, socialism and communism were controversial ideas and projects that had mass supporters, but also opponents. After the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Cold War, this controversy disappeared from the global historical and conceptual scene. Dominant theoretical and ideological productions were established around the dogmatic consensus on the irrevocable "end" and "death" of Marks's thought and communism, and the "eternal" victory of capitalism and "liberal democracy". The Marxist and Communist project were completely reduced and identified with "totalitarianism", "massive crimes", "madness", etc.; their criminalization, pathologization and satanization were at work. The author interprets this process as an ideological offensive that should sabotage any revolutionary change of the established order of world capitalism. Taking Sartre's thought that "Marxism remains the philosophy of our time" as the basis, he poinst to the ideas and thinkers who in the last decades have resisted the rejection of Marx and communism on the dump of history. Jacques Derrida, Alain Badiou and Slavoj Žižek stand out as particularly important ones. There is a noticeable return to Marx, communism and revolutionary ideals of '68 on the contemporary intellectual scene. The cause of this reactivation should be sought in the restoration of capitalism in a form that resembles the 19th century, when Marx's, communist and the idea of the socialist revolution were born.
Keywords: Karl Marx, V.I. Lenin, communism, student revolution '68., totalitarianism, communist crimes, capitalism, private property, revolution
Ključne reči: Karl Marks, V.I. Lenjin, komunizam, studentska revolucija '68., totalitarizam, komunistički zločini, kapitalizam, privatna svojina, revolucija
Summary: During the 20th century, Marxism, socialism and communism were controversial ideas and projects that had mass supporters, but also opponents. After the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Cold War, this controversy disappeared from the global historical and conceptual scene. Dominant theoretical and ideological productions were established around the dogmatic consensus on the irrevocable "end" and "death" of Marks's thought and communism, and the "eternal" victory of capitalism and "liberal democracy". The Marxist and Communist project were completely reduced and identified with "totalitarianism", "massive crimes", "madness", etc.; their criminalization, pathologization and satanization were at work. The author interprets this process as an ideological offensive that should sabotage any revolutionary change of the established order of world capitalism. Taking Sartre's thought that "Marxism remains the philosophy of our time" as the basis, he poinst to the ideas and thinkers who in the last decades have resisted the rejection of Marx and communism on the dump of history. Jacques Derrida, Alain Badiou and Slavoj Žižek stand out as particularly important ones. There is a noticeable return to Marx, communism and revolutionary ideals of '68 on the contemporary intellectual scene. The cause of this reactivation should be sought in the restoration of capitalism in a form that resembles the 19th century, when Marx's, communist and the idea of the socialist revolution were born.
Keywords: Karl Marx, V.I. Lenin, communism, student revolution '68., totalitarianism, communist crimes, capitalism, private property, revolution
Key-Words: revolutionary subject, working class, marginal groups, student movement, socialism, liberation, human needs, freedom, nature, utopia, art, repression
Key-Words: revolutionary subject, working class, marginal groups, student movement, socialism, liberation, human needs, freedom, nature, utopia, art, repression
Key-Words: civilization, society, repression, domination, the pleasure principle, the reality principle, surplus-repression, performance principle
Key-Words: civilization, society, repression, domination, the pleasure principle, the reality principle, surplus-repression, performance principle
Liberali traže od Srbije da prizna “genocid” u Srebrenici, ali ne traže od Hrvatske i BiH da priznaju njihove zločine; na ovo prvo su strahovito osetljivi i zapaljivi, a prema drugom sasvim ravnodušni i nezainteresovani. Oni su 6. jula prespavali Bratunac, al’ eto ih 11. jula kako budni i orni grme protiv srebreničkog “genocida”. Odakle onda njima moralno pravo da se oglašavaju o “genocidu” u Srebrenici 1995. i osuđuju Srbiju za “negiranje genocida”, a potpuno amoralno prećutkuju svaki zločin nad Srbima u Podrinju u periodu 1992-1995?!
Ukratko rečeno, ko ćuti o Podrinju, neka ćuti i o Srebrenici. Utoliko pre što su mnoge srebreničke “žrtve” zapravo zločinci odgovorni za prethodno višegodišnje ubijanje Srba u Podrinju. U velikoj meri je Srebrenica bila osveta, a ne smišljeni zločin nad nedužnim civilima, što ne znači, naravno, da nije bilo i ovih drugih kao istinskih žrtava. Nisu svi ubijeni u Srebrenici bili zločinci, ali mnogi jesu.
Oni koji, nesvesni stvarnih ciljeva i učinaka srebreničke medijske histerije, u ime nekakvog "marksizma(-lenjinizma)" naivno veruju u mitološku priču o srebreničkom “genocidu”, ili srebreničkom “najmasovnijem masakru” pridaju isključivu pažnju (potpuno ignorišući masakre Srba u Podrinju), mnogo pre su marsovci nego marksovci, i lenjisti (žrtve lenjog uma) nego lenjinisti. Marks i Lenjin nikada ne bi potpisali optuživanje jedne države, pa i njenog naroda, sa neograničenom rokom trajanja. Makar taj "zločinački" narod i država bili Srbi, odnosno Srbija. To nema nikakve veze sa internacionalizmom i borbom protiv nacionalizma. Ovi principi ili jednako važe za sve, ili su puko oruđe kojim se prikrivaju i sprovode nečiji imperijalistički ili nacionalistički interesi.
Sramotno je u kolikoj meri oni koji se deklarišu kao “antiimperijalisti” i “antinacionalisti” podležu i robuju zapadnjačko-imperijalističkoj i nacionalističkoj propagandi iz susedstva. Ovakvi kvazimarksisti se beskompromisno i dosledno diferenciraju od srpskog nacionalizma, vodeći protiv njega ljute borbe i okršaje, ali su sasvim miroljubivi i nehajni prema provlačenju stavova iz repertoara bošnjačkog ili albanskog nacionalizma, odnosno zapadnog imperijalizma. Može se zaključiti: zagrebi prosečnog negacionistu zločina nad Srbima i naći ćeš proimperijalistiu, ili bošnjačkog/albanskog nacionalistu, makar se samoidentifikovao i kao levičar. To je svedočenje o istorijskom porazu našeg pokreta i dominaciji imperijalizma na Balkanu.
Oni koji, nesvesni stvarnih ciljeva i učinaka srebreničke medijske histerije, u ime nekakvog "marksizma(-lenjinizma)" naivno veruju u mitološku priču o srebreničkom “genocidu”, ili srebreničkom “najmasovnijem masakru” pridaju isključivu pažnju (potpuno ignorišući masakre Srba u Podrinju), mnogo pre su marsovci nego marksovci, i lenjisti (žrtve lenjog uma) nego lenjinisti. Marks i Lenjin nikada ne bi potpisali optuživanje jedne države, pa i njenog naroda, sa neograničenom rokom trajanja. Makar taj "zločinački" narod i država bili Srbi, odnosno Srbija. To nema nikakve veze sa internacionalizmom i borbom protiv nacionalizma. Ovi principi ili jednako važe za sve, ili su puko oruđe kojim se prikrivaju i sprovode nečiji imperijalistički ili nacionalistički interesi.
Sramotno je u kolikoj meri oni koji se deklarišu kao “antiimperijalisti” i “antinacionalisti” podležu i robuju zapadnjačko-imperijalističkoj i nacionalističkoj propagandi iz susedstva. Ovakvi kvazimarksisti se beskompromisno i dosledno diferenciraju od srpskog nacionalizma, vodeći protiv njega ljute borbe i okršaje, ali su sasvim miroljubivi i nehajni prema provlačenju stavova iz repertoara bošnjačkog ili albanskog nacionalizma, odnosno zapadnog imperijalizma. Može se zaključiti: zagrebi prosečnog negacionistu zločina nad Srbima i naći ćeš proimperijalistiu, ili bošnjačkog/albanskog nacionalistu, makar se samoidentifikovao i kao levičar. To je svedočenje o istorijskom porazu našeg pokreta i dominaciji imperijalizma na Balkanu.